G20机制化建设研究
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摘要
G20从成立开始就被定义为“布雷顿森林体系内部的非正式对话机制”,然而在起初的十余年中,G20作为一种危机应对及预防机制在国际治理中一直处于边缘化地位。2008美国金融危机爆发,并迅速蔓延至全球,对世界经济造成巨大影响。传统的国际治理机制---七国集团和其主要执行机构IMF未能发挥应有作用,而G20却一跃成为应对这场危机的最核心治理机制,并迅速升级为峰会,在匹兹堡峰会后开始取代G7成为国际经济对话的首要平台。
     迄今为止,G20已成功召开了8次领导人峰会,在应对全球金融危机方面取得了明显成效。但另一方面,在后危机时代,G20也面临着如何从危机应对机制过渡为长效治理机制及如何进行机制化建设等问题。有关G20机制化建设这一课题无疑具有丰富的理论和实践意义。
     对G20机制化建设进行研究将丰富相关学科的理论背景,提供更多的分析框架和批判视角。首先,G20机制研究可进一步丰富“国际制度该如何设计”这一课题;其次,G20机制研究可反映出国际格局最新变化并推动重要国际经济机构改革进程;第三,G20机制研究可反映全球治理机制发展趋势及发展相关理论;第四,G20机制研究可为国际宏观政策协调机制建设、国际货币体系改革等现实操作提供新思路。
     G20机制化建设研究不仅具有丰富的理论意涵,也具有十分紧迫的实践意义。其一,G20机制研究可为其未来发展方向和方式提供新思路;其二,对G20机制的研究有利于中国积极地参与国际事务,实现国家利益。因此,对G20进行深入研究符合我国发展战略,深远的实践意义不言而喻。
     综合对国内外文献的整理分析以及本文设定的思路框架,笔者在研究中着重关注如下几点:一是寻找新的切入点,如从国际政治经济学、国际法等跨学科的角度进行思考。力求从一个有新意的角度重新审视G20的成立、发展、机制化建设,填补国内相关领域的空白;二是着重关注G20作为一个国际机制的内在发展规律,如其内部矛盾(成员国间的利益诉求博弈)、内在动力(成员国共同利益)、与其他国际机制的关系、机制化的理由问题,以此丰富有关国际机制的研究;三是注意使用科学的研究方法,如定性与历史分析相结合、经济视角和政治视角相统一的方法,并尝试运用利益分析等研究方法,尽量避免研究出现深度不足、过于主观化等问题。
     在对G20机制化建设进行研究的过程中,关于国际机制与国际组织的理论占有重要地位,因此本文先从全球经济治理理论综述入手,在研究相关理论的基础上,在更深刻的层面阐述G20问题,整个理论框架共分为三个方面:一是以世界体系的相关概念为原点展开理论框架的阐述;二是从国际政治经济学角度研究G20为什么要机制化;三是从国际法角度研究该机制应如何设计。
     G20机制化建设是一个复杂问题,在机制化路线的设计过程中,本文还广泛吸取其他国际机制的验和教训,对硬法性WTO和软性机制G7、APEC进行系统比较,为G20机制化建设的性质定位提供了更加丰富的实践背景。
     在研究了相关国际机制理论和其他国际机制的经验教训后,笔者运用定性与历史分析相结合、经济视角与政治视角相统一的研究方法,对G20作为一个国际机制的历史背景、存在基础及内在矛盾与发展动力展开深入解读,并对G20的性质作出明确定位。
     分析G20内、外部的矛盾离不开对其成员国的深入探究,本文进而对G20成员国的利益诉求及各方互动进行了深入探讨,更从博弈视角下论证了G20未来机制化面临的国际关系基础,以此形成G20机制化建设可能性和可行性分析的重要实践参考。
     有了以上这些研究作为基础,笔者对G20机制化建设的可能性及可行性进行论证分析,更从国际软法角度论证了G20作为国际治理机制的法律框架选择。国际政治经济学视角涉及G20机制化建设的内容和实质,而国际法视角则是前者的具体外在形式,此内容适合于此形式,G20研究框架下二者的结合相得益彰。
     本着客观与创新的原则,本文对G20未来的机制化路线提出具体设计方案,将G20机制化建设划分为软性非正式阶段、软性半机制化阶段和“软硬兼施”机制化阶段等三个阶段:
     软性非正式阶段的主要任务是通过具体准备工作,为软性半机制化建设作出前期铺垫。2013年圣彼得堡峰会业已明确提出经济复苏的主要任务:“如何启动投资这一发展引擎以及如何通过搭建国际金融架构并预防可导致新危机的经济失衡,达到降低风险的目的。”本文藉此将圣彼得堡峰会作为机制化建设的正式开端。
     软性半机制化阶段是G20着眼于未来长效全球统筹机制使命,向半机制化阶段过渡是一条必由之路,即首先强化G20组织架构及议题专门化设置,这也同时符合G20机制软法性特征的形成规律,即软法机制的成型须经由程序化、透明化、规范化和制度化等一系列完整程序。其中,组织架构建设主要集中于固定秘书处的设置论证,为了力求本研究的客观性,笔者将此预设为备选方案进行可行性分析,以便读者作出独立判断和甄别。议题建设专门化设置分为三个步骤:经济议题专门化、金融议题专门化、议题建设多元化。
     “软硬兼施”的机制化阶段重点从五方面展开G20机制化建设方案:1.逐步扩展、开放议题领域;2.严格成员国准入制度;3. G20决策机制构建;4.多层级会晤与协商框架构建;5.G20决议执行机制构建;6.相互评估程序构建。
     中国作为G20成员国之一,其行为将对G20机制的发展产生重要影响;同样,G20作为中国参与国际事务最有效的平台,其发展也将对中国产生深远影响。本文最后一章着重从中国视角对G20机制化建设提出观点,即G20机制化建设中的中国战略,从中国的态度和立场、G20机制化对于中国的潜在利益、G20机制化建设对于中国的制约因素和潜在风险等展开论述,并提出中国对于G20机制化建设的应对战略。
     世界政治多极化和经济全球化浪潮势不可挡,金融、贸易、投资等经济议题以及能源安全、气候变化、粮食安全、反恐等安全挑战日益不可分割,G20峰会为全球性问题提供了最佳沟通平台。然而由于各国经济诉求不同,各集团综合实力各异,以及世界格局的风云变幻,各方利益的交织与博弈往往很难最终取得共赢结果。如何克服这一治理困境以保障世界经济永续发展,是G20机制化建设过程中需要深刻思考及永续关注的一项议题。
Since established in1999, G20has been defined as "an informal dialoguemechanism under the Bretton Woods system ". But during the first ten years, asa crisis response and prevention mechanism in international governance, G20had been marginalized. The2008financial crisis quickly spread throughout theworld, causing a huge impact on the world economy. Traditional internationalgovernance mechanisms---the G7、the IMF and other implementing agenciesfailed to play their due roles, while G20emerged as the core response to the crisisand quickly escalated into a summit. After Pittsburgh Summit Meeting, G20began to replace the G7as the primary platform for international economicdialogue.
     To date, G20has successfully held8summit meetings, and achievedremarkable results in response to the global financial crisis. But on the otherhand, in the post-crisis era, G20is also faced with how to transit from a crisisresponse mechanism to a long-term governance mechanism and how toinstitutionalize itself. The research of the G20institutionalization willundoubtedly have a value of theoretical and practical significance.
     This research will enrich the theoretical background of related disciplines,and provide more analytical frameworks and critical perspectives. Firstly, thestudy further enriches the subject of " how to design an international system ";secondly, the study reflects the latest changes in the international situation andpromotes the process of reform of the international economic institutions;Thirdly, the study reflects trends of global governance mechanisms and developsrelated theories; fourthly, the study provides new ideas for the construction ofinternational macroeconomic policy coordination mechanisms, and promotes thereform of the international monetary system.
     The research not only has a wealth of theoretical implications, but also hasa very urgent practical significance. First, it provides new ideas for the futuredirection of the G20; second, it enhances China's active participation ininternational affairs and helps achieve national interests. Therefore, the in-depthstudy of the subject is in line with China's development strategy. The profoundpractical significance is self-evident.
     With comprehensive analysis of relevant literature and argumentationframework of the whole paper, the study focus on the following points: First,from the perspectives of international political economy and international law,the paper seeks to make an interdisciplinary reexamination on the establishment,development and institutionalization of the G20, aiming at narrow the distancefrom the West in this field; second, focus on the inherent law of development ofthe G20as an international mechanism, such as its internal contradictions (inthe game of interest demands), intrinsic motivation (the common interests ofmember states), relations with other international mechanisms, reasons of institutionalization, in order to enrich the research of relevant internationalmechanisms; third, use scientific research methods, such as a combination ofqualitative and historical analysis, unity of economic and political perspectives,and try to avoid under-depth and subjective analysis.
     In the course of the study, theories of international mechanisms andinternational organizations play an important role. this paper starts withsummarizing the theories of global economic governance, with the wholetheoretical framework divided into three areas: first, the elaboration oftheoretical framework with the concepts of the origin of the world system;second, exploration of the reasons why the G20should be institutionalized fromthe IPE perspective; third how to design the mechanism from the perspective ofinternational law.
     In the process of mechanism design, the paper also draws extensively onthe experiences and lessons of other international mechanisms, comparingsystemically for hard and soft law of the WTO mechanism of hard law natureand the G7、APEC mechanisms of soft law nature, which provides a moreextensive practical background for nature positioning of the institutionalization.
     After studying the theory and practice lessons of relevant internationalmechanisms, the paper proceeds to interpret the historical background, existencebases and inherent contradictions of the G20, and makes a definite position forits nature.
     The analysis of the internal and external conflicts is supposed to refer tothe interests game of the member states, accordingly the paper has a thoroughdiscussion on the interactions to lay a foundation of international relations forthe G20institutionalization in the future, and thus forming an importantpractical reference for the possibility and feasibility analysis.
     With these studies as a basis, the paper demonstrates reasons for choosingthe legal framework in the mechanism design from the perspective ofinternational soft law, as well as makes the possibility and feasibility analysis.The IPE perspective applied in the design plays a role of substance of the G20construction, while the perspective of international law plays a role of theexternal form, with the content and the outlook combined to make it acomplementary framework in the design.
     In line with objective and innovative principle, the paper designs specificroute of the G20mechanism, dividing the whole process into three phases,namely the informal stage of soft law nature, semi-institutionalization stage ofsoft law nature, and the "carrot and stick" stage of institutionalization:
     The main task of the first stage is pave the way for the second stagethrough concrete preparations.2013St. The Petersburg Summit of2013clearlystated the main task of economic recovery: How to start the engine of investmentand how to achieve the purpose of reducing the risks through building theinternational financial architecture and preventing economic imbalances thattend to cause new crises. And this paper will take Petersburg Summit as theformal start of the G20institutionalization.
     The semi-institutionalization stage is the only way to the third stage whichtargeting the future mission of the G20as a long-term global co-ordinationmechanism. The organizational structure and set of specialized topics will befirst strengthened, which also meets the regularities of the soft law formation ofthe G20, namely molding soft law is subjected to a full range of procedures ofstandardization, institutionalization, etc. The feasibility research of a fixedsecretariat will be the focus of the organizational structure building. In order toseek the objectivity, the paper sets the blueprint as an alternative so as for thereaders to make independent judgments and screening. The construction ofspecialized topics set is divided into three steps: specialized economic issues,specialized financial issues, and the building of diversified issues.
     Over the years, the emphasis of the G20has been put on multilateralconsultations on economic issues, which are lack of implementation binding.During the post-crisis era, whether the G20can strengthen the premierinternational economic cooperation platform status and the role a long-termcoordinating body in global governance of, depends on its expanding force with abroad dynamic range. Therefore, at the third stage, the G20institutionalbuilding programs extend in five aspects:1. Enlarge fields of issues gradually;2.Control the access system for member states;3. Build the decision-makingmechanism;4. Build multi-level consultative framework;5. Establish theexecutive mechanism;6. Build mutual assessment procedures.
     China, as a member of the G20, will have a significant impact on thedevelopment of the G20mechanism; Similarly, G20will also have a profoundimpact on China's participation in international affairs as the most effectiveplatform for its global interests. This paper makes proposals in the last chapterfrom the Chinese perspective on the construction of the G20mechanism, namelyChina's strategy including China’s attitudes and position, the potential intereststhat the institutionalization may bring China and the potential risk factors. AndChina’s coping strategies is put forward logically in the end.
     The political multi-polarization and economic globalization of the world isunstoppable. Issues of finance, trade and investment are increasingly indivisibleto challenges like energy security, climate change, food security,counter-terrorism, etc. G20Summit of global issues provides the bestcommunication platform in this regard. However, due to various demands,different overall strengths of the member states, and the ever changing worldsituation, interwoven interests of the parties often make it difficult to achieve awin-win final outcome. How to overcome the difficulties of governance in orderto guarantee a sustainable world economy growth is a mission the G20institutional building process is all concerned with.
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    57由加拿大多伦多八国集团信息研究中心部分数据整理
    58吕有志、查君红,《分析俄罗斯在八国集团中的角色》,2001-11-09
    59陈晓进,《八国集团30周年发展回顾》,世界经济与政治,2005年第12期
    60数据来源于http://intl.ce.cn/specials/zxxx/200810/14/t20081014_17063042.shtml
    61美国《1977年总统经济报告》,经济合作与发展组织《主要经济指标》1978年各期
    62Rich ard Higgott,“Multilateral ism and the Lim its of Global Governance”, in John English, et al, Reformingfrom the Top: A Leaders20Summit: Why, How, Who and When? Tokyo: United Nat ions University Press,2005,pp.72-96.
    63陈威华、徐涛,《巴西财长认为西方七国集团不足以应对金融危机》http://news.xinhuanet.com/fortune/2008-11/08/content_10326777.htm。
    64方华,《亚太经济合作组织》,《国际资料信息》2001年第8期
    65宫占奎,《APEC方式的调整与改革》,《南开学报(哲学社会科学版)》2004年第5期,第19页
    66赵涯,《论APEC的组织结构及未来发展趋向》,《国际经贸探索》1996年第3期,第82页
    67中村民雄,《以电信业为例看APEC决策、执行过程的灵活性和法规的作用》,《国际政治研究》,1998年第2期
    68数据来源APEC官方网站:http://www.apec.org/
    69方华,《亚太经济合作组织》,《国际资料信息》2001年第8期
    70方华,《亚太经济合作组织》,《国际资料信息》2001年第8期
    71张睿锋,《论APEC方式及APEC的机制化》,《世界经济情况》,2001年第14期
    72饶戈平,《国际组织法》,北京大学出版社1996年版,第155‐158页
    73彭育园、钟莉,《APEC方式的缺陷和改革取向》,《环球经贸》2005年10月
    74万国华,《从亚洲金融危机看IMF法律机制亟待改革的几个重要问题》,载《南开学报》1999年第2期,第9‐16页
    76The Manila Framework, Meeting of Asian Finance and Central Bank Deputies, A New Framework for EnhancedAsian Regional Cooperation to Promote Financial Stability, Agreed Summary of Discussions, Manila:18-19November1997.
    78G22的成员包括美国、法国、德国、英国、意大利、加拿大、日本、俄罗斯、阿根廷、澳大利亚、巴西、中国、中国香港、印度、印尼、马来西亚、墨西哥、波兰、新加坡、南非、韩国、泰国。79G22会议有时又被称为威拉德会议,因为第一次会议是在华盛顿的威拉德酒店召开。参见:[加]彼得·哈吉纳尔著,朱杰进译:《八国集团体系与二十国集团》,上海:上海人民出版社,2010年版,第189页
    80“Reports on the International Financial Architecture-Reports of Working Groups”, seehttp://www.bis.org/publ/othp01.htm
    81有关IMF的组织架构,参见郭瑜,《国际经济组织法教程》,北京大学出版社,2002年版,第37页。82G33的成员除了G22的所有成员外,还新增了比利时、智利、科特迪瓦、埃及、摩洛哥、荷兰、沙特、西班牙、瑞典、瑞士、土耳其。
    83Gordon Brouwer,“Institutions to Promote Financial Stability: Reflections on East Asia and an Asian MonetaryFund”,in Richard Samans, Marc Uzan, and Augusto Lopez-Claros, eds., The International Monetary System, theIMF, and the G20:A Great Transformation in the Making? New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2007,p.82.
    84“The Group of Twenty: A History”,http://www.g20.org/Documents/history_report_dml.pdf,p.16.
    85John Kirton,“The G20: Representativeness, Effectiveness, and Leadership in Global Governance”, in JosephDaniels, etc.eds, Guiding Global Order, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Company,2001,pp.155-156.
    86[美]杰弗里·法兰克尔、彼得·奥萨格著,徐卫宇等译:《美国90年代的经济政策》,中信出版社,2004年版,第178页。
    87保罗·马丁也因此被誉为“G20之父”,参见:Paul Martin,“AGlobalAnswer to Global Problems: The Case fora New Leaders’ Forum”, Foreign Affairs, Vol.84,No.3,2005,pp.2-6.
    88Report of G7Finance Ministers to the Koln Economic Summit, seehttp://www.g8.utoronto.ca/finance/fm061999.htm
    89Statement of G7Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, seehttp://www.g8.utoronto.ca/finance/fm992509state.htm
    94John Kirton, Joseph Daniels,and Andrea Freytag,eds.,Guiding Global Order:G8Governance in the Twenty-firstCentury, Aldershot:Ashgate Publishing Company,2000,p.164.
    95Chair Summary,1999,Meetings of G20Finance Ministers and Central Banks Governors, seehttp://www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/
    96有学者把以IMF等正式国际组织为主要载体的国际治理模式,称为全球治理的2.0版本,而把以G20等非正式国际机制为主要平台的国际治理模式,称为全球治理的3.0版本。参见:Yul Sohn, Seungjoo Lee,Chaesung Chun, Hong Sik Cho,“Toward New Global Governance: Korea and the G20”,see:http://www.eai.or.kr/type/panelView.asp?bytag=p&catcode=&code=eng_report&idx=9572&page=1
    97Chair Summary,1999, Meetings of G20Finance Ministers and Central Banks Governors, seehttp://www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/
    99Colin I. Bradford Johannes F. Linn,Global Governance Reform: Breaking the Stalemate,Washington D. C:Brookings Institution Press2007,p8.
    100金灿荣,《G20的缘起与前景》现代国际关系2009.11
    101Tony Porter, The G-7, the Financial Stability Forum, the G-20,and the Politics of International FinancialRegulation, Paper prepared for the International Studies Association Annual Meeting, LA, California, March15
    102The G20Toronto Summit Declaration, http://www.g20.utoronto.ca/2010/to-communique.html.
    103Kirton, John,"The G20, the G8, the G5and the Role of Ascending Powers." Paper prepared for the seminar on"Ascending Powers and the International System," Instituto Matias Romero, Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores,Mexico City, December13-14, and for publication in Revista Mexicana de Politica Exterior. Version of December
    27,2010.1041999年12月15日,在德国柏林召开了G20创始会议并发表第一份公报G20第一次会议公报,http://www.g20.org/pub_communiques.aspx
    105Charles Lipson,“Why are Some International Agreements Informal?”/international Organization,V01.45,No.4,1991, PP.495-538.
    106G20Leaders Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit,http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/2009/2009communique0925.html.
    107G20Cannes Summit Final Declaration,http://www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/2011/2011-cannes-declaration-111104-en.html.
    108崔志楠,邢悦,《从G7时代到G20时代国际金融治理机制的变迁》,《世界经济与政治》,2011年第一期
    109数据来源于世界银行数据中心,指标及增长率http://data.worldbank.org.cn/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG。
    111数据来源于世界银行数据中心,指标及增长率http://data.worldbank.org.cn/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG
    112金中夏,《基于G20视角的我国国际经济金融战略问题研究》,《中国金融四十人论坛》,2013年9月
    113Gordon S. Smith,“G7to G8to G20: Evolution in Global Governance”,CIGI G20Papers, No.6, May2011.
    114Martin Paul, Hell, High Water,“My Life In and Out of Politics”, Toronto: McClelland&Stewart,2008.
    115数据来源于世界银行数据中心,指标及增长http://data.worldbank.org.cn/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG
    116David Cameron,“Governance for growth: Building Consensus for the future”, p.14http://www.g20.utoronto.ca/summits/2011cannes.html.
    117Kenneth Abbott&Duncan Snidal “Hard and Soft Law in International Governance” International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,p.436.
    118田野,《国际关系中的制度选择:一种交易成本的视角》,上海人民出版社,2006年版,第79‐89页
    119Case C-322/88Grimaldi[1989]ECR4407,paragraph19
    120Case C-142/95,Associazione agrieoltori v.Commission[1996] ECR1-6669
    121Case T.105/95,World Wildlife Fund v.Commission[1997]ECR II.313
    122漆彤,《国际金融软法的效力与发展趋势》,《环球法律评论》,2012年第2期第153页
    123OECD官网:History,http://www.oecd.org/pages/0,3417,en_36734052_367618631‐1‐1‐1‐l,00.Html.
    124罗豪才,《软法与公共治理》,北京大学出版社,2006年版,第228页
    125张海冰,《二十国集团机制化的趋势和影响》,《世界经济研究》,2010年第9期
    126Barry Carin, Paul Heinbecker, Gordon Smith, Ramesh Thakur,”Making the G20Summit Process Work: SomeProposals for Improving Effectiveness and Legitimacy”, CIGI G20Papers No.2, June2010, p.8
    127Edwin M. Truman, the G-20and international Financial Institution Governance, Peterson Institute forInternational Economics, Working Paper10-13, September2010, p.4
    128John Kirton,Joseph Daniels,and Andrea Freytag,eds.,Guiding Global Order:G8Governance in theTwenty-first Century, Aldershot:Ashgate Publishing Company,2000,p.164
    129朱杰进,《二十国集团的定位与机制建设》,《阿拉伯世界研究》,2012年5月第三期,第31页
    130David Cameron,“Governance for growth:Building Consensus for the future”.http:llwww.920.utoronto.ca/summits/2011cannes.html, p.14
    131Charles Lipson,“Why are Some International Agreements Informal?”/international Organization,V01.45,No.4,1991, PP.495-538.
    132David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics,Economics and Culture, Polity Press,1999, p.23.
    133See Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbor hood, htt p://www. sovereighty net/p/gov/gganalysis htm.
    134孙宽平、腾世华,《全球化与全球治理》,湖南人民出版社,2003年7月版,第41页
    135郑玲丽,《国际贸易关系的法治与全球经济治理》,《世界贸易组织动态与研究》,2007(11)第32页
    136杨文昌,《G20:多极合作的起点》,《环球时报》,2009年4月8日第11版
    137李仁真、刘真,《金融稳定论坛机制及其重构的法律透视》,《法学评论(双月刊)》,2010年第2期,第103页
    138See Michael Taylor&Douglas W. Arner The global financial crisis and the Financial Stability Board: Hardingthe soft law of international financial regulation.
    139马其家,《美国金融稳定监管委员会及启示》,《东北师大学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2011年第5卷,第11页
    140《G20闭幕,各国将推进汇率市场化提高汇率弹性》,网易财经,http://money.163.com/10/1112/15/6LA367H600254K8P.html
    141黎越、关晋勇、胡博峰,《G20峰会传递重振经济增长意愿》,中国经济网,http://www.ce.cn/macro/more/201111/06/t20111106_22817013.shtml
    142《促进经济增长创造就业岗位,G20峰会把脉世界经济》,经济参考报,http://finance.chinanews.com/cj/2013/09‐04/5241454.shtml
    143Kenneth Abbott,Anne, Marie Slaughter, Robert Keohane, and Duncan Snidal, eds. Legalization and WorldPolitics,International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,pp.401-421.
    145“Democratizing G20Governance: Performance and Possibilities” John Kirton, Co-director, G20ResearchGroup, University of Toronto
    146“G7to G8to G20: Evolution in Global Governance” CIGI G20Papers No.6, May2011Gordon S. Smith
    147World Economic Outlook (WEO) Update,“Is the Tide Rising?” January2014, IMF
    148李因才,《结构变迁与治理制度的演化:从G7到G20》,《当代世界社会主义问题》2011年第4期
    149http://blogs.reuters.com/macroscope/2009/09/02/power-shifts-from-g7-to-g20/
    150“From G8to G20to G-Zero: Why no one wants to take charge in the new global order” Ian Bremmer11June2013
    151“Why G20leaders will fail to deal with the big challenge” By Martin Wolf
    152“The G20is not just a G7with extra chairs” by Jean Pisani-Ferry, Agnès Bénassy-Quéré, Rajiv Kumar on21stSeptember2009
    153154G20Declaration,“Summit of Financial Markets and the World Economy”,15Nov2008http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2010-11-07/020518336681s.shtml
    155IMF规定,重大议题投票需要85%以上赞成票才能通过,美国靠15%以上的投票权就可以一票否决议题。
    158劳尔普雷维什,《外围资本主义----危机与改造》,商务印书馆1990年
    159http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/key-issues-for-the-new-parliament/britain-in-the-world/t
    172张健,《欧美关系的新变化及前景》,《现代国际关系》,2009年第6期
    175高天含,《浅析美国推迟实施巴塞尔协议III的原因及影响》,《经济视角》,2013年第一期
    180“THE GROUP OF TWENTY: Origins, Prospects and Challenges for Global Governance”
    1H81omi Kharas and Domenico Lombardi, Brookings Institutionhttp://news.163.com/07/0606/08/3G9Q8K92000120GU.html
    184“Making the G20Summit Process Work: Some Proposals for Improving Effectiveness and Legitimacy”
    CIGI G20Papers|No.2, June2010
    188Robert Zoellick,“The G20Must Look Beyond Bretton Woods II”, Financial Times, Nov.7,2010
    192房广顺、唐彦林,《美国的20国集团政策及其目的》,《高校理论战线》2011年04期
    194朱杰进,《二十国集团的定位与机制建设》,阿拉伯世界研究2012年5月第3期
    195“The G20, the IMF and Global Surveillance” Domenico LombardiThe Oxford Institute for Economic Policy and the Brookings Institution
    196Charles Lipson,“Why are Some International Agreements Informal?” International Organization, Vol.45, No.4,1991, pp.495-538.
    197Stewart Patrick,“The G20: Shifting Coalitions of Consensus Rather than Blocs”
    198Bruce Jones,“Making Multilateralism Work: How the G-20Can Help the United Nations,” Stanley FoundationPolicy Analysis Brief, April2010, p.6
    199“Winning Together: The Advanced Countries' Approach to G20Governance” John Kirton, co-director, G20Research Group, May3,2013
    200http://www.sinonet.org/news/finance/2011‐01‐04/116799.htm
    211“Review of the G20summit in St. Petersburg” From the perspective of the German Finance Ministry
    212Vogt, Susanna: Germany and the G20, G20: Perceptions and Perspectives for Global Governance, P.79
    213Angela Merkel (2010): Joint news conference following Russian-French-German talks
    214数据来源:德国联邦统计局,《联邦德国外贸伙伴排序》
    215Vogt, Susanna: Germany and the G20, G20: Perceptions and Perspectives for Global Governance, P.76
    217数据为通过世贸组织贸易数据年鉴计算所得(www.wto.org)
    218刘丰,《美国霸权与全球治理——美国在全球治理中的角色及其困境》,《南开学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2012年第3期
    219拉丁美洲和加勒比地区经济委员会(CEPAL)2013年发表的关于该地区社会、经济和环境的年度报告Anuario Estadístico de la CEPAL ofrece panorama social, económico y ambiental de América Latina y el Caribe
    220Gross domestic product2012,18-Dec-2013, http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/GDP-ranking-table
    221数据来源于中华人民共和国外交部,http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_chn/gjhdq_603914/gj_603916/
    222拉美经委会2013年报告
    223杨仲林,《墨西哥的贸易开放及其对经济发展的影响》,《拉丁美洲研究》2003年第6期
    224高静,《美洲经济一体化中的南南合作和南北合作从理论到实践》,《拉丁美洲研究》2008-12-22
    225“G20:阿根廷和巴西支持粮食食品上涨,共同反对发达国家的立场”http://www.26noticias.com.ar/g20-argentina-y-brasil-juntos-para-frenar-el-embate-de-los-paises-centrales-contra-la-suba-de-los-precios-de-alimentos-127326.html
    226数据来源:CNN Mexico(“墨西哥作为G20引领者,承诺推进拉美的发展”)
    227“G20:阿根廷和巴西的立场”http://tiempo.infonews.com/2012/06/15/editorial-78554-g-20-la-posicion-de-argentina-y-brasil.php
    228G20中的拉丁美洲http://www.nuevamayoria.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4076&Itemid=40
    229数据来源:中华人民共和国商务部,http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/l/200904/20090406148992.html
    230“哥伦比亚希望墨西哥、巴西和阿根廷在G20中统一立场”http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/economia/colombia-pide-mexico-brasil-y-argentina-fijar-posicion-articulo-292471
    231里卡多希望拉丁美洲在G20中提出共同方案http://www.df.cl/ricardo-lagos-pide-planteamiento-comun-a-paises-latinoamericanos-del-g20/prontus_df/2013-12-06/075341.html
    232“拉美一体化组织成员讨论拉美在G20中的立场”《地区和世界全景》Los países de ALADI debatieron posición en el G20, Panorama Regional y Global
    233“拉美经委会认为G20峰会成果不大”http://www.cnnexpansion.com/economia/2011/11/09/la-cepal-descalifica-resultados-del-g20
    234“G20:拉丁美洲在合作方面理论多,但缺乏协调”埃菲社http://www.acento.com.do/index.php/news/18323/56/G20‐Latinoamerica‐con‐muchos‐teoricos‐pero‐sin‐coordinacion-ni-propuestas.html
    235崔志楠,邢悦,《从“G7时代”到“G20时代”-国际金融治理机制的变迁》2011-04-15
    236新华网:世行行长认为金融危机显示G7体系已经过时
    237数据来源:《拉美国家在G20中寻求应对货币战争的措施》http://www.emol.com/noticias/economia/2010/11/09/446202/paises-latinoamericanos--buscara-frenar-guerra-de-divisas-en-cumbre-del-g20.html
    238G‐20: la posición de Argentina y Brasil, Tiempo Argentino,15‐06‐2012
    239吴丽学/编译,《国家利益:金砖国家的困境与机遇》,《社会科学报》1385期第7版
    240《拉丁美洲和加勒比地区全球化进度报告》,拉美经委会2013Panorama de la Inserción Internacional de América Latina y el Caribe, CEPAL,2013
    241See Seoul Development Consensus,“Focus on systemic issues where there is a need for collective andcoordinated action, including through South-South and triangular cooperation, to create synergies for maximumdevelopment impact.” and Multi Year Action Plan on development “We are also resolved to strengthen the role ofSouth-South trade cooperation and to reinforce the involvement of the private sector in these measures.”(June2011report)
    242专访OECD领土发展部主任:OECD将吸纳中国加入
    243数据来源:拉丁美洲和加勒比地区经济委员会(CEPAL)
    244“金砖国家在拉美地区寻求更大的影响力”http://rusiahoy.com/internacional/2013/06/11/los_brics_preven_tener_mayor_presencia_en_america_latina_28827.html
    245数据来源:http://money.163.com/13/0906/03/982DQ1BI00253B0H.html
    246“里约+G20:削弱拉丁美洲的算法” Francisco Rey MarcosRío+G20: una suma que resta para América Latina,
    247墨西哥同他国的自由贸易协定http://www.promexico.gob.mx/comercio/mexico-y-sus-tratados-de-libre-comercio-con-otros-paises.html
    248墨西哥总统涅托在G20峰会上的讲话http://palabradeepn.com/tag/g20/
    249Mauricio de Maria y Campos,《墨西哥和G20:墨西哥队国际对话可能起到的支持作用》,conference of theUnited Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO),2012
    251《G20中的贸易阵营对于雷普索尔公司的国有化感到焦虑》埃菲社http://elsolonline.com/noticias/ver/1204/131974/el-bloque-comercial-del-g-20-analiza-preocupado-la-expropiacion-de-ypf
    254徐锋,《巴西、阿根廷政党政治与经济社会发展之关系》,上海市社会主义学院学报2010年第6期
    257“墨西哥-阿根廷贸易关系分析”墨西哥投资贸易促进局10/05/11
    258“墨西哥-巴西贸易关系分析”墨西哥投资贸易促进局20/04/10
    259“墨西哥和阿根廷:反差巨大的关系”http://www.cnnexpansion.com/economia/2012/09/22/mexicoargentina-relacion-de-contrastes
    260“墨西哥巴西自由贸易协议处于危险之中”中国自由贸易区服务网,2012-03-20
    261“阿根廷弃置与墨西哥的协定”http://www.cnnexpansion.com/economia/2012/06/25/argentina-abandona-acuerdo-con-mexico
    262墨西哥应把对外贸易重心放在欧盟http://mexico.cnn.com/opinion/2012/10/23/opinion-mexico-debe-apostar-a-una-relacion-en-bloque-con-la-union-europea
    263《墨西哥对外政策中的巴西:寻求更具活力的关系》,巴塞罗那自治大学国际关系专家胡安巴勃罗索里亚诺,《对外政策》双月刊9-10期
    264数据来源:http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-11-10/13567404029s.shtml
    266王萍,《南方共同市场的发展、作用及面临的挑战》,《拉丁美洲研究》,1998年第1期
    267数据来源:Intercambio Comercial Brasileiro-Argentina SECEX. Retrieved on2011-01-22.
    268“阿根廷和巴西共同分析双边关系”http://marcotradenews.com/diplomacia-comercial/18977/Argentina-y-Brasil-se-reunieron-para-analizar-relaciones-bilaterales
    269巴西和阿根廷的贸易关系:时近时远的贸易伙伴http://www.consultoradni.com/la-relacion-comercial-argentina-brasil-dos-socios-que-se-acercan-y-se-alejan-segun-las-circunstancias/
    270“巴西承认与阿根廷的贸易问题”http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1570111-brasil-admitio-problemas-comerciales-con-la-argentina
    271李紫莹,《从阿根廷视角看南方共同市场中的政治因素》,《拉丁美洲研究》,2010年2月第1期第32卷
    272“罗塞夫、基什内尔和涅托在G20中的角色”http://www.infolatam.com/2013/09/09/%C2%BFcual-ha-sido-el-papel-de-dilma-rousseff-c-kirchner-y-pena-nieto-en-el-g20/
    275周志伟,《从罗塞芙访美看巴美关系的走向》,《当代世界》2012年5月版
    278周超,《美洲峰会无疾而终拉美对美国说“不”》,《当代世界》2012年5月版
    279Alistair Burnett,《巴西致力于寻求共识,不愿唯美国马首是瞻》,《耶鲁全球》,2013年4月
    281李紫莹,《二战后阿根廷的现代化战略选择与对外关系》,《拉丁美洲研究》第34卷第2期
    283董兰兰,“秃鹫基金围剿阿根廷:主权违约迫在眉睫”21世纪网,2012-11-29
    284“阿根廷出台制裁秃鹫基金的法律”http://www.territoriodigital.com/nota3.aspx?c=4221624639211464
    286贺双荣,《布什总统执政以来的美拉关系》,《拉丁美洲研究》2007年03期
    287http://world.huanqiu.com/exclusive/2013-11/4580986.html
    288《“再见,门罗;你好,特罗伊洛”》,西班牙《国家报》2013年11月29日
    289刘晓,《中拉贸易的发展和启示》6/08/2012
    292樊璐,《中国和墨西哥经贸关系研究》2010年4月
    295韩超、范爱军,《中国与巴西双边贸易的竞争与互补》2011年10月
    296岳云霞、武小琦,《拉美国家对华贸易摩擦现状及应对—以巴西、阿根廷为例》,《中国经贸》,2013.5
    297《2012年商务部国别贸易投资环境报告-阿根廷》2012年
    298方旭飞,《中国与阿根廷:竞争中实现共赢》,《中国远洋航务》2011年第10期
    302http://money.163.com/12/0617/12/84714ALE00254RGI.html
    303《墨西哥和欧盟强化贸易关系》http://www.economia.gob.mx/eventos-noticias/sala-de-prensa/comunicados/6590-mexico-y-la-union-europea-fortalecen-su-relacion-comercial
    308http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn,中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处2”Arab World Competitiveness Report2011-2012”, published by World Economic Forum and the Organization forEconomic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
    310http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/pubs/ft/ar/2013/pdf/ar13_chi.pdf,国际货币基金组织2013年报
    311The G-20and International Economic Cooperation: Background and Implications for Congress November7,2013,作者:Rebecca M. Nelson
    312《21世纪新的多边主义》-理查德汀伯比演讲,发言人:国际货币基金组织总裁——克里斯蒂娜·拉加德2014年2月3日,伦敦http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/np/speeches/2014/020314c.pdf
    313宗良、王志峰,《G20不同发展模式国家应对金融危机冲击措施及政策效果分析》,《武汉金融》2010-05314Meeting of Ministers and Governors,S o Paulo–Brazil,8-9November2008
    315BP Statistical Review of World Energy, June2013http://www.bp.com/en/global/corporate/about-bp/energy-economics/statistical-review-of-world-energy-2013.html
    316信息来源:http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn/article/ziranziyuan/yuyan/201309/20130900309961.shtml中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处
    317《数字中国》附录一:《二十国集团经济发展现状》,第1页
    318Saudi Gazette, Monday,30September2013
    319匹兹堡G20首脑宣言全文,http://money.163.com/photoview/0U230025/181_03.html
    320钮松、田艺琼,《沙特的全球治理观:以沙特参与G20机制为例》,上海外国语大学中东研究所
    321数据来源:http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/pubs/ft/weo/2013/02/pdf/textc.pdf 《世界经济展望-转型与紧张》,2013年10月
    322数据来源:http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/business/2009/g20/7897719.stm
    323数据来源:,published by InternationalLabour Office and G20,2010.3,P1
    324Sven Behrendt,The Global Think Tank卡内基国际和平基金会,Article September21,2009
    325Yang Li/Zhang Jin,“Political and Economic Analysis on SWFs of Saudi Arabia”, Journal of Middle Eastern andIslamic Studies, Vol.6, No.3,2012, P35.
    326Meeting of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, United Kingdom,7November2009
    327原文题目为“The G20and Saudi Arabia’s Changing Foreign PolicyAgenda”
    328邹志强,《G20视角下的沙特与全球经济治理》,《和平与发展》2012年第1期总第125期
    329Magdi Amin/Ragui Assaad:, published by Oxford University Press, p142.
    332http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处,摘译自《经济报》
    333邹志强,《新兴国家视野下的沙特阿拉伯与全球治理》,《学术探索》,2013年1月,第60页
    334Meeting of Ministers and Governors,S o Paulo–Brazil,8-9November2008
    335海湾阿拉伯国家合作委员会是海湾地区最主要的政治经济组织,简称海湾合作委员会或海合会。海合会成立于1981年5月,总部设在沙特阿拉伯首都利雅得,成员国包括阿联酋、阿曼、巴林、卡塔尔、科威特和沙特阿拉伯6国。
    336邹志强,《石油美元视野下的沙特阿拉伯与全球经济治理》,2013年5月
    337“Saudi Arabia: Economic Weakness Led To Unemployment Rate Hike”,published by International LabourOffice and G20,2010.3
    338数据来源:http://www.sabr.cc/inner.aspx?id=61248
    339《21世纪新的多边主义》理查德汀伯比演讲,发言人:国际货币基金组织总裁-克里斯蒂娜·拉加德,2014年2月3日,伦敦
    340雨思,《沙特人口、劳动力结构和就业状况》,《阿拉伯世界》,2004年第2期,第32页
    341《G20国集团领导人伦敦峰会联合声明》2009年4月2日
    342《金融与发展》国际货币基金组织季刊2013年9月号·第50卷·第3期。
    343信息来源:http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn/article/ziranziyuan/yuyan/201309/20130900315188.shtml中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处
    344信息来源:http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn/article/ziranziyuan/xjpjj/201312/20131200430107.shtml中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处
    347Sven Behrendt,The Global Think Tank卡内基国际和平基金会,ArticleSeptember21,2009
    348Meeting of Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, Busan, Republic of Korea,June5,2010
    349尹崇敬主编,《中东问题100年(1897~1997年)》,新华出版社,1999年版,第364-365页
    350数据来源:http://stat.wto.org/CountryProfile/WSDBCountryPFView.aspx?Language=E&Country=SA
    351数据来源:http://stat.wto.org/CountryProfile/WSDBCountryPFView.aspx?Language=E&Country=SA
    352数据来源:http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/pubs/ft/weo/2013/02/pdf/textc.pdf 《世界经济展望-转型与紧张》,2013年10月
    353数据来源:http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/k/201209/20120908356434.html
    357信息来源:http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn/article/i/201401/20140100462782.shtml中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处
    358中阿合作论坛是在2004年胡锦涛主席访问埃及期间,由我国政府与阿拉伯国家联盟共同成立。
    359“中阿合作论坛企业家大会暨投资研讨会”是在中阿合作论坛框架下,为进一步拓展双方在多层次、多领域的合作,为推动中阿经贸关系的发展而召开的企业界盛会。
    360信息来源:http://sa.mofcom.gov.cn/article/i/201312/20131200421901.shtml中华人民共和国驻沙特阿拉伯王国大使馆经济商务参赞处
    361数据来源:http://stat.wto.org/CountryProfile/WSDBCountryPFView.aspx?Language=E&Country=SA
    362数据来源:http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/pubs/ft/weo/2013/02/pdf/textc.pdf 《世界经济展望-转型与紧张》,2013年10月
    363数据来源: Labour market statistics: Labour force statistics by sex and age: indicators, OECD Employmentand Labour Market Statistics (database)http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=LFS_SEXAGE_I_R
    364李小军,《论二战后土耳其中东政策的演变》,《阿拉伯世界研究》,第3期2011年5月
    366Frontpage magazine:http://www.frontpagemag.com/2013/joseph-puder/the-widening-turkey-saudi-arabia-rift/
    367杨洁勉,《二十国集团的转型选择和发展前景》,《国际问题研究》2011年第6期
    368“The Role of Turkey as a New Player in the G20System” Hüseyin Bagci
    369http://www.ebscn.com/businessinfoContent.html?msgId=3075792
    370http://www.fx678.com/C/20101110/201011100715241290.html
    371外交政策(FP)http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/10/08/these_7_countries
    375丁工,《土耳其崛起的根源及对未来走势的影响》,《世界经济与政治论坛》,2013年1月第一期
    376“The G20Summit-Its Significance for World and for Turkey” Colin I. BRADFORD, Jr.*Jonannes F. LINN**
    377王林聪,《“土耳其模式”给动荡中东的启示》,《人民论坛》杂志
    387陈衍德,《全球化格局中的东南亚穆斯林》,《当代亚太》,2005年第3期
    391Zamroni Salim,“Indonesia in the G20: Benefits And Challenges Amidst National Interests and Priorities”
    392Maria Monica Wihardja,“Indonesia and the G20: a door left half open”,Bank Indonesia
    3932008年4月29日,IMF理事会以大多数赞成票通过份额和发言权改革。http://www.imf.org/external/chinese/np/sec/pr/2008/pr0893c.pdf
    3942008年方案已于2011年3月生效。http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2011/pr1164.htm
    398“China and the BRICs: A Real (but Limited) Partnership in a Unipolar World” Michael A Glosny1
    399李星,《G20走向机制化的原因-种体系层次上的分析》,《宜宾学院学报》,2011年第10期,第31页
    400陈凤英,《二十国集团机制化适应时代发展潮流》,《当代世界》,2010年第12期,第28-32页
    403《携手合作,同舟共济》,国家主席胡锦涛在G20伦敦峰会上的重要讲话
    404《全力促进增长,推动平衡发展》,国家主席胡锦涛在G20第三次金融峰会上的重要讲话
    407《再接再厉,共促发展》,胡锦涛在20国集团领导人第五次峰会上的讲话
    410《合力推动增长,合作谋求共赢》,胡锦涛在二十国集团领导人第六次峰会上的讲话
    411“G20must look beyond the needs of the top20” The Times (March27,2009)
    412邹亚宝、王凯,《论G20机制化及中国在全球经济治理中的策略》,《国际经济战略》2011年11月第2卷第6期
    413王颖、李计广,《G20与中国》,《现代国际关系》2012年第6期
    414《20国集团财长和央行行长会议公报》,德国柏林,1999年12月15‐16日
    415朱进杰,《G20该如何机制化?》,《解放日报》2011年11月4日
    416杰进,《从非正式性看G20的机制化建设》,《现代国际关系》2011年第2期
    420塔季扬娜·利辛娜,《圣彼得堡G20峰会召开在即,主要议题已确定》,政治家网http://www.politician.com.cn/a/shangyejingji/2013/0812/1900.html
    421罗豪才、宋功德,《认真对待软法‐公域软法的一般理论及其中国实践》,《中国法学》2006年2月
    422《美国参加中美第二轮战略与经济对话豪华规模空前》,http://www.bluehn.com/2010/0523/71614.html
    423《G20准入标准需提高,阿根廷、印尼资格受质疑》,http://finance.qq.com/a/20120619/003071.htm
    424曹玮、王俊峰,《G20机制化建设与中国的对策》,《亚非纵横》2011年第4期,第28页
    425约翰·柯顿,《强化全球治理:八国集团、中国与海利根达姆进程》,《国际观察》2008年第4期,第47页
    426杨海坤,《全球经济治理挑战国家主权》,《领导文萃》,2004(7)
    427Char lotte Ku,"Global Governance and the Changing Face of International l Law "(2001John W HolmesMemorial Lecture), ACUNS,2001,No.2
    428陈素权,《二十国集团在全球经济治理结构中的角色分析》,《东南亚纵横》2010年10月
    429李仁真、王进,《G20峰会:全球金融治理的主导机制》,《武大国际法评论》,第15卷第2期,第30页
    430孟璐,《金融稳定理事会制度架构及其对中国金融监管法制构建的启示》,《经济研究导报》,2013年第19
    432朱杰进,《二十国集团的定位与机制建设》,《阿拉伯世界研究》,2012年5月第3期,第31页
    433David Cameron,”Governance for growth:Building Consensus for the future”,http://www.920.utoronto.ca/summits/2011cannes.html, P.14.
    [1]艾尚乐,《国际金融治理的新趋向——中国参与G20机制的改革与发展》,《金融财税研究》,2012年第1期
    [2]陈凤英,《二十国集团机制化适应时代发展潮流》,《当代世界》,2010年第12期
    [3]曹广伟,《一种新的国际经济协调机制的建构———简评G20机制在应对全球经济危机中的作用》,《东亚非纵横》,2010年第5期
    [4]曹广伟、张霞,《G20机制的构建及其在后危机时代的角色定位》,《国际展望》,2010年第6期
    [5]曹玮、王俊峰,《G20机制化建设与中国的对策》,《亚非纵横》,2011年第4期
    [6]崔志楠、邢悦,《从“G7”时代到“G20”时代——国际金融治理机制的变迁》,《世34.界经济与政治》,2011年第1期
    [7]方晋,《G20机制化建设与议题建设》,《国际展望》2010年第3期
    [8]侯典芹,《G20峰会的机制化与发展中国家》,《全球视野理论月刊》,2012年第4期
    [9]黄范章,《从G7到G20的历史意义何在?》,《中国景岗山干部学院学报》,2012年3月第2期
    [10]胡焕武,《论G20的国际经济组织职能及特殊性》,《商业时代》,2011年12期
    [11](加)彼得·哈吉纳尔(Peter I. Hajnal)等:《八国集团体系与二十国集团》,上海人民出版社2010年版
    [12]黄梅波、胡建梅,《国际宏观经济政策协调与G20机制化》,《国际论坛》,2011年1期
    [13]黄梅波、吕朝凤,《G20经济波动的同周期性研究——G20宏观经济政策协调的可能性及效果分析》,《国际贸易问题》,2011年第3期
    [14]李兵、周晓松,《G20机制下的国际金融安全》,《红旗》,2010年第16期
    [15]李计广、张汉林、桑百川,《改革开放三十年中国对外贸易发展战略回顾与展望》,《世界经济研究》,2008年第6期
    [16]林利民,《G20崛起是国际体系转型的起点——仅仅是起点!》,《现代国际关系》,2009年第11期
    [17]梁西:《国际组织法(总论)》,武汉大学出版社2001年版
    [18]李晓冯永琦《国际货币体系改革的集体行动和二十国集团的作用》,《世界经济与政治》2012年第2期
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