16-18世纪英国的服饰与社会变迁
摘要
在16－18世纪，英国人的着装发生了很大变化。贵族的服饰经历了四个风格迥异的发展阶段：16世纪夸耀式的奢华；1603－1660年低调的华丽；复辟时期奢华与简约风格相互冲突；18世纪男装的简约与女装再度奢华。社会中下层人们竭力摆脱政府的种种禁令，着装的风格不再局限于简单实用，服饰的质地逐渐变得柔软舒适，颜色也随之丰富起来。
服饰既是国王塑造王权的工具，又是议会向王权斗争的有力武器。因此，服饰的变化与政治变革有着密切的联系。宫廷服饰在都铎时期极度奢华，“光荣革命”后变得黯淡无光，展现着英国王权的兴衰。内战前夕，清教徒激烈批判宫廷服饰，为反王权情绪的形成制造舆论。内战期间，“新模范军”的实用军服，使战争双方着装差异明显，加速了战争的胜利。“光荣革命”后，议会成员摈弃宫廷的奢华服饰，穿上简约大方的服装，从而树立起新的道德形象，有利于议会统治的巩固。
无论国王还是议会，都代表着贵族阶层的利益。贵族可以依据政治统治的需要，更换奢华或简约的服饰。而普通大众着装的变化，主要依赖于社会经济的发展。经济的发展能改善服饰的质地、丰富其色彩、降低其价格。反过来，服饰的变化促进了英国经济的发展。17、18世纪之交，人们对印度棉布的狂热，刺激了英国本土棉纺织业的兴起。而市场对廉价成衣的需求大增，推动了手工工场成衣制造业的发展。
然而，社会中下层人们着装的改善，使服饰体现等级和身份的功能减弱，对社会等级秩序造成冲击。虽然抑奢法明确规定各等级人们服饰的质地和颜色，但是社会中下层人们总是跨越等级界线而着装，挑战着上层社会的权威。女仆购买新装，男仆出售制服，弱化了主人的权威。子女并非总是遵循父辈的着装习惯，父辈的权威也受到挑战。一部分社会中下层妇女无视教会的训诫和法庭的惩罚，依然穿上男装，使男性权威受到一定的威胁。
无论人们选择何种服饰，都受到当时社会思想观念的影响。清教徒抑奢观念的传播，使内战前后人们的服饰相对内敛。而18世纪崇奢观念的流行，使英国社会掀起消费奢侈服饰的热潮。当然，人们着装的变化也会促成某些思想观念。16、17世纪，一部分社会中下层人们追求进口服饰，不但造成大量黄金外流，不利于传统毛纺织业的发展，而且破坏了等级秩序。追求奢侈服饰被视作一种不道德不爱国的行为，抑奢成为当时社会的正统观念。
总之，16－18世纪人们着装的变化，是英国社会政治、经济、等级结构和思想观念的变迁综合作用的结果。其中，经济的发展对人们着装的变化起着决定性影响。服饰作为一种基本物质资料，或政治斗争的武器，或身份等级的象征，或思想观念的表达，它的变化又反作用于社会多方面的变迁。
During the16~(th)and18~(th)centuries, dress of the English people changed a lot. Thestyle of noble’s dress experienced four different phases: blatant luxury in the16~(th)century; careless flamboyance from1603to1660; collision between luxury andconciseness through the Restoration; simple men's wear and gorgeous noblewomen’sapparel in the18~(th)century. People in the middle and lower ranks did their best to freethemselves from the sumptuary laws. The style of common people’s dress was nolonger just simple or practical. Their costumes became more and more soft,comfortable and colorful.
Attire was not only the instrument for kings to exercise their power, but also theeffective weapon for the parliament to fight against the royal authority. Therefore,changes of dress were closely related to political transformation. The court dress wasluxurious to the utmost during the Tudor period, and became dim after the GloriousRevolution, which reflected the rise and fall of the royal power. Before the Civil War,the Puritan intensely criticized the court dress to make public voice against the royalty.During the civil war, owning to the military uniform of the New Model Army, it waseasy to tell Parliamentarians from Royalists, which had accelerated the victory of theParliament won the war quickly. In order to set up a new moral image, after theGlorious Revolution, the members of the parliament spurned the luxurious court attireand dressed succinctly.
Both the king and parliament were on behalf of the interest of nobility.Noblemen could change their luxurious or succinct costumes according to the needsof political rule, whereas changes of common people’s dress were mainly due toeconomic growth. Development of economy not only improved the fabric of dress,but also made it more colorful and cheaper. In return, changes of dress promotedBritish economic interests. At the turn of the17thand18~(th)centuries, the craziness forIndian cotton stimulated the rise of cotton industry in England, and the great demandfor cheap ready-made clothes boosted the business of dressmaking in large workshops.
However, that the common people dressed better made it difficult to distinguishpeople according their clothing, which had an impact on social hierarchy. Althoughsumptuary laws definitely stated the fabric and color of apparel for each rank, peoplein the middle and lower ranks always violated the laws and challenged the authorityof upper class. The maid bought new clothes and manservant sold uniforms, whichweakened their masters’ authority. Adolescents did not always imitate the elder’scostume, which challenged their authority too. And ignoring ecclesiastical admonitionand judicial punishment, some women still dressed like the man, which alsothreatened the male dominance.
Whenever people chose certain dress, they were affected by the contemporarysocial ideas. With the spread of Puritan’s sumptuary idea, people dressed relativelysimple before and after the Civil War. But when the notion of fancy for luxury becameprevalent in the18~(th)century, an upsurge for extravagant clothing was emerging inEngland. To be certain, changes of dress formed some social ideas as well. In the16~(th)and17thcenturies, some people from lower rank pursued imported apparel, which notonly led to outflow of gold, did harm to the development of traditional wool industry,but also broke the social hierarchy. Pursuing luxurious dress was regarded to beimmoral and unpatriotic, so restraint on luxury became an orthodox concept inEngland at that time.
In conclusion, changes of people’s costume in England during the16~(th)and18~(th)centuries were affected by the vicissitudes of political, economic and social hierarchyand ideas, among which economic development played a decisive part. As a basicphysical material, a weapon of political struggle, a symbol of social status or anexpression of social ideas, changes of costume also had effects on the transformationof aspects of the society.
服饰既是国王塑造王权的工具，又是议会向王权斗争的有力武器。因此，服饰的变化与政治变革有着密切的联系。宫廷服饰在都铎时期极度奢华，“光荣革命”后变得黯淡无光，展现着英国王权的兴衰。内战前夕，清教徒激烈批判宫廷服饰，为反王权情绪的形成制造舆论。内战期间，“新模范军”的实用军服，使战争双方着装差异明显，加速了战争的胜利。“光荣革命”后，议会成员摈弃宫廷的奢华服饰，穿上简约大方的服装，从而树立起新的道德形象，有利于议会统治的巩固。
无论国王还是议会，都代表着贵族阶层的利益。贵族可以依据政治统治的需要，更换奢华或简约的服饰。而普通大众着装的变化，主要依赖于社会经济的发展。经济的发展能改善服饰的质地、丰富其色彩、降低其价格。反过来，服饰的变化促进了英国经济的发展。17、18世纪之交，人们对印度棉布的狂热，刺激了英国本土棉纺织业的兴起。而市场对廉价成衣的需求大增，推动了手工工场成衣制造业的发展。
然而，社会中下层人们着装的改善，使服饰体现等级和身份的功能减弱，对社会等级秩序造成冲击。虽然抑奢法明确规定各等级人们服饰的质地和颜色，但是社会中下层人们总是跨越等级界线而着装，挑战着上层社会的权威。女仆购买新装，男仆出售制服，弱化了主人的权威。子女并非总是遵循父辈的着装习惯，父辈的权威也受到挑战。一部分社会中下层妇女无视教会的训诫和法庭的惩罚，依然穿上男装，使男性权威受到一定的威胁。
无论人们选择何种服饰，都受到当时社会思想观念的影响。清教徒抑奢观念的传播，使内战前后人们的服饰相对内敛。而18世纪崇奢观念的流行，使英国社会掀起消费奢侈服饰的热潮。当然，人们着装的变化也会促成某些思想观念。16、17世纪，一部分社会中下层人们追求进口服饰，不但造成大量黄金外流，不利于传统毛纺织业的发展，而且破坏了等级秩序。追求奢侈服饰被视作一种不道德不爱国的行为，抑奢成为当时社会的正统观念。
总之，16－18世纪人们着装的变化，是英国社会政治、经济、等级结构和思想观念的变迁综合作用的结果。其中，经济的发展对人们着装的变化起着决定性影响。服饰作为一种基本物质资料，或政治斗争的武器，或身份等级的象征，或思想观念的表达，它的变化又反作用于社会多方面的变迁。
During the16~(th)and18~(th)centuries, dress of the English people changed a lot. Thestyle of noble’s dress experienced four different phases: blatant luxury in the16~(th)century; careless flamboyance from1603to1660; collision between luxury andconciseness through the Restoration; simple men's wear and gorgeous noblewomen’sapparel in the18~(th)century. People in the middle and lower ranks did their best to freethemselves from the sumptuary laws. The style of common people’s dress was nolonger just simple or practical. Their costumes became more and more soft,comfortable and colorful.
Attire was not only the instrument for kings to exercise their power, but also theeffective weapon for the parliament to fight against the royal authority. Therefore,changes of dress were closely related to political transformation. The court dress wasluxurious to the utmost during the Tudor period, and became dim after the GloriousRevolution, which reflected the rise and fall of the royal power. Before the Civil War,the Puritan intensely criticized the court dress to make public voice against the royalty.During the civil war, owning to the military uniform of the New Model Army, it waseasy to tell Parliamentarians from Royalists, which had accelerated the victory of theParliament won the war quickly. In order to set up a new moral image, after theGlorious Revolution, the members of the parliament spurned the luxurious court attireand dressed succinctly.
Both the king and parliament were on behalf of the interest of nobility.Noblemen could change their luxurious or succinct costumes according to the needsof political rule, whereas changes of common people’s dress were mainly due toeconomic growth. Development of economy not only improved the fabric of dress,but also made it more colorful and cheaper. In return, changes of dress promotedBritish economic interests. At the turn of the17thand18~(th)centuries, the craziness forIndian cotton stimulated the rise of cotton industry in England, and the great demandfor cheap ready-made clothes boosted the business of dressmaking in large workshops.
However, that the common people dressed better made it difficult to distinguishpeople according their clothing, which had an impact on social hierarchy. Althoughsumptuary laws definitely stated the fabric and color of apparel for each rank, peoplein the middle and lower ranks always violated the laws and challenged the authorityof upper class. The maid bought new clothes and manservant sold uniforms, whichweakened their masters’ authority. Adolescents did not always imitate the elder’scostume, which challenged their authority too. And ignoring ecclesiastical admonitionand judicial punishment, some women still dressed like the man, which alsothreatened the male dominance.
Whenever people chose certain dress, they were affected by the contemporarysocial ideas. With the spread of Puritan’s sumptuary idea, people dressed relativelysimple before and after the Civil War. But when the notion of fancy for luxury becameprevalent in the18~(th)century, an upsurge for extravagant clothing was emerging inEngland. To be certain, changes of dress formed some social ideas as well. In the16~(th)and17thcenturies, some people from lower rank pursued imported apparel, which notonly led to outflow of gold, did harm to the development of traditional wool industry,but also broke the social hierarchy. Pursuing luxurious dress was regarded to beimmoral and unpatriotic, so restraint on luxury became an orthodox concept inEngland at that time.
In conclusion, changes of people’s costume in England during the16~(th)and18~(th)centuries were affected by the vicissitudes of political, economic and social hierarchyand ideas, among which economic development played a decisive part. As a basicphysical material, a weapon of political struggle, a symbol of social status or anexpression of social ideas, changes of costume also had effects on the transformationof aspects of the society.
引文
1Dion Clayton Calthrop, English Costume, London: A.&C. Black,1907; George Clinch,English Costume: from prehistoric times to the end of the eighteenth century, London: Methuen,1910.（http://www.archive.org）
2Narah Waugh, The cut of men’s clothes,1600—1900, New York: Theatre Arts Books,1964;Narah Waugh&Margaret Woodward, The cut of women's clothes,1600-1930, London: Faber,1968.
3N. B. Harte, K. G. Ponting,(ed.), Textile history and economic history: essays in honour of MissJulia de Lacy Mann, Manchester: Manchester University Press,1973.
1J. Tozer,“Cunnington’s interpretation of dress”, Costume, vol.20(1986), p.16.
2Beverly Lemire,“Consumerism in preindustrial and early industrial England: the trade insecondhand clothes”, The Journal of British Studies, vol.27(1988), pp.1-24; Beverly Lemire,“The theft of clothes and popular consumerism in early modern England”, Journal of SocialHistory, vol.24(1990), pp.255-271.
3Beverly Lemire, Fashion's favourite: the cotton trade and the consumer in Britain,1660–1800,Oxford: Oxford University Press,1991.
4Beverly Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce: The English clothing trade before the factory,1660–1800, London: Macmillan,1997. p.2.
5Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.8.
1Jean Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”,
2Shakespeare Quarterly, vol.39(1988), pp.423-424.Levine Laura, Men in women's clothing: anti-theatricality and effeminization,1579–1642,
3Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1994.David Cressy,“Gender trouble and cross-dressing in early modern England”, The Journal ofBritish Studies, vol.35(1996), pp.438-465.
1Aileen Ribeiro, The art of dress: fashion in England and France1750-1820, New Haven and
2London: Yale University,1996.
3Aileen Ribeiro, The gallery of fashion, Princeton: Princeton University Press,2000.Aileen Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction: dress in art and literature in Stuart England, New Haven:
4Yale University Press,2005.
5Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.27.
6Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.142.
7Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.183.Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.260.
1Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.323.
1Great Britain, The statutes of the realm, vol.2-7, Buffalo, N.Y.:W.S. Hein,1993; Paul Hughes,&James Larkin,(eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, Vol.1-3, New Haven: Yale University Press,1969; Hughes, Paul&Larkin, James (eds.), Stuart Royal Proclamations, Vol.1-2, Oxford:Clarendon Press,1973.
2Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638; Barnaby Rich, Faultes faults, andnothing else but faultes, London,1606; William Prynne, Histrio-Mastix, London,1633.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Nathaniel Lancaster, Public virtue or the love of our country, London,1746; James Burgh,Britain’s Remembrancer, London,1746.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Richard Price, Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, Philadelphia,1785;Joseph Towers, Observations on public liberty, patriotism, ministerial despotism, and nationalgrievances, London,1769; James Mackintosh, Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the FrenchRevolution and its English admires against the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Philadelphia,1792;Thomas Mortimer, The National Debt No National Grievance, or the Real State of the Nation,London,1768; John Cartwright, Take your choice!, London,1776.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Philip Stubbes, Margaret Jane Kidnie, ed., The Anatomie of Abuses, Tempe: Arizona Center forMedieval and Renaissance Studies,2002.
4John William, A sermon of apparell preached before the Kings Maiestie and the Prince hisHighness at Theobalds, London,1620; Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, London,1621;Edward Grimston, The honest man: or, The art to please in court, London,1632.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Cesar de Saussure, A foreign view of England in the reigns of George I and George II,translated and edited by Madame Van Muyden,1902, pp.112-113.（http://www.archive.org）
2“The voyage of Don Manoel Gonzales”, in Awnsham Churchill, A collection of voyages andtravels, London,1745,vol.1,p.188.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Pehr Kalm, Joseph Lucas,(ed.), Kalm's Account of His Visit to England on His Way to Americain1748, London: Macmillan,1892.（http://www.archive.org）
4C. P. Moritz, Travels chiefly on foot, through several parts of England in1782, London,1795,p.159.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
5John Evelyn, William Bray(ed.), The Diary of John Evelyn, New York: M. W. Dunne,1901（http://www.archive.org）; Samuel Pepys, Robert Latham (ed.), The Diary of Samuel Pepys: anew and complete transcription, Vol.1-11, Berkeley, Calif.:University of California Press,2000.
6Francis Place, Graham Wallas (ed.), The life of Francis Place,1771-1854, London: E.G. Allen,1918.（http://www.archive.org）
7Samuel Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, vol.1, London:Unwin,1905.（http://www.archive.org）
1Jane Ashelford, The art of dress: clothes and society,1500-1914, London: National Trust,1996,p.24.
2Liza Picard, Elizabeth's London: Everyday Life in Elizabethan London, New York: St. Martin'sPress,2005, p.124.
1Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.92.
1Philip Warwick, Memoires of the Reign of King Charles I, London,1701,p.2（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.199.
2Antonia Fraser, Cromwell, the Lord Protector, New York: Grove Press,2001, p.615.
1Lesley Edwards,“Dres’t like a May-Pole: A study of Two Suits,1600-1662”, Costume, vol.14(1980), pp.86,90.
1Samuel Pepys, Robert Latham (ed.), The Diary of Samuel Pepys: a new and complete
2transcription, Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press,2000,12June1666, vol.7, p.162.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.130.Quoted in Valerie Steele,“The Social and Political Significance of Macaroni Fashion”, Costume,vol.19(1985), p.102.
1Quoted in Susan Vincent, Dressing the Elite: Clothes in Early Modern England, New York:Berg,2003, pp.94-95.
2伯纳德·曼德维尔著，肖聿译，《蜜蜂的寓言：私人的恶德公众的利益》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2002年版，第97－98页。
1See Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.396, Figure1.
2Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.396.
3K. N. Chaudhuri, The trading world of Asia and the English East India Company, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1978, p.282.
4Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.397.
5Samuel Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, London: Unwin,1905, vol.1, p.30.（http://www.archive.org）
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, Buffalo, N.Y.:W.S.
2Hein,1993,vol.3, pp.430-431.Beverly Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’: conflict and the creation of.fashions in England, c.1660–1800”, in Continuity and Change, vol.15, no.3(2000), p.395.
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3,,pp.8,121,430.
2Maria Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, Costume, vol.30(1996), p.37.
1Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.38.
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.41.
1英镑、便士、先令都是英格兰的旧货币单位，1英镑＝20先令，1先令＝12便士。
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.42.
3“An act for the reformation of excess in apparel”. in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.432.
4嘉德骑士又称“袜带骑士”，嘉德勋章（The Most Noble Order of the Garter）是英格兰国王授予骑士的最高级别勋章。关于这枚勋章的来源有不同的传说，其中最普及的传说是有一次爱德华三世在埃尔特姆宫殿，与一位索尔兹伯里女伯爵跳舞时，女伯爵的吊袜带突然掉落在地，引起宫廷贵人哄笑。而爱德华三世将这根吊袜带拾起，系在自己的腿上，并当众宣布“Honi soit qui mal y pense”（“Shame on him who thinks evil of it”，即“心怀邪念者蒙羞”）。在正式场合下，嘉德骑士要佩戴印有这句格言的吊袜带。
5“An act for the reformation of excess in apparel”. in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.430.
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3,,p.9.
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.43.
1E. Chirelstein,‘Lady Elizabethan Pope: The Heraldic Body’, in L. Gent and N. Llewellyn, eds.,Renaissance Bodies: The Human Figure in English Culture,1540-1660, London: Reaktion Books,1990, p.48.
1Quoted in Christopher Breward, The culture of fashion: a new history of fashionable dress,
2Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press,1995, p.63.Breward, The culture of fashion, p.63.
1F. Quarles, Epigrammes, London,1640, p.127.（http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2John Bulwer, Anthropometamorphosis: Man transform’d; or the artificial changeling,London,1650,p.263.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3John William, A sermon of apparell preached before the Kings Maiestie and the Prince hisHighness at Theobalds, London,1620, pp.16,20.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
4Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638, p.63.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Barnaby Rich, Faultes faults, and nothing else but faultes, London,1606, p.55.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.162.
3Barnaby Rich, The honestie of this age, London,1614,p.23.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
4Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.165.
5Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638, p.73.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.187.
2Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.188.
1Ashelford, The art of dress,p.73.
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.189.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.73.
4Taylor Downing and Maggie Millman, Civil War, London: Collins and Brown,1991,p.83.
5Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.191.
6D. Smith, A History of the Modern British Isles,1603-1707, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell,1998,p.129.
1Clinch, English Costume, p.215.
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,23May1660, vol.1, p.155.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys,16May1660, vol.1, p.143.
2Anon, England's joy for London's loyalty, London,1664, p.1.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.88.
4Elias Ashmole, The institution, laws&ceremonies of the most noble Order of the Garter,London,1672, p.68.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
5The Diary of Samuel Pepys,6April,1661, vol.2, p.66.
1Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.224.
2Ashelford, The art of dress, p.94.
3The Diary of Samuel Pepys,29March,1667, vol.8, p.136.
4John Gay, Trivia: or the art of walking the streets of London, The third edition, London,1730,p.12.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1John Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661, p.6.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2Compassionate conformist. Englands vanity or The Voice of God against the monstrous sin ofpride, in dress and apparel, London,1683, p.128.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Ashelford, The art of dress, p.91.
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.12.
3The Diary of Samuel Pepys,28October1665,vol.6, p.281.
4Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.223.
5The Diary of Samuel Pepys,15October1666,vol.7, p.324.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys,17October1666,vol.7, p.328.
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.6.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.92.
1Cesar de Saussure, A foreign view of England in the reigns of George I and George II,translated and edited by Madame Van Muyden,1902, pp.112-113.（http://www.archive.org）
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,30March1666, vol.7, p.85.
1Guy Miege, The new state of England under Their Majesties K. William and Q. Mary,London,1691, Part Ⅱ, p.38.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2John Macky, A Journey through England, London,1722, vol.2, p.238.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1“The voyage of Don Manoel Gonzales”, in Awnsham Churchill, A collection of voyages andtravels, London,1745,vol.1,p.188.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Miege, The new state of England under Their Majesties K. William and Q. Mary, p.39.
3Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.13.
4Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.294.
5Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.294.
1Alexander Pope, The rape of the lock. An heroi-comical poem, Preston,1714, p.20.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.295.
1George Berkeley, An essay towards preventing the ruin of Great Britain, London,1721,p.11.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Nathaniel Lancaster, Public virtue or the love of our country, London,1746,p.25.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1William Smith, An address to the associated friends of the people, Edinburgh,1792, pp.29-30.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）1776年吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》出版后，人们普遍认为罗马的灭亡，是因为丧失了共和国时期的“男子气荣耀”，帝国时期整个罗马充满“阴柔和腐化堕落之气”。
2爱德华·汤普森著，沈汉，王加丰译，《共有的习惯》，上海:上海人民出版社，2002年版，第39页。
3John Pern Tinney, The rights of sovereignty vindicated, London,1809, p.44.（http://www.archive.org）
4James Burgh, Britain’s Remembrancer, London,1746, p.43.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1John Bowles, Thoughts on the Late General Election, London,1802, p.33.（http://www.archive.org）
2John Bowles, Dialogues on the rights of Britons, between a Farmer, a sailor and amanufacturer, London,1792, p.20.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Jeremy Collier, Essays upon moral subjects, London,1697, pp.74-75.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1David Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, New York: Cambridge UniversityPress,2003. vol.1, p.411.
1Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.412.
2Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.413.
3伊丽莎白女王颁布法令，欢迎佛兰德尔工匠来英国定居，但每个工匠必须带两个英国籍学徒。据估计，当时大约有三万名佛兰德尔工匠逃往英国。1558年，2860名尼德兰人迁入英国，1563年前后，1.8万名佛来名人迁入伦敦与桑威奇，1566年又增至3万人。
41681年前后，英国政府为安置法国难民拨款1.4万英镑，1685—1687年为6.37万英镑，1694年是1.18万英镑。政府为使他们安居乐业,还在伦敦郊区修建12所教堂。1670—1690年间大约有8万胡格诺教徒逃往英国,约占伦敦周围居民的1/3。
5Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.456.
1Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.455.
2F.J., The Merchant’s Ware-House Laid Open: Or the Plain Dealing Linnen-Drapper,1696,pp.2,7,14.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1“An act for the more effectuall Imploying the Poor by incourageing the Manufacture of theKingdom”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.7,pp.598-599.
2禁令的前言是这样的：鉴于印花布、绘花布或染花布的使用，无论用于衣着或用于室内装饰，都有害于民族毛纺工业和丝纺工业，并有增加贫民人数的趋势。又鉴于如不采取有效措施来加以制止，结果就会完全毁灭上述工业，并使陛下的无数臣民遭受破产，因为他们的生活依赖这些工业。因而禁止一切住在英国的人买卖、穿着或拥有这些织品，如有违犯，即对私人科以五镑的罚金，对商人科以二十镑的罚金。参见保尔·芒图著，杨人楩，陈希秦，吴绪译，《十八世纪产业革命——英国近代大工业初期的概况》，北京：商务印书馆，1991年版，第155页。
3N.B. Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, in Colemanand A.H. John eds. Trade, Government and Economy in Pre-Industrial England, London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,1976, p.156.
1芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第62页。
2芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第61页。
1芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第155页。
2芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第157页。
3正如1700年一位女士在托别人买衣服时嘱咐的那样，“确保替我买到被禁止穿的蕾丝，因为我只穿被禁止穿的衣服，不穿其它”。参见C. W. Cunnington and P. Cunnington, Handbook ofEnglish Costume in the Eighteenth Century, London: Faber&Faber,1957, p.14.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys, vol.9, pp.81-82.
1D. J. Smith,“Army Clothing Contractors and the Textile Industries in the18th Century”, TextileHistory, vol.14, no.2(1983), pp.159-163.
2Nuala Zehedieh,“London and the colonial consumer in the late seventeenth century”, EconomicHistory Review,vol.47, no.2(1994), pp.248-257.尤其是表9和10，突出殖民地市场在英国出口贸易中的重要地位。
3Shane White and Graham White,“Slave clothing and African-American culture in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries”, Past&Present, vol.148(1995), p.154.
4Lemire, Fashion's favourite, pp.184-185.
5Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, pp.38-39.
6M. Dorothy George, London Life in the Eighteenth century,1925, pp.55-57.（http://www.archive.org）
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.44.
2Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.45.
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.47.
2K. Ben-Amos,“Women apprentices in the trades and crafts of early modern Bristol”, Continuityand Change, vol.6(1991), p.236.
3Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.50.
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.55.
1Madeleine Ginsburg,“Rags to riches: the second hand clothes trade,1700-1978”, in Costume,vol.14(1980), pp.122-123.
2Hughes, Paul&Larkin, James (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, New Haven: Yale UniversityPress,1969, vol.Ⅱ, p.381; vol.Ⅲ, pp.174-175.
3See J. A. Sharpe, Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study, New York:
4Cambridge University Press,1983, p.93, Table2.See J. M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England,1660-1800, Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,1986, p.187, Table4.9.
1Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, London: London Spring Books,1851,vol.1,p.408.（http://www.archive.org）
1Stamford Mercury, April25,1728, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early
2industrial England”, p.9.The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, February14,1777, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism
3in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, pp.10-11.Jackson’s Oxford Journal, March17,1770, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial
4and early industrial England”, p.8.Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, p.7.
1Ginsburg,“Rags to riches”, pp.122-125.
2The Public Advertiser, January5,1762, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial andearly industrial England”, p.11.
1Beverly Lemire,“‘A Good Stock of Cloaths’: The Changing Market for Cotton Clothing in
2Britain,1750-1800”, Textile History, vol.22, no.2(1991), pp.311,314.
3Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, vol.2, p.28.
4Ginsburg, Rags to riches, p.122.The Public Advertiser, August19,1761, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial andearly industrial England”, p.16.
1The Public Advertise, June23,1762, quoted in Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.137.
2Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.144.
3Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.143.
4Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, p.4.
1Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.124.
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,17May1662, vol.3, p.84.
3Daniel Defoe, The London Ladies Dressing-Room: or The Shopkeepers Wives Inventory, quotedin Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, pp.122-123.
1基思·赖特森，《英国近代早期的社会等级》，载于王觉非，《英国政治经济和文化的现代化》，南京：南京大学出版社，1989年版，第196页。
1Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, pp.188-189.
2Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.188.
3Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.195.
4Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.281.
5Wilfrid Hooper,“The Tudor Sumptuary Laws”, The English Historical Review, vol.30, no.119(1915), p.442.
1Quoted in Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.141.
2Hughes,&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.193.
3Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.141.
4Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.71.
1Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.153.
2Elizabeth Hurlock,“Sumptuary Law”, in Mary Roach and Joanne Eichler, eds., Dress,Adornment and the Social Order, New York: Wiley,1965, p.301.
1Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.119.
2Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.149.
3Daniel Defoe, Everybody’s Business, Nobody’s Business, London,1725, p.4.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
4John Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,Textile History, vol.33, no.1(2002), p.9.
1N. McKendrick,“The Commercialization of Fashion”, in N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J.H.Plumb, eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society, Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1982,p.60.
2G. B. Hill ed., Boswell's Life of Johnson, Oxford: Claredon,1917, p.217.（http://www.archive.org）
3Defoe, Everybody’s Business, Nobody’s Business, p.15.
4希顿是约克郡一个中等毛料商，在十八世纪七八十年代每年销售价值约1000英镑的毛料。他允许女仆们耗费大部分工资在服饰上，而且她们可以自由地选择购买何种服饰。在18世纪后半期，从地方零售商的账簿中，亦可以看到贝德福特郡和汉普郡的女仆，与希顿的女仆具有相似的消费习惯。因此，希顿关于其女仆消费状况的记录，具有一定的典型性。参见Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,pp.9-21.
1Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.13.
2Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”, p.14,Table2.
3Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.14.
1Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.17.
2Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.17.
1C. P. Moritz, Travels chiefly on foot, through several parts of England in1782, London,1795,p.159.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Amanda Vickery, The gentleman's daughter: women's lives in Georgian England, NewHaven: Yale University Press,1998, pp.144-145,184,192.
1Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Material of Memory,
2Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2000, p.11.
3Ann Buck, Dress in eighteenth-century England, London,1979, p.204.“An acte for the reformation of excesse in apparaile”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.239.
4“Enforcing statutes of apparel”, in Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.Ⅱ,p.280.
5Hughes and Larkin, ed., Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.Ⅲ, p.175.
1Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.405.
2Bristol Weekly Intelligencer, June15,1750, quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.407.
3Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor,vol.2, pp.41-42.
1Ashelford, The art of dress, p.147.
1Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.403.
2Place, The life of Francis Place, p.62.
1Place, The life of Francis Place, p.63.
2Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.143.
1引自基思·赖特森，《英国近代早期的社会等级》，第209页。
1Quoted in Breward, The culture of fashion,p.95.
2Anon, Hic mulier: or, The man-woman: being a medicine to cure the coltish disease of thestaggers in the masculine-feminines of our times, London,1620, p.12.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Anon, Haec-vir: or, The womanish-man: being an answere to a late booke intituled Hic-mulier,London,1620, pp.1-11.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1William Harrison, Georges Edelen, ed., The description of England, New York: Cornell
2University Press,1968, p.147.Edmund Tilney, A briefe and pleasant discourse of duties in mariage, called the flower offriendship, London,1587, p.24.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”, p.420.
2Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”, p.421.
3Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.112.
1Cressy,“Gender trouble and cross-dressing in early modern England”, pp.459-460.
吴于廑：《历史上农耕世界对工业世界的孕育》，《世界历史》1987年第2期，第5页。
1Alan Everitt,“Social Mobility in Early Modern England”, Past and Present, No.33,1966,pp.70-72.
2Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, pp.84－85.
3Alan Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions: A History of Sumptuary Law, London:
4Macmillan,1996, p.321.See C. M. Cipolla, Before the Industrial Revolution: European society and economy,1000-1700,London: Methuen,1993, p.24, Table1.7.
1The statutes of the realm, vol.3, pp.8,121,179.
2Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, London,1969, vol.3, p.175.
3The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.430.
4Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.278; vol.3, pp.174.
5The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.8.
1Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.381.
2M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, Edinburgh: Westminster JohnKnox Press,1991, p.84.
3John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, Translated by JohnAllen, Philadelphia: Presbyterian board of Christian education,1928, vol.2, p.295.（http://www.archive.org）
1Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, p.293.
2M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, p.85.
3Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, pp.296,437.
4Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, p.436.
5M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, p.86.
1Graeme Murdock,“Calvin, clothing and the body”, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of
2Great Britain and Ireland, vol.28, no.4(2006), p.488.Murdock,“Calvin, clothing and the body”, p.488.
1Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.1, p.127.
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.203.
1Thomas Mortimer, The National Debt No National Grievance, or the Real State of the Nation,London,1768, p.60.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2David Kuchta,“The making of the self-made man”, p.68.
3Richard Price, Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, Philadelphia,1785,p.44.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Joseph Towers, Observations on public liberty, patriotism, ministerial despotism, and nationalgrievances, London,1769, pp.27-28.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2James Mackintosh, Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the French Revolution and its Englishadmires against the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Philadelphia,1792, p.41.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Mortimer, The National Debt, p.47.
4John Cartwright, Take your choice!, London,1776, p.x.
（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1P. Earle, A City Full of People: Men and Women of London,1650-1750, London,1994,pp.115-117.
2Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, p.119.
3N. B. Harte,“The economics of clothing in the late seventeenth century”, Textile History, vol.22(1991), p.288.关于服饰的种类，从“各种各样的帽子”到“蕾丝、丝绸和衣服的饰边等”，金共列出了44个条目。
4“An act prohibiting the Importation of foreign Bonelace Cutt worke Imbroidery FringeBand-strings Buttons and Needle worke” in The statutes of the realm, vol.5, pp.405-6.
5“An Act for the discouraging the Importation of Throwne Silke”, in The statutes of the realm,vol.6, p.173.
1J. P. Cooper,“Economic Regulation and the Cloth Industry in Seventeenth-Century England”,
2Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, vol.20(1970), p.75.Anon, The Merchant’s Ware-house laid open; Or the Plain Dealing Linen-Draper, London,1696,pp.6,14,34,36.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: business, society, and family life in London,1660-1730, Berkeley: University of California Press,1989, p.20.
1Nicholas Barbon, A discourse of trade, London,1690, p.65.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2J. Dunton, The ladies dictionary, London,1694, p.209.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3曼德维尔，《蜜蜂的寓言》，第96页。
4Anon, The trade of England Revived, London,1681, pp.16-17.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661, p.15.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2M. Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, Social Letters, London,1664, pp.414-415.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1汤普森，《共有的习惯》，第10页。
2Hans Medick,“Plebian culture in the transition to capitalism”, in R. Samuel and G. Jones, eds.,Culture, Ideology and Politics, London: Routledge,1982, p.89.
1洛娜·韦瑟里尔整理了莱瑟姆一家的帐簿，该账簿跨越43个年份，自理查德和南希结婚的1724年，到理查德去世的1767年。这期间他们生育了7个孩子，其中有6个是女孩。约翰·斯泰尔斯依据帐簿中服饰开支的变化，将其分三个阶段来解读。第一阶段是1724-1741年，孩子年幼无法减轻家庭负担时期，莱瑟姆一家很少购买新衣服第二阶段是1742-1754年，孩子不断长大，渐渐可以外出挣钱，在服饰方面的花费急剧增长；第三阶段是1755-1767年，孩子渐渐离开父母自立门户，服饰开支再次回落。参见John Styles,“Custom orconsumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, In Maxine Berg, Elizabeth Eger,eds., Luxury in the eighteenth century: debates, desires and delectable goods, Basingstoke:
2Palgrave,2003, pp.103-115.Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.109.
1Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.109.
2William Hutton, The Life of William Hutton, London,1817, pp.96-97.（http://www.archive.org）
2Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.112.
1Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, vol.1, pp.149-150.
1See Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.461.Table8.8.该表显示18世纪初，毛纺织品的出口占出口总额的70.3％，到19世纪初递减到23.6％；相应地，棉纺织品由0.0％猛增至39.4％。
1. Allestree, Richard, The Whole Duty of Man, London,1671.
2. Anon, Hic mulier: or, The man-woman: being a medicine to cure the coltish diseaseof the staggers in the masculine-feminines of our times, London,1620.
3. Anon, Haec-vir: or, The womanish-man: being an answere to a late booke intituledHic-mulier, London,1620.
4. Anon, England's joy for London's loyalty, London,1664.
5. Anon, In the homily of the Church of England against excess of apparel, London,1676.
6. Anon, The trade of England Revived, London,1681.
7. Anon, The female highway hector: or, An account of a woman, who was latelyarraign'd for robbing on the high-way in man's apparel, London,1690.
8. Anon, The Merchant’s Ware-house laid open; Or the Plain Dealing Linen-Draper,London,1696.
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121. Taylor, Lou, Establishing dress history, Manchester: Manchester UniversityPress,2004.
122. Thirsk, Joan, Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a ConsumerSociety in Early Modern England, Oxford: Clarendon Press,1978.
123. Thirsk, Joan,“The fantastical folly of fashion: the English stocking knittingindustry,1500-1700”, in Harte, N. B.; Ponting, K. G., eds., Textile history andeconomic history: essays in honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Mann, Manchester:Manchester University Press,1973, pp.50-73.
124. Vickery, Amanda, The gentleman's daughter: women's lives in Georgian England,New Haven: Yale University Press,1998.
125. Vincent, Susan, Dressing the Elite: Clothes in Early Modern England, NewYork: Berg,2003.
126. Weatherill, Lorna,“Consumer behaviour and social status in England,1660-1750”, Continuity and Change, vol.1(1986), pp.191-216.
127. Weatherill, Lorna,“A possession of one's own: women and consumer behaviourin England,1660-1740”, Journal of British Studies, vol.25, no.2(1986), pp.131-156.
128. Weatherill, Lorna, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain,1660-1760, New York: Routledge,1996.
129. White, Shane and Graham,“Slave clothing and African-American culture in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries”, Past&Present, vol.148(1995), pp.149-186.
130. Willan, Thomas Stuart,“Manchester clothiers in the early seventeenth century”,Textile History, vol.10(1979), pp.175-183.
131. Wrightson, Keith, Earthly necessities: economic lives in early modern Britain,New Haven: Yale University Press,2000.
132. Zehedieh, Nuala,“London and the colonial consumer in the late seventeenthcentury”, Economic History Review, vol.47, no.2(1994), pp.248-257.
1.（英）爱德华·汤普森：《共有的习惯》，沈汉，王加丰译，上海:上海人民出版社，2002年版。
2.(法)保尔·芒图：《十八世纪产业革命：英国近代大工业初期的概况》，杨人楩，陈希秦，吴绪译，北京：商务印书馆，1983年版。
3.(英)勃里格斯：《英国社会史》，陈叔平等译，北京：中国人民大学出版社，1991年版。
4.(荷)伯纳德·曼德维尔：《蜜蜂的寓言：私人的恶德，公众的利益》，肖聿译，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2002年版。
5.陈曦文,王乃耀主编：《英国社会转型时期经济发展研究:16世纪至18世纪中叶》，北京:首都师范大学出版社,2002年版。
6.华梅：《服饰社会学》，北京：中国纺织出版社，2005年版。
7.（英）基思·赖特森：《英国近代早期的社会等级》，载王觉非，《英国政治经济和文化的现代化》，南京：南京大学出版社，1989年版。
8.姜德福：《社会变迁中的贵族：16-18世纪英国贵族研究》，北京：商务印书馆，2004年版。
9.(法)勒纳尔,乌勒西：《近代欧洲的生活与劳作：从15-18世纪》，杨军译，上海：上海三联书店，2008年版。
10.李当岐：《西洋服装史》，北京：高等教育出版社，2005年版。
11.(德)里夏德·范迪尔门：《欧洲近代生活：村庄与城市》，王亚平译，北京：东方出版社，2004年版。
12.刘国联主编：《服装心理学》，上海：东华大学出版社，2004年版。
13.(德)马克斯·韦伯：《新教伦理与资本主义精神》，于晓，陈为纲等译，西安:陕西师范大学出版社,2006年版。
14.（英）尼古拉斯·菲利普森,昆廷·斯金纳主编：《近代英国政治话语》，潘兴明，周保巍等译，上海:华东师范大学出版社,2005年版。
15.(英)普兰温·科斯格拉芙：《时装生活史：人类炫耀自我3500年》，龙靖遥,张莹,郑晓利译，上海：东方出版中心，2004年版。
16.(英)乔安妮·恩特维斯特尔：《时髦的身体：时尚、衣着和现代社会理论》，郜元宝等译，桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2005年版。
17.（英）托马斯·莫尔：《乌托邦》，北京：商务印书馆，1982，1997年第8次印刷。
18.《世界杰出服装画家作品选》，天津：天津人民美术出版社，1987年版。
19.舒小昀：《分化与整合：1688-1783年英国社会结构分析》，南京：南京大学出版社，2003年版。
20.孙世圃：《西洋服装史教程》，北京：中国纺织出版社，2000年版。
21.（英）瓦莱丽·斯蒂尔：《内衣：一部文化史》，师英译，天津:百花文艺出版社,2004年版。
22.王晋新,姜德福：《现代早期英国社会变迁》，上海:三联书店,2008年版。
23.(德)维尔纳·桑巴特：《奢侈与资本主义》，王燕平，侯小河译，上海:上海人民出版社,2000年版。
24.巫仁怒：《品味奢华:晚明的消费社会与士大夫》，北京:中华书局,2008年版。
25.吴于廑：历史上农耕世界对工业世界的孕育，载《世界历史》，1987年第2期，第1－18页。
26.许洁明：《十七世纪的英国社会》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2004年版。
27.阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》，北京:人民出版社，1999年版。
28.张卫良：《英国社会的商业化历史进程:1500-1750》，北京:人民出版社,2004年版。
2Narah Waugh, The cut of men’s clothes,1600—1900, New York: Theatre Arts Books,1964;Narah Waugh&Margaret Woodward, The cut of women's clothes,1600-1930, London: Faber,1968.
3N. B. Harte, K. G. Ponting,(ed.), Textile history and economic history: essays in honour of MissJulia de Lacy Mann, Manchester: Manchester University Press,1973.
1J. Tozer,“Cunnington’s interpretation of dress”, Costume, vol.20(1986), p.16.
2Beverly Lemire,“Consumerism in preindustrial and early industrial England: the trade insecondhand clothes”, The Journal of British Studies, vol.27(1988), pp.1-24; Beverly Lemire,“The theft of clothes and popular consumerism in early modern England”, Journal of SocialHistory, vol.24(1990), pp.255-271.
3Beverly Lemire, Fashion's favourite: the cotton trade and the consumer in Britain,1660–1800,Oxford: Oxford University Press,1991.
4Beverly Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce: The English clothing trade before the factory,1660–1800, London: Macmillan,1997. p.2.
5Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.8.
1Jean Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”,
2Shakespeare Quarterly, vol.39(1988), pp.423-424.Levine Laura, Men in women's clothing: anti-theatricality and effeminization,1579–1642,
3Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1994.David Cressy,“Gender trouble and cross-dressing in early modern England”, The Journal ofBritish Studies, vol.35(1996), pp.438-465.
1Aileen Ribeiro, The art of dress: fashion in England and France1750-1820, New Haven and
2London: Yale University,1996.
3Aileen Ribeiro, The gallery of fashion, Princeton: Princeton University Press,2000.Aileen Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction: dress in art and literature in Stuart England, New Haven:
4Yale University Press,2005.
5Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.27.
6Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.142.
7Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.183.Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.260.
1Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.323.
1Great Britain, The statutes of the realm, vol.2-7, Buffalo, N.Y.:W.S. Hein,1993; Paul Hughes,&James Larkin,(eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, Vol.1-3, New Haven: Yale University Press,1969; Hughes, Paul&Larkin, James (eds.), Stuart Royal Proclamations, Vol.1-2, Oxford:Clarendon Press,1973.
2Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638; Barnaby Rich, Faultes faults, andnothing else but faultes, London,1606; William Prynne, Histrio-Mastix, London,1633.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Nathaniel Lancaster, Public virtue or the love of our country, London,1746; James Burgh,Britain’s Remembrancer, London,1746.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Richard Price, Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, Philadelphia,1785;Joseph Towers, Observations on public liberty, patriotism, ministerial despotism, and nationalgrievances, London,1769; James Mackintosh, Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the FrenchRevolution and its English admires against the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Philadelphia,1792;Thomas Mortimer, The National Debt No National Grievance, or the Real State of the Nation,London,1768; John Cartwright, Take your choice!, London,1776.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Philip Stubbes, Margaret Jane Kidnie, ed., The Anatomie of Abuses, Tempe: Arizona Center forMedieval and Renaissance Studies,2002.
4John William, A sermon of apparell preached before the Kings Maiestie and the Prince hisHighness at Theobalds, London,1620; Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, London,1621;Edward Grimston, The honest man: or, The art to please in court, London,1632.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Cesar de Saussure, A foreign view of England in the reigns of George I and George II,translated and edited by Madame Van Muyden,1902, pp.112-113.（http://www.archive.org）
2“The voyage of Don Manoel Gonzales”, in Awnsham Churchill, A collection of voyages andtravels, London,1745,vol.1,p.188.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Pehr Kalm, Joseph Lucas,(ed.), Kalm's Account of His Visit to England on His Way to Americain1748, London: Macmillan,1892.（http://www.archive.org）
4C. P. Moritz, Travels chiefly on foot, through several parts of England in1782, London,1795,p.159.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
5John Evelyn, William Bray(ed.), The Diary of John Evelyn, New York: M. W. Dunne,1901（http://www.archive.org）; Samuel Pepys, Robert Latham (ed.), The Diary of Samuel Pepys: anew and complete transcription, Vol.1-11, Berkeley, Calif.:University of California Press,2000.
6Francis Place, Graham Wallas (ed.), The life of Francis Place,1771-1854, London: E.G. Allen,1918.（http://www.archive.org）
7Samuel Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, vol.1, London:Unwin,1905.（http://www.archive.org）
1Jane Ashelford, The art of dress: clothes and society,1500-1914, London: National Trust,1996,p.24.
2Liza Picard, Elizabeth's London: Everyday Life in Elizabethan London, New York: St. Martin'sPress,2005, p.124.
1Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.92.
1Philip Warwick, Memoires of the Reign of King Charles I, London,1701,p.2（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.199.
2Antonia Fraser, Cromwell, the Lord Protector, New York: Grove Press,2001, p.615.
1Lesley Edwards,“Dres’t like a May-Pole: A study of Two Suits,1600-1662”, Costume, vol.14(1980), pp.86,90.
1Samuel Pepys, Robert Latham (ed.), The Diary of Samuel Pepys: a new and complete
2transcription, Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press,2000,12June1666, vol.7, p.162.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.130.Quoted in Valerie Steele,“The Social and Political Significance of Macaroni Fashion”, Costume,vol.19(1985), p.102.
1Quoted in Susan Vincent, Dressing the Elite: Clothes in Early Modern England, New York:Berg,2003, pp.94-95.
2伯纳德·曼德维尔著，肖聿译，《蜜蜂的寓言：私人的恶德公众的利益》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2002年版，第97－98页。
1See Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.396, Figure1.
2Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.396.
3K. N. Chaudhuri, The trading world of Asia and the English East India Company, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1978, p.282.
4Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.397.
5Samuel Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, London: Unwin,1905, vol.1, p.30.（http://www.archive.org）
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, Buffalo, N.Y.:W.S.
2Hein,1993,vol.3, pp.430-431.Beverly Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’: conflict and the creation of.fashions in England, c.1660–1800”, in Continuity and Change, vol.15, no.3(2000), p.395.
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3,,pp.8,121,430.
2Maria Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, Costume, vol.30(1996), p.37.
1Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.38.
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.41.
1英镑、便士、先令都是英格兰的旧货币单位，1英镑＝20先令，1先令＝12便士。
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.42.
3“An act for the reformation of excess in apparel”. in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.432.
4嘉德骑士又称“袜带骑士”，嘉德勋章（The Most Noble Order of the Garter）是英格兰国王授予骑士的最高级别勋章。关于这枚勋章的来源有不同的传说，其中最普及的传说是有一次爱德华三世在埃尔特姆宫殿，与一位索尔兹伯里女伯爵跳舞时，女伯爵的吊袜带突然掉落在地，引起宫廷贵人哄笑。而爱德华三世将这根吊袜带拾起，系在自己的腿上，并当众宣布“Honi soit qui mal y pense”（“Shame on him who thinks evil of it”，即“心怀邪念者蒙羞”）。在正式场合下，嘉德骑士要佩戴印有这句格言的吊袜带。
5“An act for the reformation of excess in apparel”. in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.430.
1“An act against wearing of costly apparel”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3,,p.9.
2Hayward,“Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII”, p.43.
1E. Chirelstein,‘Lady Elizabethan Pope: The Heraldic Body’, in L. Gent and N. Llewellyn, eds.,Renaissance Bodies: The Human Figure in English Culture,1540-1660, London: Reaktion Books,1990, p.48.
1Quoted in Christopher Breward, The culture of fashion: a new history of fashionable dress,
2Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press,1995, p.63.Breward, The culture of fashion, p.63.
1F. Quarles, Epigrammes, London,1640, p.127.（http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2John Bulwer, Anthropometamorphosis: Man transform’d; or the artificial changeling,London,1650,p.263.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3John William, A sermon of apparell preached before the Kings Maiestie and the Prince hisHighness at Theobalds, London,1620, pp.16,20.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
4Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638, p.63.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Barnaby Rich, Faultes faults, and nothing else but faultes, London,1606, p.55.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.162.
3Barnaby Rich, The honestie of this age, London,1614,p.23.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
4Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.165.
5Henry Peacham, The truth of our times, London,1638, p.73.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.187.
2Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.188.
1Ashelford, The art of dress,p.73.
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.189.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.73.
4Taylor Downing and Maggie Millman, Civil War, London: Collins and Brown,1991,p.83.
5Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.191.
6D. Smith, A History of the Modern British Isles,1603-1707, Oxford: Wiley Blackwell,1998,p.129.
1Clinch, English Costume, p.215.
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,23May1660, vol.1, p.155.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys,16May1660, vol.1, p.143.
2Anon, England's joy for London's loyalty, London,1664, p.1.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.88.
4Elias Ashmole, The institution, laws&ceremonies of the most noble Order of the Garter,London,1672, p.68.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
5The Diary of Samuel Pepys,6April,1661, vol.2, p.66.
1Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.224.
2Ashelford, The art of dress, p.94.
3The Diary of Samuel Pepys,29March,1667, vol.8, p.136.
4John Gay, Trivia: or the art of walking the streets of London, The third edition, London,1730,p.12.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1John Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661, p.6.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2Compassionate conformist. Englands vanity or The Voice of God against the monstrous sin ofpride, in dress and apparel, London,1683, p.128.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Ashelford, The art of dress, p.91.
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.12.
3The Diary of Samuel Pepys,28October1665,vol.6, p.281.
4Quoted in Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.223.
5The Diary of Samuel Pepys,15October1666,vol.7, p.324.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys,17October1666,vol.7, p.328.
2Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.6.
3Ashelford, The art of dress, p.92.
1Cesar de Saussure, A foreign view of England in the reigns of George I and George II,translated and edited by Madame Van Muyden,1902, pp.112-113.（http://www.archive.org）
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,30March1666, vol.7, p.85.
1Guy Miege, The new state of England under Their Majesties K. William and Q. Mary,London,1691, Part Ⅱ, p.38.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2John Macky, A Journey through England, London,1722, vol.2, p.238.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1“The voyage of Don Manoel Gonzales”, in Awnsham Churchill, A collection of voyages andtravels, London,1745,vol.1,p.188.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Miege, The new state of England under Their Majesties K. William and Q. Mary, p.39.
3Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, p.13.
4Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.294.
5Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.294.
1Alexander Pope, The rape of the lock. An heroi-comical poem, Preston,1714, p.20.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.295.
1George Berkeley, An essay towards preventing the ruin of Great Britain, London,1721,p.11.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Nathaniel Lancaster, Public virtue or the love of our country, London,1746,p.25.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1William Smith, An address to the associated friends of the people, Edinburgh,1792, pp.29-30.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）1776年吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》出版后，人们普遍认为罗马的灭亡，是因为丧失了共和国时期的“男子气荣耀”，帝国时期整个罗马充满“阴柔和腐化堕落之气”。
2爱德华·汤普森著，沈汉，王加丰译，《共有的习惯》，上海:上海人民出版社，2002年版，第39页。
3John Pern Tinney, The rights of sovereignty vindicated, London,1809, p.44.（http://www.archive.org）
4James Burgh, Britain’s Remembrancer, London,1746, p.43.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1John Bowles, Thoughts on the Late General Election, London,1802, p.33.（http://www.archive.org）
2John Bowles, Dialogues on the rights of Britons, between a Farmer, a sailor and amanufacturer, London,1792, p.20.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Jeremy Collier, Essays upon moral subjects, London,1697, pp.74-75.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1David Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, New York: Cambridge UniversityPress,2003. vol.1, p.411.
1Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.412.
2Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.413.
3伊丽莎白女王颁布法令，欢迎佛兰德尔工匠来英国定居，但每个工匠必须带两个英国籍学徒。据估计，当时大约有三万名佛兰德尔工匠逃往英国。1558年，2860名尼德兰人迁入英国，1563年前后，1.8万名佛来名人迁入伦敦与桑威奇，1566年又增至3万人。
41681年前后，英国政府为安置法国难民拨款1.4万英镑，1685—1687年为6.37万英镑，1694年是1.18万英镑。政府为使他们安居乐业,还在伦敦郊区修建12所教堂。1670—1690年间大约有8万胡格诺教徒逃往英国,约占伦敦周围居民的1/3。
5Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.456.
1Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.455.
2F.J., The Merchant’s Ware-House Laid Open: Or the Plain Dealing Linnen-Drapper,1696,pp.2,7,14.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1“An act for the more effectuall Imploying the Poor by incourageing the Manufacture of theKingdom”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.7,pp.598-599.
2禁令的前言是这样的：鉴于印花布、绘花布或染花布的使用，无论用于衣着或用于室内装饰，都有害于民族毛纺工业和丝纺工业，并有增加贫民人数的趋势。又鉴于如不采取有效措施来加以制止，结果就会完全毁灭上述工业，并使陛下的无数臣民遭受破产，因为他们的生活依赖这些工业。因而禁止一切住在英国的人买卖、穿着或拥有这些织品，如有违犯，即对私人科以五镑的罚金，对商人科以二十镑的罚金。参见保尔·芒图著，杨人楩，陈希秦，吴绪译，《十八世纪产业革命——英国近代大工业初期的概况》，北京：商务印书馆，1991年版，第155页。
3N.B. Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, in Colemanand A.H. John eds. Trade, Government and Economy in Pre-Industrial England, London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson,1976, p.156.
1芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第62页。
2芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第61页。
1芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第155页。
2芒图，《十八世纪产业革命》，第157页。
3正如1700年一位女士在托别人买衣服时嘱咐的那样，“确保替我买到被禁止穿的蕾丝，因为我只穿被禁止穿的衣服，不穿其它”。参见C. W. Cunnington and P. Cunnington, Handbook ofEnglish Costume in the Eighteenth Century, London: Faber&Faber,1957, p.14.
1The Diary of Samuel Pepys, vol.9, pp.81-82.
1D. J. Smith,“Army Clothing Contractors and the Textile Industries in the18th Century”, TextileHistory, vol.14, no.2(1983), pp.159-163.
2Nuala Zehedieh,“London and the colonial consumer in the late seventeenth century”, EconomicHistory Review,vol.47, no.2(1994), pp.248-257.尤其是表9和10，突出殖民地市场在英国出口贸易中的重要地位。
3Shane White and Graham White,“Slave clothing and African-American culture in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries”, Past&Present, vol.148(1995), p.154.
4Lemire, Fashion's favourite, pp.184-185.
5Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, pp.38-39.
6M. Dorothy George, London Life in the Eighteenth century,1925, pp.55-57.（http://www.archive.org）
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.44.
2Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.45.
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.47.
2K. Ben-Amos,“Women apprentices in the trades and crafts of early modern Bristol”, Continuityand Change, vol.6(1991), p.236.
3Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.50.
1Lemire, Dress, culture and commerce, p.55.
1Madeleine Ginsburg,“Rags to riches: the second hand clothes trade,1700-1978”, in Costume,vol.14(1980), pp.122-123.
2Hughes, Paul&Larkin, James (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, New Haven: Yale UniversityPress,1969, vol.Ⅱ, p.381; vol.Ⅲ, pp.174-175.
3See J. A. Sharpe, Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study, New York:
4Cambridge University Press,1983, p.93, Table2.See J. M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England,1660-1800, Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,1986, p.187, Table4.9.
1Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, London: London Spring Books,1851,vol.1,p.408.（http://www.archive.org）
1Stamford Mercury, April25,1728, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early
2industrial England”, p.9.The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, February14,1777, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism
3in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, pp.10-11.Jackson’s Oxford Journal, March17,1770, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial
4and early industrial England”, p.8.Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, p.7.
1Ginsburg,“Rags to riches”, pp.122-125.
2The Public Advertiser, January5,1762, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial andearly industrial England”, p.11.
1Beverly Lemire,“‘A Good Stock of Cloaths’: The Changing Market for Cotton Clothing in
2Britain,1750-1800”, Textile History, vol.22, no.2(1991), pp.311,314.
3Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, vol.2, p.28.
4Ginsburg, Rags to riches, p.122.The Public Advertiser, August19,1761, quoted in Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial andearly industrial England”, p.16.
1The Public Advertise, June23,1762, quoted in Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.137.
2Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.144.
3Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.143.
4Lemire,“Consumerism in pre-industrial and early industrial England”, p.4.
1Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, p.124.
2The Diary of Samuel Pepys,17May1662, vol.3, p.84.
3Daniel Defoe, The London Ladies Dressing-Room: or The Shopkeepers Wives Inventory, quotedin Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, pp.122-123.
1基思·赖特森，《英国近代早期的社会等级》，载于王觉非，《英国政治经济和文化的现代化》，南京：南京大学出版社，1989年版，第196页。
1Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, pp.188-189.
2Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.188.
3Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.195.
4Hughes&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.281.
5Wilfrid Hooper,“The Tudor Sumptuary Laws”, The English Historical Review, vol.30, no.119(1915), p.442.
1Quoted in Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.141.
2Hughes,&Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.193.
3Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.141.
4Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.71.
1Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.153.
2Elizabeth Hurlock,“Sumptuary Law”, in Mary Roach and Joanne Eichler, eds., Dress,Adornment and the Social Order, New York: Wiley,1965, p.301.
1Vincent, Dressing the Elite, p.119.
2Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.149.
3Daniel Defoe, Everybody’s Business, Nobody’s Business, London,1725, p.4.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
4John Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,Textile History, vol.33, no.1(2002), p.9.
1N. McKendrick,“The Commercialization of Fashion”, in N. McKendrick, J. Brewer and J.H.Plumb, eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society, Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1982,p.60.
2G. B. Hill ed., Boswell's Life of Johnson, Oxford: Claredon,1917, p.217.（http://www.archive.org）
3Defoe, Everybody’s Business, Nobody’s Business, p.15.
4希顿是约克郡一个中等毛料商，在十八世纪七八十年代每年销售价值约1000英镑的毛料。他允许女仆们耗费大部分工资在服饰上，而且她们可以自由地选择购买何种服饰。在18世纪后半期，从地方零售商的账簿中，亦可以看到贝德福特郡和汉普郡的女仆，与希顿的女仆具有相似的消费习惯。因此，希顿关于其女仆消费状况的记录，具有一定的典型性。参见Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,pp.9-21.
1Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.13.
2Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”, p.14,Table2.
3Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.14.
1Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.17.
2Styles,“Involuntary consumers? Servants and their clothes in eighteenth century England”,p.17.
1C. P. Moritz, Travels chiefly on foot, through several parts of England in1782, London,1795,p.159.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2Amanda Vickery, The gentleman's daughter: women's lives in Georgian England, NewHaven: Yale University Press,1998, pp.144-145,184,192.
1Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Material of Memory,
2Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2000, p.11.
3Ann Buck, Dress in eighteenth-century England, London,1979, p.204.“An acte for the reformation of excesse in apparaile”, in The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.239.
4“Enforcing statutes of apparel”, in Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.Ⅱ,p.280.
5Hughes and Larkin, ed., Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.Ⅲ, p.175.
1Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.405.
2Bristol Weekly Intelligencer, June15,1750, quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.407.
3Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor,vol.2, pp.41-42.
1Ashelford, The art of dress, p.147.
1Quoted in Lemire,“Second-hand beaux and ‘red-armed. Belles’”, p.403.
2Place, The life of Francis Place, p.62.
1Place, The life of Francis Place, p.63.
2Harte,“State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England”, p.143.
1引自基思·赖特森，《英国近代早期的社会等级》，第209页。
1Quoted in Breward, The culture of fashion,p.95.
2Anon, Hic mulier: or, The man-woman: being a medicine to cure the coltish disease of thestaggers in the masculine-feminines of our times, London,1620, p.12.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3Anon, Haec-vir: or, The womanish-man: being an answere to a late booke intituled Hic-mulier,London,1620, pp.1-11.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1William Harrison, Georges Edelen, ed., The description of England, New York: Cornell
2University Press,1968, p.147.Edmund Tilney, A briefe and pleasant discourse of duties in mariage, called the flower offriendship, London,1587, p.24.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”, p.420.
2Howard,“Cross-dressing, the theatre and gender struggle in early modern England”, p.421.
3Stubbes, The Anatomie of Abuses, p.112.
1Cressy,“Gender trouble and cross-dressing in early modern England”, pp.459-460.
吴于廑：《历史上农耕世界对工业世界的孕育》，《世界历史》1987年第2期，第5页。
1Alan Everitt,“Social Mobility in Early Modern England”, Past and Present, No.33,1966,pp.70-72.
2Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, pp.84－85.
3Alan Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions: A History of Sumptuary Law, London:
4Macmillan,1996, p.321.See C. M. Cipolla, Before the Industrial Revolution: European society and economy,1000-1700,London: Methuen,1993, p.24, Table1.7.
1The statutes of the realm, vol.3, pp.8,121,179.
2Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, London,1969, vol.3, p.175.
3The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.430.
4Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.278; vol.3, pp.174.
5The statutes of the realm, vol.3, p.8.
1Hughes and Larkin ed. Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol.2, p.381.
2M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, Edinburgh: Westminster JohnKnox Press,1991, p.84.
3John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, Translated by JohnAllen, Philadelphia: Presbyterian board of Christian education,1928, vol.2, p.295.（http://www.archive.org）
1Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, p.293.
2M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, p.85.
3Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, pp.296,437.
4Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.2, p.436.
5M. Beaty and B. Farley, eds., Calvin’s Ecclesiastical Advice, p.86.
1Graeme Murdock,“Calvin, clothing and the body”, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of
2Great Britain and Ireland, vol.28, no.4(2006), p.488.Murdock,“Calvin, clothing and the body”, p.488.
1Calvin, Institutes of the Christian religion, vol.1, p.127.
2Ribeiro, Fashion and fiction, p.203.
1Thomas Mortimer, The National Debt No National Grievance, or the Real State of the Nation,London,1768, p.60.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2David Kuchta,“The making of the self-made man”, p.68.
3Richard Price, Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, Philadelphia,1785,p.44.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1Joseph Towers, Observations on public liberty, patriotism, ministerial despotism, and nationalgrievances, London,1769, pp.27-28.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
2James Mackintosh, Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the French Revolution and its Englishadmires against the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Philadelphia,1792, p.41.（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
3Mortimer, The National Debt, p.47.
4John Cartwright, Take your choice!, London,1776, p.x.
（http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/ECCO）
1P. Earle, A City Full of People: Men and Women of London,1650-1750, London,1994,pp.115-117.
2Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, p.119.
3N. B. Harte,“The economics of clothing in the late seventeenth century”, Textile History, vol.22(1991), p.288.关于服饰的种类，从“各种各样的帽子”到“蕾丝、丝绸和衣服的饰边等”，金共列出了44个条目。
4“An act prohibiting the Importation of foreign Bonelace Cutt worke Imbroidery FringeBand-strings Buttons and Needle worke” in The statutes of the realm, vol.5, pp.405-6.
5“An Act for the discouraging the Importation of Throwne Silke”, in The statutes of the realm,vol.6, p.173.
1J. P. Cooper,“Economic Regulation and the Cloth Industry in Seventeenth-Century England”,
2Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, vol.20(1970), p.75.Anon, The Merchant’s Ware-house laid open; Or the Plain Dealing Linen-Draper, London,1696,pp.6,14,34,36.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: business, society, and family life in London,1660-1730, Berkeley: University of California Press,1989, p.20.
1Nicholas Barbon, A discourse of trade, London,1690, p.65.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2J. Dunton, The ladies dictionary, London,1694, p.209.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
3曼德维尔，《蜜蜂的寓言》，第96页。
4Anon, The trade of England Revived, London,1681, pp.16-17.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1Evelyn, Tyrannus, or, The mode in a discourse of sumptuary lawes, London,1661, p.15.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
2M. Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, Social Letters, London,1664, pp.414-415.(http://eebo.chadwyck.com）
1汤普森，《共有的习惯》，第10页。
2Hans Medick,“Plebian culture in the transition to capitalism”, in R. Samuel and G. Jones, eds.,Culture, Ideology and Politics, London: Routledge,1982, p.89.
1洛娜·韦瑟里尔整理了莱瑟姆一家的帐簿，该账簿跨越43个年份，自理查德和南希结婚的1724年，到理查德去世的1767年。这期间他们生育了7个孩子，其中有6个是女孩。约翰·斯泰尔斯依据帐簿中服饰开支的变化，将其分三个阶段来解读。第一阶段是1724-1741年，孩子年幼无法减轻家庭负担时期，莱瑟姆一家很少购买新衣服第二阶段是1742-1754年，孩子不断长大，渐渐可以外出挣钱，在服饰方面的花费急剧增长；第三阶段是1755-1767年，孩子渐渐离开父母自立门户，服饰开支再次回落。参见John Styles,“Custom orconsumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, In Maxine Berg, Elizabeth Eger,eds., Luxury in the eighteenth century: debates, desires and delectable goods, Basingstoke:
2Palgrave,2003, pp.103-115.Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.109.
1Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.109.
2William Hutton, The Life of William Hutton, London,1817, pp.96-97.（http://www.archive.org）
2Styles,“Custom or consumption, Plebeian fashion in eighteenth-century England”, p.112.
1Bamford, Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical and Early Days, vol.1, pp.149-150.
1See Jenkins, ed., The Cambridge history of western textiles, vol.1, p.461.Table8.8.该表显示18世纪初，毛纺织品的出口占出口总额的70.3％，到19世纪初递减到23.6％；相应地，棉纺织品由0.0％猛增至39.4％。
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2.(法)保尔·芒图：《十八世纪产业革命：英国近代大工业初期的概况》，杨人楩，陈希秦，吴绪译，北京：商务印书馆，1983年版。
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18.《世界杰出服装画家作品选》，天津：天津人民美术出版社，1987年版。
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