英格兰城市政治变迁研究（1485-1640年）
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摘要
宗教改革前的城市政治显现出社团的性质,市民之间的关系较为简单,官员推选较为透明。城市内部秩序主要依靠教会和行会来维持,在这个过程中,宗教文化起着至关重要的作用。对外,城市政治显得较为封闭和被动,与领主和国王的关系生疏。
兴起于16世纪30年代的英格兰宗教改革给当时城市带来重大影响。亨利八世和爱德华六世所推行的宗教改革摧毁了修道院,国王没收并重新分配了教会土地以及依附于土地的政治经济权力。此后,城市的经济和社会文化生活以及城市政治发生较为明显的变化。经济方面,原教会所保有的产业被投放到市场后,城市也参与到收购行列之中,并得到比较大的收获,一定程度上鼓动了城市去寻求更多的政治经济权利。与此同时部分城市遇到了来自外部的挑战,城中教会产业的外来购买者向城市提出了权利要求,以及随着城市经济的改善,先前不大关心城市的领主重提多年未提的权利要求。在日常生活方面,原来一些与天主教有密切联系的部分被取消,这种变动给当时的城市社会秩序造成了一定的负面影响。为了维护既有利益,城市向国王寻求支持,城市自治得到大范围的扩展。城市通过各种正式的和非正式的途径,如法律途径和寻求庇护等,来化解各种挑战。
紧接着规模自治的是城市寡头制的兴盛,社团性的城市政治转变为寡头政治,无论是官员选举还是政治议事,大多数市民都被排斥在外。在这个过程中,城市政治受到冲击,城市内部出现了对新权威和市政府的认同危机。城市政治生活出现了两种政治价值观的冲突。传统的市民政治价值观认为城市官员同其他市民并没有区别,这些官员之所以为官只是轮到他们来为市民服务,为全体自由人谋福利。新政治价值观则更钟爱效率,这种价值观推崇有效率的行政管理,它要求市政府核心圈子应尽量地小,因为只有这样才能减少争论取得高效,这种政治价值观不可避免地要求权力集中在少数人手中。传统的政治价值观主张政府应对全体市民开放,而新政治价值观则排斥大部分市民。在这个过程中,城市政府通过种种手段,诸如改变原来教会的仪式和节庆,利用市政厅、市长权杖、以及肖像画、市政仪式等,渐渐树立起自己的权威。对于排斥性渐强的政治,市民给予了不同程度上的抵制,在冲突和协调中,寡头制得以确立。城市政治变动体现出市民的权威观：在权利和义务并存以维护公共福利的前提下认可权威。这种观念尤其重要,因为它是市民的基本政治趋向,决定着城市政治乃至是与之相关的其他政治活动的走向。
城市政治的发展对议会尤其是下院来说非常重要。下院主要由城市代表组成,两者之间的关系尤为密切。随着城市政治的发展,下院的实力渐渐壮大,都铎中晚期,英格兰议会出现了上院衰落和下院兴起的局面,这对王国政治来说意义重大。关于君权要求,从伊丽莎白女王的忍让到斯图亚特王朝前期两位国王的强硬,下院给予了认可和抵制,体现出下院的基本立场,权利和义务并存,君权不可无限大。这也是为何王权崛起但却又无法实现绝对君权的重要原因。
通过以上考察,本文将最终阐明以下观点：1485-1640年是英格兰城市政治重新整合的阶段,在宗教改革的推动下,英格兰城市政治对外对内皆出现较大变化。对外界而言,城市出现了较大规模的自治,在与外界的联系方面,较为封闭的地域型城市政治渐渐向较为开放的参与型政治转变。在内部政治生活方面,城市由社团性政治转化为寡头政治,较为公开透明的政治让位于排斥性较强的政治。在这个过程中城市内外出现了对新市政权威的挑战。对于来自外部的挑战,城市通过各种途径取得中央政府的认可和支持。而至于内部市民对城市政府的认同危机,市府则通过改变政治和文化生活的方式,在与市民的冲突和协调过程中渐渐得到市民的认可。这样,市政府较为妥当地化解城市内外对市府的认同危机从而使得城市社会秩序较快地稳定下来。在这整个过程中,市民的权威观得到体现并加强,市政府积极主动的努力及其回报客观上促进了这一时期英格兰城市政治的发展。这种发展增强了城市居民的国家认同意识,同时壮大了过渡时期市民阶级的力量,有利于限制君权的膨胀,为近代早期英格兰政治转型定下基调。
Before the Reformation urban politics had the political nature of community, the relationship among burgesses was simple and electing officials was more transparent. Social orders in towns relied mainly on the Church and the guilds. In this process, religionary culture plays a vital role. Externally, urban politics were more closed and passive, and their relationship with lords and kings were not intimate.
The English Reformation which sprang up in the 1530s made a great impact to towns. The Reformation which happened in the reign of Henry VIII and Edward VI destroyed monasteries, kings confiscated and redistributed the land of the church and political and economic power that was attached to the land. From then on, it had a more significant changes in urban economical, social and cultural life and urban politics. Economically, the properties which belonged to Church were put on the market, the town was also involved in the acquisition, to some extent encouraged the town to sought more political and economic rights. At the same time part of the town met the challenges from outside, the external purchasers of the church properties which stood in towns proclaim their rights in the properties. With urban economy improving, the Lords of the town who was not concerned with towns reclaim the rights not being mentioned for many years. In daily life, the previous parts which had close ties with the Catholic had been eliminated, such changes to the urban social order at the time caused a negative impact. In order to safeguard the vested interests, towns sought support from kings, urban autonomy had been extended widely. Cities and towns resolved these challenges through a variety of formal and informal channels, such as the legal avenues and patronage.
The rise of urban oligarchy followed the scale of the system of autonomy, the urban politics of community changed into oligarchy, whether in electing officials or political rules of procedure, most people were excluded. In this process, there had impulsion for urban politics that identity crises emerged among burgesses to new authority and town governments. There was conflict between two kinds of political value in urban political life. Traditional civil political values conceive that there was no difference between the town officials and other burgesses, it was just their turn to serve and make common wealth to towns for these officials. The new political value favored efficiency, it requested that the core of town government should be as small as possible, because it was the only way to reduce the argument to obtain high efficiency, such political values inevitably required power concentrated in a few hands. Traditional political values were the open government to all citizens, and the new political values excluded the majority of people. In this process, the town government gradually established their own authority through various means, such as changing the original church ceremonies and festivals, utilization of tangible City Hall, Mayoral mace, and portraits, etc. For exclusive political growing strong, burgesses gave different degrees of resistance, and oligarchy had been established in the process of conflict and coordination. Urban political changes reflected the public view of the authority:authority was recognized only under the premise that the rights and obligations should coexist to protect the common wealth. This concept was particularly important because it was a basic political trends, that determine the city or even the trend of political activities associated with towns.
The development of urban politics was very important for the House of Commons in particular. The Commons were mainly composed of representatives from the city and borough, and the relationship between the Commons and towns was particularly close. With the development of urban politics, the strength of the Commons gradually grew stronger in the late Tudor, and in England, the House of Lords declined and the House of Commons rose, which was significant to the politics of Kingdom. About Demands on regality, from Queen Elizabeth's patience to the tough of the two kings of the early Stuart, the Commons gave recognition and resistance respectively reflecting the basic position of the Commons:rights and obligations coexisted, monarchical power was not infinite. This was also an important reason why the rise of monarchy couldn't change into absolute power.
Through the above study, this theme will eventually clarify the following points:the years from 1485 to 1640 were a stage of re-integration of English urban politics, under the impetus of the Reformation, English urban politics in the outer and in the inner had changed great. Outside, there had been large-scale self-government, and more closed and insular urban politics gradually changed into a more participatory and open politics. Inside, the informal association of politics of community transformed to the formal Oligarchy, and the more open and transparent political gave way to the strongly exclusive politics. In this process, the new municipal authority had faced the internal and external challenges. Externally, the urban obtained approval and support from central government through formal and informal channels. Internally, in the process of coordination and conflict with burgesses, the urban governments gradually got their approval by changing the style of political and cultural life. And then, urban government was more appropriate to resolve the town's identity crises both inside and outside to make the urban social order stabilized. Throughout this process, the concept of authority among burgesses was reflected and strengthened, and the pro-active efforts of municipal government and its return promoted the development of urban politics in England. The development enhanced the urban residents' sense of national identity, and expanded the strength of burgesses in the transition period, being helpful to limit the expansion of monarchical power, and setting the tone for the political transition in Early Modern England.
兴起于16世纪30年代的英格兰宗教改革给当时城市带来重大影响。亨利八世和爱德华六世所推行的宗教改革摧毁了修道院,国王没收并重新分配了教会土地以及依附于土地的政治经济权力。此后,城市的经济和社会文化生活以及城市政治发生较为明显的变化。经济方面,原教会所保有的产业被投放到市场后,城市也参与到收购行列之中,并得到比较大的收获,一定程度上鼓动了城市去寻求更多的政治经济权利。与此同时部分城市遇到了来自外部的挑战,城中教会产业的外来购买者向城市提出了权利要求,以及随着城市经济的改善,先前不大关心城市的领主重提多年未提的权利要求。在日常生活方面,原来一些与天主教有密切联系的部分被取消,这种变动给当时的城市社会秩序造成了一定的负面影响。为了维护既有利益,城市向国王寻求支持,城市自治得到大范围的扩展。城市通过各种正式的和非正式的途径,如法律途径和寻求庇护等,来化解各种挑战。
紧接着规模自治的是城市寡头制的兴盛,社团性的城市政治转变为寡头政治,无论是官员选举还是政治议事,大多数市民都被排斥在外。在这个过程中,城市政治受到冲击,城市内部出现了对新权威和市政府的认同危机。城市政治生活出现了两种政治价值观的冲突。传统的市民政治价值观认为城市官员同其他市民并没有区别,这些官员之所以为官只是轮到他们来为市民服务,为全体自由人谋福利。新政治价值观则更钟爱效率,这种价值观推崇有效率的行政管理,它要求市政府核心圈子应尽量地小,因为只有这样才能减少争论取得高效,这种政治价值观不可避免地要求权力集中在少数人手中。传统的政治价值观主张政府应对全体市民开放,而新政治价值观则排斥大部分市民。在这个过程中,城市政府通过种种手段,诸如改变原来教会的仪式和节庆,利用市政厅、市长权杖、以及肖像画、市政仪式等,渐渐树立起自己的权威。对于排斥性渐强的政治,市民给予了不同程度上的抵制,在冲突和协调中,寡头制得以确立。城市政治变动体现出市民的权威观：在权利和义务并存以维护公共福利的前提下认可权威。这种观念尤其重要,因为它是市民的基本政治趋向,决定着城市政治乃至是与之相关的其他政治活动的走向。
城市政治的发展对议会尤其是下院来说非常重要。下院主要由城市代表组成,两者之间的关系尤为密切。随着城市政治的发展,下院的实力渐渐壮大,都铎中晚期,英格兰议会出现了上院衰落和下院兴起的局面,这对王国政治来说意义重大。关于君权要求,从伊丽莎白女王的忍让到斯图亚特王朝前期两位国王的强硬,下院给予了认可和抵制,体现出下院的基本立场,权利和义务并存,君权不可无限大。这也是为何王权崛起但却又无法实现绝对君权的重要原因。
通过以上考察,本文将最终阐明以下观点：1485-1640年是英格兰城市政治重新整合的阶段,在宗教改革的推动下,英格兰城市政治对外对内皆出现较大变化。对外界而言,城市出现了较大规模的自治,在与外界的联系方面,较为封闭的地域型城市政治渐渐向较为开放的参与型政治转变。在内部政治生活方面,城市由社团性政治转化为寡头政治,较为公开透明的政治让位于排斥性较强的政治。在这个过程中城市内外出现了对新市政权威的挑战。对于来自外部的挑战,城市通过各种途径取得中央政府的认可和支持。而至于内部市民对城市政府的认同危机,市府则通过改变政治和文化生活的方式,在与市民的冲突和协调过程中渐渐得到市民的认可。这样,市政府较为妥当地化解城市内外对市府的认同危机从而使得城市社会秩序较快地稳定下来。在这整个过程中,市民的权威观得到体现并加强,市政府积极主动的努力及其回报客观上促进了这一时期英格兰城市政治的发展。这种发展增强了城市居民的国家认同意识,同时壮大了过渡时期市民阶级的力量,有利于限制君权的膨胀,为近代早期英格兰政治转型定下基调。
Before the Reformation urban politics had the political nature of community, the relationship among burgesses was simple and electing officials was more transparent. Social orders in towns relied mainly on the Church and the guilds. In this process, religionary culture plays a vital role. Externally, urban politics were more closed and passive, and their relationship with lords and kings were not intimate.
The English Reformation which sprang up in the 1530s made a great impact to towns. The Reformation which happened in the reign of Henry VIII and Edward VI destroyed monasteries, kings confiscated and redistributed the land of the church and political and economic power that was attached to the land. From then on, it had a more significant changes in urban economical, social and cultural life and urban politics. Economically, the properties which belonged to Church were put on the market, the town was also involved in the acquisition, to some extent encouraged the town to sought more political and economic rights. At the same time part of the town met the challenges from outside, the external purchasers of the church properties which stood in towns proclaim their rights in the properties. With urban economy improving, the Lords of the town who was not concerned with towns reclaim the rights not being mentioned for many years. In daily life, the previous parts which had close ties with the Catholic had been eliminated, such changes to the urban social order at the time caused a negative impact. In order to safeguard the vested interests, towns sought support from kings, urban autonomy had been extended widely. Cities and towns resolved these challenges through a variety of formal and informal channels, such as the legal avenues and patronage.
The rise of urban oligarchy followed the scale of the system of autonomy, the urban politics of community changed into oligarchy, whether in electing officials or political rules of procedure, most people were excluded. In this process, there had impulsion for urban politics that identity crises emerged among burgesses to new authority and town governments. There was conflict between two kinds of political value in urban political life. Traditional civil political values conceive that there was no difference between the town officials and other burgesses, it was just their turn to serve and make common wealth to towns for these officials. The new political value favored efficiency, it requested that the core of town government should be as small as possible, because it was the only way to reduce the argument to obtain high efficiency, such political values inevitably required power concentrated in a few hands. Traditional political values were the open government to all citizens, and the new political values excluded the majority of people. In this process, the town government gradually established their own authority through various means, such as changing the original church ceremonies and festivals, utilization of tangible City Hall, Mayoral mace, and portraits, etc. For exclusive political growing strong, burgesses gave different degrees of resistance, and oligarchy had been established in the process of conflict and coordination. Urban political changes reflected the public view of the authority:authority was recognized only under the premise that the rights and obligations should coexist to protect the common wealth. This concept was particularly important because it was a basic political trends, that determine the city or even the trend of political activities associated with towns.
The development of urban politics was very important for the House of Commons in particular. The Commons were mainly composed of representatives from the city and borough, and the relationship between the Commons and towns was particularly close. With the development of urban politics, the strength of the Commons gradually grew stronger in the late Tudor, and in England, the House of Lords declined and the House of Commons rose, which was significant to the politics of Kingdom. About Demands on regality, from Queen Elizabeth's patience to the tough of the two kings of the early Stuart, the Commons gave recognition and resistance respectively reflecting the basic position of the Commons:rights and obligations coexisted, monarchical power was not infinite. This was also an important reason why the rise of monarchy couldn't change into absolute power.
Through the above study, this theme will eventually clarify the following points:the years from 1485 to 1640 were a stage of re-integration of English urban politics, under the impetus of the Reformation, English urban politics in the outer and in the inner had changed great. Outside, there had been large-scale self-government, and more closed and insular urban politics gradually changed into a more participatory and open politics. Inside, the informal association of politics of community transformed to the formal Oligarchy, and the more open and transparent political gave way to the strongly exclusive politics. In this process, the new municipal authority had faced the internal and external challenges. Externally, the urban obtained approval and support from central government through formal and informal channels. Internally, in the process of coordination and conflict with burgesses, the urban governments gradually got their approval by changing the style of political and cultural life. And then, urban government was more appropriate to resolve the town's identity crises both inside and outside to make the urban social order stabilized. Throughout this process, the concept of authority among burgesses was reflected and strengthened, and the pro-active efforts of municipal government and its return promoted the development of urban politics in England. The development enhanced the urban residents' sense of national identity, and expanded the strength of burgesses in the transition period, being helpful to limit the expansion of monarchical power, and setting the tone for the political transition in Early Modern England.
引文
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9.李增洪： 《13-15世纪伦敦社会各阶层分析》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2005年。
10.[美]迈克尔·扎科特：《自然权利与新共和主义》,王岽兴译,长春：吉林出版集团有限责任公司,2008年。
11.亨利·皮雷纳：《中世纪的城市》,陈国棵译,北京：商务印书馆,2006年。
12.彼得·克拉克,保罗·斯莱克：《过渡期的英格兰城市：一五○○-七○○》,薛国中译,武汉：武汉大学出版社,1992年。
13.(美)加布里埃尔·M·阿尔蒙德,西德尼·维伯：《公民文化：五个国家的政治态度和民主制》,徐湘林译,北京：华夏出版社,1989年。
14.王乐理： 《政治文化导论》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2000年。
16.(比利时)亨利·皮雷纳： 《中世纪的城市》,陈国樑译,北京：商务印书馆,2007年。
17.王觉非(主编)：《英格兰近代史》,南京：南京大学出版社,1997年。
18.(英)佩里·安德森：《绝对主义国家的系谱》,刘北成,龚晓庄译,上海：上海人民出版社,2001年。
19.(英)阿萨·勃里格斯著：《英格兰社会史》,陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版。
1 John Landers, Death and the Metropolis:Studies in the Demographic History of London 1670-1830, Cambridge, 1993; L.D.Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation:Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850, Cambridge,1992; Carl Estabrook, Urbane and Rustic England:Cultural Ties and Social Spheres in the Provinces 1660-1780, Manchester,1998; Paul Gauci, Politics and Society in Great Yarmouth 1660-1722, Oxford,1996; Theodore Koditschek, Class Formation and Urban-Industrial Society:Bradford 1750-1850, Cambridge,1990; Paul Halliday, Dismembering the Body Politic:Partisan Politics in England's Towns 1650-1730, Cambridge,1998; N. Rogers, Whigs and Cities:Popular Politics in the Age of Walpole and Pitt,Oxford,1989; Katherine Wilson, The Sense of the People:Politics, Culture and Imperialism in England 1715-85, Cambridge,1995.
2 Peter Clark (General editor), The Cambridge urban history of Britain, Vol.Ⅰ (600-1540) D.M.Palliser (ed.), Ⅱ (1540-1840) Peter Clark (ed.), Ⅲ (1840-1950) Martin Daunton (ed.), Cambridge University,2000.
3 C.Phythian-Adams,'Urban decay in late medieval England'in P.Abrams and E.A.Wrigley(eds), Towns in Societies (Cambridge,1978),pp.159-185; Desolation of a City:Coventry and the Urban Crisis of the Late Middle Ages, Cambridge,1979; D.Palliser,'A crisis in English towns? The case of York 1480-1640', Northern History, 14(1978),pp.108-25.
4 Alan Dyer,'Growth and decay in English towns 1500-1700', Urban History Yearbook(1979),pp.60-76;'Market towns of Southern England 1500-1700', Southern History,1(1979), pp.123-134.
1 A. Appleby,'Nutrition and disease:the case fo London 1550-1750', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6(1975), pp.1-22; J. Landers,'Burial seasonality and causes of death in London 1670-1819', Population Studies,42(1988), pp.59-83.
2 G. Clark,'A study of nurse children,1550-1760', Local Population Studies,39(1987), pp.8-23; V. Fildes,'The English wet-nurse', Medical History,32(1988),pp.142-73.
3 I. G Doolittle, 'The effects of plague in a provincial town', Medical History,19(1975), pp.333-41; A. Dyer,'The influence of bubonic plague in England 1500-1667', Medical History,28(1978), pp.308-26; A. Appleby, "The disappearance of plague', Economic History Review,33(1980), pp.161-73; P. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England,(1987); T. S.Willan,'The plague in perspective:the case of Manchester in 1605', Transactions of the History Society of Lancashire and Cheshire,135(1983), pp.29-40; J. Taylor,'Plague in the towns of Hampshire 1665', Southern History,6(1984), pp.104-22.
4 R. W. Herlan,'Poor Relief in London during the English Revolution', Journal of British Studies,18(1979), pp.30-51; R. W. Herlan,'Relief of the poor in Bristol from Elizabethan times to the Restoration', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Soceity,126(1982), pp.212-28; M. Pelling,'Healing the sick poor:Norwich 1550-1640', Medical History,29(1985), pp.115-137; J. J. Tronrud,'Responses to poverty in three towns
1 C.T.Hammer,'Anatomy of an oligarchy? Oxford Town Council in the fifeteenth and sixteenth-century', Journal of British Studies,18(1978), pp.1-27; J.Goring,'The Fellowship of the Twelve in Elizabethan Lewes', Sussex Archaeological Collections,119(1981), pp.157-72); John T.Evans, 'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich', Journal of British Studies, Vol.14,No.1(Nov.,1974),pp.46-76; Charles W.Colby, 'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', English Historical Review, Vol.5,No.20(Oct.1890),pp.633-653.
2 Robert Tittler, Architecture and Power:The Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640 Oxford. Clarendon Press 1991;'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town' Sixteenth Century Journal Vol.18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487;'The incorporation of boroughs,1540-1558', History, no.204,1977,pp.24-42.
3 Alan Everitt, Change in the provinces, Leicester,1969; John Morrill, The revolt of the provinces:conservatives and radicals in the English Civil War,1630-1650, London,1976; R.Howell,'Neutralism, conservatism and political alignment:the case of the towns 1642-9', in J. Morrill(ed.), Reactions to the English Civil War(1982), pp.69-87.
4 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban change and political radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town:A Reader in English Urban History 1530-1688, Longman 1990, third impression 1995; Roger Howell Jr.,'Newcastle and the nation:The seventeenth-century experience', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town; David Harris Sacks,'The corporate town and the English State:Bristol's "little businesses" 1625-1641', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town.
1 W.J.Sheils,'Religion in provincial towns', in F. Heal and R.O'Day(eds), Church and Society in England:Henry VIII to James I, (1977), pp.156-176; P.Clark,'Thomas Scott and the growth of urban opposition to the early Stuart regime', Historical Journal,21(1978), pp.1-26; P. Health,'Staffordshire towns and the Reformation', North Staffordshire Journal Field Studies,19(1979), pp.1-21; E.M.Shepperd,'The Reformation and the citizens of Norwich', Norfolk Archaeology,38(1981), pp.44-58; S.Brigden,'Tithe controversies in Reformation London', Journal of Ecclesiastical History,32(1981), pp.285-301; S.Brigden,'Religion and social obligation in early sixteenth-century London', Past and Present,103(1984), pp.67-112.
2 Peter Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance:Culture and Society in the Provincial Town,1660-1770, Oxford, 1989.
1 Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England:Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London and Basingstoke,1988.
2 Patrick Collinson and John Craig (eds.), The Reformation in English Towns,1500-1640, New York:St. Martin's Press,1998.
3 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998.
1 Philip Withington,'Two Renaissances:Urban Political Culture in Post-Reformation England Reconsider', The Historical Journal, Vol.44, No.1(Mar.,2001), pp.239-267.
2 杨豫,《英格兰的社会结构与经济起飞》,刊于《世界历史》,1986年第6期。
陆伟芳,《19世纪英格兰城市工人之住宅问题及成因——兼谈恩格斯的<英格兰工人阶级状况>》,刊子《扬州大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2009年第2期；《中产阶级与近代英格兰城市郊区扩展》,刊于《史学理论研究》,2007年第4期；《19世纪英格兰城市对工人住宅问题的干预》,刊于《探索与争鸣》,2009年第2期；《19世纪英格兰城市现代化初探》,刊于《史学集刊》,2006年第1期；《19世纪英格兰城市政府改革与民主化进程》,刊于《史学月刊》,2003年第6期；《近代英格兰城市专业化研究》,刊于《扬州大学学报》(人文社会科学版),1997年第6期；《近代英格兰城市群落与城市发展定位》,刊于《世界历史》,2004年第6期。
唐军,《工业化时期英格兰城市的河流污染及治理探析》,刊于《甘肃社会科学》,2007年第4期。
曾亚英,《维多利亚时期英格兰城市的娼妓问题》,刊于《妇女研究论丛》,2005年第3期。
任其怿,《从住房和卫生条件的改善看近代英格兰的城市治理》,刊于《内蒙古大学学报》(人文.社会科学版),2004年第4期。
梅雪芹,《工业革命以来英格兰城市大气污染及防治措施研究》,刊于《北京师范大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2001年第2期；《19世纪英格兰城市的环境问题初探》,刊于《辽宁师范大学学报》(社会科学版),2000年第3期。
叶明勇,《英格兰城市在乡村工业化中的作用》,刊于《武汉大学学报》(哲学社会科学版),1998年第5期。
赵煦,《英格兰早期城市化研究-从18世纪后期到19世纪中叶》,华东师范大学博士论文,2008年5月。
1 刘景华：《城市转型与英格兰的勃兴》,北京：纺织工业出版社,1994年；《走向重商时代：社会转折中的西欧商人和城市》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2007年;《十五、十六世纪英格兰城市劳动者和城市资本向农村的转移》,载《世界历史》,1986年第7期,第23页到第32页；《十六、十七世纪英格兰城市经济职能的变化及其意义》,载《世界历史》,1989年第6期,第56页到第64页。
李增洪：《13-15世纪伦敦社会各阶层分析》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2005年。
赵秀荣,《1500-1650年,英格兰商业与商人研究》,首都师范大学2000年博士论文。
朱耀辉,《城市文明与近代西欧民族国家的兴起》,复旦大学2003年博士论文。
孙凯,《共生与互动：论城市与乡村在英格兰资本主义起源中的不同角色》,天津师范大学2007年硕士论文。
2 康德伦(Condren)则并不认同市民一词具有政治含义,他认为在当时的政治话语中,该词仅仅只是一个边缘化的词语,它代指的是诸如商人、店主等一些城市居民或自由民。Philip Withington,'Two Renaissances: Urban Political Culture in Post-Reformation England Reconsidered', The Historical Journal, Vol.44, No.l. (Mar., 2001),pp.239-267.
1 Peter Clark & Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, pp.115-116.
2 赖特森认为“市民”之所以可以成为近代早期英格兰社会等级中的第二级,原因之一就是他们享有城市自由(另外两个因素是职业和财产)Keith Wrightson, English society,1580-1680, London,1982, p.20.
1 中世纪城市的起源问题在19世纪和20世纪初成为西方历史学者所关注的焦点之一,产生了很多观点：如“马尔克论”、“罗马城市论”“城堡论”“世袭领地论”以及“市场论”等等。
2 Susan Reynolds,Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe,转引自Tittler,The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.16.
1 David Charles Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,(IV) London and New York: Routledge,1996, pp.562-563.
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV, p.569.
2 Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents,XIV, London, Selden Society,1900, p.34原文如下,for for the peaceful union of the worthier and lesser commons of the town of Beverley,......;另见David M.Palliser.'Urban Society', in Towns and Local Communities in Medieval and Early Modern England, Ashgate,2006, p140
3 David M.Palliser.'Urban Society', p.142
4 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV, p.569
5 Ibid., p.571
6 Susan Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, Oxford, Clarendon Press,1977, pp.120-121
7 Ibid., pp.173-174
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.Ⅳ, pp.570-573
2 Julian Cornwall,'English Country Towns in the Fifteen Twenties', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.15, No.1(1962), pp.56.
3 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.174-176.
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV,'The incorporation of Hull'.pp.571-572.
2 主张衰落论的学者认为城市的人口减少、物价持续低迷,城市建筑破落等等这些都是城市经济破败的标志。Dobson, R.B.,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,5th Ser., Vol.27.(1977); C.V.Phythian-Adams,'Urban decay in late medieval England', in P.Abrams and E.A.Wrigley(eds), Towns in societies:essays in economic history and historical sociology, Cambridge University Press,1978; Peter
Clark & Paul Slack(eds.), Crisis and order in English Towns,1500-1700, London:Routledge,1972; Robert Tittler,
'Late Medieval Urban Prosperity', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.37, No.4.(Nov.,1984), pp.551-554.持不同观点的论述见Alan Dyer, Decline and growth in English towns,1400-1640, Cambridge University Press, 1995;'Growth and decay in English towns 1500-1700', Urban History yearbook(1979),pp.60-76; Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns; A. R. Bridbury,'English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.34, No.1 (Feb.,1981), pp.1-24.本文基本上同意城市衰落论。
1 Lucy Toulmin Smith, The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-1543, London,1907, p.306.
2 马克垚,《英格兰封建社会研究》,北京大学出版社,第323页。
3 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, p.144
4 Charles Phythian-Adams.'Urban Decay in Late Medieval England',pp.162-163.
s Dobson,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', p.14.
1 A.Luders, et al., Statutes of the Realm, Vol.Ⅲ,3°.Hen.Ⅷ.c.8,'An Act concerning the assising setting of Price of Victulle'.
2 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.180-181.
3 David Charles Douglas(ed.),English historical documents,Vol. V, London;New York:Routledge,1996, pp.969-970.
4 Dobson,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England'.
5 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.146-147
6 阎照祥：《英格兰史》,北京,人民出版社,2003年,第125页。
1 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, p.147.
2 Dobson, R.B.,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,5th Ser., Vol.27.(1977),pp.1-22.
3 Robert Tittler,'Browne, Town, and Crown:John Browne and the Quest for Crown Lands in Boston', in Tittler, Townspeople and nation:English urban experiences,1540-1640,Stanford:Stanford University Press,2001. pp.42-3.
1 A.Luders et al., Statutes of The Realm, Vol.Ⅲ.
2 这八道法令所针对的城市为诺丁汉市(Notingham)、什鲁斯伯里(Shrewsbury)、Ludlowe拉德洛(Ludlow)等共计63个自治市镇和城市。详见表4。
3 A.R.Bridbury,'English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.34, No.1.(Feb.,1981),pp.23-4.
1 S.H. Rigby and Elizabeth Ewan,'Government, power and authority,1300-1540', D.M. Palliser (ed.), The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Vol.Ⅰ,600-1540, Cambridge, U.K.; New York:Cambridge University Press, 2000. p.194.
2 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.IV, 'The abbot of Reading exercises power in the borough of Reading,1449-1477', pp.573-574.
1 Douglas(ed.),English Historical Documents, Vol. V, p.969.
1 Miri Rubin,Charity and community in medieval Cambridge,Cambridge;New York:Cambridge University Press, 1987, pp.64-65; Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London', Past & Present, No.103(May,1984), pp.67-112.
2 Richard Wunderli and Gerald Broce, 'The Final Moment before Death in Early Modern England', The Sixteenth Century Journal,Vol.20, No.2(Summer,1989),pp.259-275.
3 David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death:Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England, Oxford University Press,1997, pp.421-449.
1 Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London'. No.98(Feb.,1983), pp.3-29.
2 Mervyn James,'Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town', Past & Present,
1 Sylvia Thrupp,'Social Control in the Medieval Town', The Journal ofEconomic History, Vol.1, Supplement: The Tasks of Economic History, (Dec.,1941), pp.39-52.
2 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford, Clarendon Press,1998. p.41.
1 阿萨·勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版,第139页。阎照祥：《英格兰史》,北京,人民出版社,2003年,第148页。
1 勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》,第139页到140页。
2 详细分析见Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, pp.59-73.
3 Smith, The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-1543, pp.109-110.
4 Jeanette Martin,'Leadership and Priorities in Reading during te Reformation', in Patrick Collinson and John Craig(eds.), The Reformation in English Towns,1500-1640, pp.122-125.
5 这两种观点在罗伯特·蒂特勒的《英格兰宗教改革和城市》中有所论及,另外首都师范大学刘城教授在其 研究综述《20世纪英格兰宗教改革史学》中也有所论述。载于《世界历史》2003年第1期,第86页至97页。
1 Robert Jutte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press,1994, PP28-29.
2 D.M.Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth:England under the later Tudor 1547-1603, Longman.1983, p157.
3 Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.Ⅴ,1003-04.
1 托马斯·莫尔著：《乌托邦》戴镏龄译,商务印书馆1982年7月第2版,P23。
2 [英]阿萨·勃里格斯著：《英格兰社会史》陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版,P142
3 《牛津英格兰通史》肯尼思·0.摩根主编,商务印书馆1993年9月第一版P240。
4 假如生产资料即耕地数量不变,每增加一个劳动力劳动生产量就依次递减,这是“生产率递减率”,最后增加一个劳动力所生产的产量,被称为“劳动边际生产率”。
1 Keith Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680 London by Hutchinson 1982 p153; Smith, Alan Gordon Rae. The Emergence of A Nation State:The Commonwealth of England 1529-1660, London;New York:Longman,1997, pp.135-140.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.319.
1 Robert Tittler,'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', Sixteenth Century Journal Vol.
18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487.
2 惯例书是一份正式文书,它记录了当地所熟知的习惯同时又可以佐证地方政府的合法性。而惯例对于近代早期的英格兰人来说相当重要,Andy Wood认为习惯是时人权力源泉之一,为了需要,人们甚至会捏造本不存在的“惯例”。详见Andy Wood,'The place of custom in plebeian political culture:England, 1550-1800', Social History, Jan 1997, Vol.22 Issue l,pp.46-60;'Custom and the Social Organization of Writing in Early Modern England', Transaction of Royal Historical Society,6th Ser.,Vol.9.(1999),pp.257-269; Keith Wrightson,'The Politics of the Parish in Early Modern England',in Griffith, Fox and Hindle(eds), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England,London,1996,pp.22-25.
3 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998 pp.76-77.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998 p81.
2 Peter Clark & Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, p.98另外,扣押货物、暗中作梗也屡见不鲜(Robert Tittler,The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998. pp.176-177.)
1 Joan Thirsk(ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales volume Ⅳ 1500-1640,Cambridge,1964, pp.502-3
2 Thirsk, The Agrarian History of England and Wales Vol. IV, pp.503-4.
1 [英]戴维·米勒,韦农·波格丹诺(编)：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来主编,中国政法大学出版社,1992年版,第48页。
2 Robert Tittler,'Late Medieval Urban Prosperity', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.37, No.4.(Nov., 1984),p.552;关于1485-1540年期间英格兰自治城市的数量增长状况,见表3。
3 见表3。
1 见表3。
2 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, Oxford,1965, reprinted with corrections 1979. pp.13-5.
1 Tittler,The Reformation and the towns in England, pp.153-6; Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents, London, Selden Society,1900. xix, xxv, xxxviii, p.73.
2 Shelagh Bond & Norman Evans 'The process of granting charters to English boroughs,1547-1649' in The English Historical Review Vol.91, No.358(Jan.,1976) pp.102-120.
3 Julian Cornwall,'English Country Towns in the Fifteen Twenties', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.15, No.l(1962), pp.55-6.
4 Reynolds,'The Forged Charters of Barnstaple', pp.699-720.
1 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, p174
2 Robert Tittler, 'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', Sixteenth Century Journal,Vol.18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487; Alan Everitt,'The Marketing of Agricultural Produce', in J.Thirsk(ed.), The Agrarian History and Wales,1500-1640,(IV), Cambridge,1967, pp.502-506.
1 托管人有使用权和管理权,但是不能将产业卖给第三方,而购买者如果无视这一点的话,那么托管人和购买者都会被起诉到大法官庭。详见F.W.Maitland,'Trust and Corporation', in David Runciman and Magnus Ryan (eds.), F.W.Maitland:State, Trust and Corporation, Cambridge,2003. p.85, pp.90-3, p.95.
1 Tittler, Architecture and Power, the Town Hall and the English Urban Communitv c.1500-1640, pp.86-7.
2 见表3。
3 Shelagh Bond and Norman Evans,'The Process of Granting Charters to English Borough,1547-1649', The English Historical Review, Vol.91, No.358, (Jan.,1976), p.103.
4 下文第五章第一节将对此进行相关论述,这里便不再赘述。
1 M.W. Greenslade, A.P.Baggs, GC.Baugh, and D.A.Johnston (eds.), Victoria County History:Staffordshire, Vol.17,1976, pp.208-220.来源:http://www.british-history.ac.uk.
2 Henry Alworth Merewether and Archibald John Stephens(eds.), The History of the Boroughs and Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom, Vol.Ⅱ, London,1835. pp.1119-1145; pp.1149-1176; pp.1239-1431.
3 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the
Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, Cambridge,1905. p.248.
1 Tittler,'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', pp.471-487.
2 Tittler, Architecture and Power, the Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640, p.87.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, p167-8.
2 Catherine F.Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford, Stanford University Press,1999. p.127.
1 Ann Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire,1620-1660, London and NewYork, Cambridge University Press,1987. p.18.
2 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.139-140.
3 Michael Zell (ed.), Early Modern Kent,1540-1640, The Bodydell Press and Kent County Council,2000, pp.10-1
1 Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire,1620-1660, p.16.
2 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban Change and Political Radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', in Jonathan Barry (ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town A Reader in English Urban History 1530-1688, London and New York:Longman,1990. pp.250-2.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.142.
1 [英]戴维·米勒,韦农·波格丹诺(编)：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来主编,中国政法大学出版社,1992年版。第502-3页。
1 Charles W.Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', The English Historical Review, Vol.5, No.20(Oct.1890), pp.633-653.
2 W.GHoskins,'English Provincial Towns in the Early Sixteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series,Vol.6(1956), pp.1-19.
3 Peter Clark & Paul Slack(eds.),Crisis and order in English Towns,1500-1700, London,1972.
1 John T.Evans.'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.14,No.1(Nov.,1974), pp.46-76.
2 Carl I.Hammer Jr.,'Anotomy of an Oligarchy:The Oxford Town Council in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.18,No.1 (Autumn,1978), pp.1-27.
3 John T.Evans,'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich',,pp.46-76.
4 Charles W.Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', in The English Historical Review, Vol.5, No.20(Oct.1890),pp.633-653.
1 M.W. Greenslade, A.P.Baggs, GC.Baugh, and D.A.Johnston (eds.), Victoria County History:Staffordshire, Vol.17,1976, pp.208-220,来源http://www.british-history.ac.uk.
2 Peter Clark and Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition 1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, pp.128-133.
1 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban Change and Political Radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', p.261.
1 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998. p.197.
2 Ibid, p.189.
1 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, Cambridge,1905. p.362.关于推举权的主体,原文如下'the Mayor and Aldermen or the more part of them"。
1 罗伯特·克莱克：《关于9月26日北安普顿放弃旧特许状接受新特许状的记述》(Robert Clerk, "An account of the Surrender of the Old Charter of Northampton, September the 26 and the manner of Their Receiving Their New Charter"),1682来自“早期英格兰图书在线”http://eebo.chadwyck.com).
'Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998, pp.264-7.
2 Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', pp.633-653.
3 David Charles Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.IV, London and New York, Routledge,1996, pp.570-573.
4 Peter Clark,&Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, p131.
1 1466年,该市羊皮文书上明确写着“10月25号的莱斯特(Leicester)市议会同意并规定……从今以后,除开那些获得特权的市民,任何人不得随意进入市政大厅,这是市议会开会的市政大厅。”违反者很可能会有牢狱之苦。1467年莱斯特市法令又规定“城市中的每一个居民”一旦受到市府高级官员的传唤,要在规定的时间去市政厅听候差遣,如果没有特殊理由而又不到者将处以一定的罚金。这两条市政法规分别从两个不同的方面告诉市民,没有市府高层官员的授权,任何人不得进入市政厅,该市政治生活的排斥性可见一斑。Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.Ⅳ, pp.575-8.
2 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998,pp.191-2.
1 Catherine F. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford University Press,1999, p.107-8.
2 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, Cambridge, 1975, pp.51-2.
1 Robert Tittler, Architecture and Power:The Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640, Oxford, 1991,pp.57-8.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.192.
2 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.108.
3 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol.Ⅱ, Cambridge,1901.'John's Charter to Burgesses', p.7;'Royal Charter Changing the date of Leicester Fair',p.lll;'Letters Patent of Richard II', p.185;'Grant of Fair', p.296;'Letter of Henry VII', p.354.
4 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol.III, Cambridge,1905.'Henry VIII's Charter of Fair', p.46;'Grant of Land and Rent to Borough', p.46;'Charters of Edward VI', p.55;'Charters of Mary', p.77;'Charter of Elizabeth', p.359.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.114-6.
2 关于市长和市议会在市政厅里召开决定城市日常事务的会议的信息在市府文书中经常见到。Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol. V, p.964, p.970, p.972.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.263.
2 Tittler, Architecture and Power, pp.35-37.
1 Tittler, Architecture and Power, pp.108-9.
2 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.318.
3 Ibid, pp.322-330.
1 Marjorie Keniston McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England,1370-1600, Cambridge University Press.1998.
2 Martin Ingram'Reformation of Manners in Early Modern England', in P.Griffiths et al., eds, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, London,1996.
3 Lewis W. Spotz, The Reformation:Education and History, VARIORUM,1997. p.l.
1 McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England,1370-1600, pp.54-108.
2 Jennine Hurl-eamon 'Policing male Heterosexualitv:The Reformation of Manners Societies' Campaign Against The Brothels in Westminster,1690-1720', Journal of Social History, Vol.37, No.4 (Summer,2004), pp. 1017-1035.
1 Margo Todd, Christian Humanism And The Puritan Social Order, Cambridge University Press,1987. p.193
2 Keith Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680, London by Hutchinson 1982. p.53.
3 转引自Keith Wrightson,'The Politics of The Parish in Early Modern England', in P.Griffiths et al., eds, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, London,1996. p.18.
4 Todd, Christian Humanism And The Puritan Social Order, p.194.
5 Robert Latham & William Matthews (eds.), The diary of Samuel Pepys, London:HarperCollins;Berkeley, Calif.:University of California Press,2000.
1 Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum, Mary Dewar(ed.), Cambridge University Press,1982. p.57.
2 Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p.49;在Elyot看来,"Commune weale"指代“Republica"并不准确,而应用"publike weale".他用这个词将国家比喻为一个由各种等级的人按照公正的秩序构成的有机体,这个有机体的治理是建立在理智的基础上。Thomas Elyot, The Boke named The Gouernour, Vol.1, Henry Herbert Stephen Croft(ed.), edited from the first edition of 1531, London,1883. pp.1-2.
3 Philip Withington, The Politics of Commonwealth, Citizen and Freemen in Early Modern England, Cambridge University Press,2005, pp.87-93.
4 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, p.234.
5 Ibid., pp.235-6.
1 Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, pp.46-7.
2 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, pp.199-200.
3 Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London', Past & Present, No.103(May,1984), pp.67-112; James Lee,'"Ye shall disturbe noe mans right":Oath-taking and Oath-breaking in Late Mediveal and Early Modern Bristol', Urban Histoy,34,1 (2007), pp.30-1.
4 Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents, London, Selden Society,1900, p.14
5 Ibid., p.14.
1 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1327-1509, Vol.ii,. Cambridge,1901. pp.319-323.
2 Charles Phythian-Adams,'Ceremony and the citizen:the communal year at Coventry 1450-1550', in Peter Clark and Paul Slack(eds.), Crisis and order in English towns 1500-1700, Essays in urban history, Routledge & Kegan Paul,2007, pp.59-61.
3 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.203.
1 关于“庇护制”(Patronage)一词,本文采用Catherine F. Patterson的定义,即“一种可以给双方提供互惠互利的交换关系,在这种关系中,一方的地位要明显高于另一方。’'Catherine F. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford University Press,1999, p.2.
2 关于1580-1640年间英格兰各地市政司法官和高级总管的名单,详见Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.243-254.
3 事发约克郡的Doncaster 市, Shrewsbury伯爵和Hunsdon勋爵都想担任该市总管一职。前者的家族是该市所在区域的最大的地主,而Hunsdon同样是当地的地主,他是伊丽莎白女王的宫务大臣。当该市前任总管Shrewsbury伯爵乔治于1590年离世后,市政府选择Hunsdon勋爵而不是小Shrewsbury伯爵作为他们的总管。小伯爵对此表示了诧异和愤怒,他派了一名随从去探听勋爵的态度,派去之人得知勋爵非常乐意担任市总管,并且允诺要尽其所能为Doncaster市服务。当萨福克伯爵在宫廷失势后,并不愿意交出埃克塞特市高级总管一职。Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.43,45.
1 Shelagh Bond and Norman Evans,'The Process of Granting Charters to English Borough,1547-1649', p.103
2 Ibid., p.104.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.168-169.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.174.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.181-182.
2 Richard Cust,'Charles I, the Privy Council, and the Forced Loan', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.24, No.2, Politics and Religion in the Early Seventeenth Century:New Voices(Apr.,1985), pp.208-235.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.189.
4 Ibid., pp.177-8.
1 关于此,查理一世在制定强制性公债中表现得比较明显,他始终是坚持己见,不愿让步。可以参见Cust,
'Charles I, the Privy Council, and the Forced Loan'。
2 A.Luders et al., The Statutes of the Realm, Vol.Ⅱ, p.243.
3 伦敦可以选派四名议员,而威尔士各选区(Constituencies),12个郡和11个城市,则只能选派一名议员。
1 1472年9月,诺福克公爵夫人,伊丽莎白,的下属James Arblaster写信给Malden市行政官,他在信中极力推举John Paston担当Malden市的议员。而另一封写给Paston的信中有这样的记述,“倘若你没有被选为Maldon市的议员的话,如果我的总管大人愿意,你可以在其他地方谋得同样的职位；在英格兰,有成打的城市不会从市民中推选议员,你也许会被安排到这其中的一个城市去担当议员……”,详见,Douglas(ed.), English Historical,Document,Vo1.IV,pp.475-6.
2 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,北京,1995年,第45页。
3 Jennifer Loach,Parliament Under the Tudors,Oxford,Clarendon Press,1991,p.25.
4 Loach,Parliament Under the Tudors,p.151；刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第38到39页.
1 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors,pp.28-9.
2 沈汉,刘新成：《英格兰议会政治史》,南京,1991年,第47页。
1 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,北京,1995年,第l15页。另见A.F.Pollard,'Receivers of Petitions and Clerks of Parliament', The English Historical Review, Vol.57, No.226(Apr.,1942), pp.202-226.
2 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第]16页。
3 GR.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, papers and reviews 1946-1972, (Volume Two, Parliament), Cambridge,1977,pp.29-30.
1 Henry Alworth,The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835,p.1001,1199.
2 Ibid.,p.1197;阿宾登市(Abingdon)自治特许状中亦有类似条款,p.1210.
3 该条款具体内容为“该市的市长、市议员和其他市民有权选举两名下议员参加议会。”见George May,A Descriptive History of the town ofEvesham,London,1845,p.452.
4 A.E.W.Marsh,A History of the Borough and Town of Calne,London,(19??)p.37.
1 转引自刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第41页到42页。
2 A.Luders et al., The Statutes of the Realm, Vol.11, pp.340-2.
3 Henry Alworth, The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835, pp.1224-5.
4 Ibid, p.1001,温洛克市的自治特许状中明确规定因为该市有自己的下议员,所以其市民免于向郡交纳郡议员津贴。
5 Henry Alworth, The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835, p.1225.
1 Carl Stephenson and Frederick George Marcham (eds.), Sources of English Constitutional History:A Selection of Documents from A.D.600 to the present, Harper & Row, Publishers,1937, p.277.
2 Thomas Kitson Cromwell(ed), History and Description of the Ancient Town and Borough of Colchester, in Essex,(Vol.Ⅱ), London,1825, p.269.
3 G R. Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, Documents and Commentary, Cambridge University Press,1982, p.248;
Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.35.
4 Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, p.247; Graves, The Tudor Parliaments:Crown, Lords and Commons, 1485-1603, p.45,72,100,117,133.
1 G.R.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, Vol.Ⅲ, Cambridge University Press,1983. pp.18-9.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, pp.38-40.
3 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第50页到54页。刘新成,《“乡绅入侵”：英格兰都铎王朝议会选举中的异常现象》,载《中国社会科学》,2008年第2期,第190页到195页。刘季富则将这一现象的原因与当时英格兰的社会变革放在一起,详见刘季富,《都铎时期“乡绅入侵”现象简论》,载《史学月刊》,2004年第9期,第127页。
4 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, Cambridge, 1975, p.53.
3 Ibid., pp.195-6.
1 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, p.63.
1 阿萨·勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》,陈叔平等译,北京,1991年版,第123页。
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.132.
3 Ibid, p.133.
1 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第281页至283页。
1 GR.Elton (ed.),'Opposition in 1601:Monopolies','The Queen's speech to a Commons' deputation,30 November 1601', in his The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, pp.323-6.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.109.
3 本届议会于1566年9月30号开幕,1567年1月2号结束。
1 Elton (ed.), The Tudor Constitution, Documents and Commentary, pp.316-8.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, pp.111-2.
1 Ibid., p.113.
1 Journal of the House of Commons, volume 1,1547-1629, History of Parliament Trust,1802.
2 A.Luders et al.. The Statutes of the Realm. vol.Ⅳ,21-2.
3 王觉非(主编),《近代英格兰史》,南京大学出版社,1997年,第3l页。
4 转引自Faith Thompson, A Short History of Parliament 1295-1642, University of Minnesota Press,1953. p.251.
1 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.251-2.
2 Angus Stroud, Stuart England, London and New York, Routledge,1999. p.31-3.
3 Ibid.,57-8.
4 Stephenson and Marcham (eds.,), Sources of English Constitutional History,详见'Act Abolishing Ship Money'p.481;'Act Defining Forests and Forest Law', p.482;'Act Abolishing Fines for Distraint of Knighthood', p.483.
5 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.232-3; p.239; pp.243-5;确切来说,斯特拉福德伯爵是以叛国罪而遭到弹劾和起诉的。详见pp.262-6。另,由于受到查理一世的袒护,白金汉公爵最终逃脱弹劾,其在1628年遭暗杀。
1 Stroud, Stuart England, p.29; Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.206-7.
2 GR.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, Papers and Reviews 1946-1972, Vol.2 Parliament/Political Thought, Cambridge University Press,1974/2002. p.159.
3 埃尔顿认为这次演说为“黄金演讲”(Golden Speech),它体现出了女王和下院之间的关系具有可协调性,而这是都铎王朝所赖以存在的基础。Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, p.312
1 Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, pp.325-6.
2 Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p.53.
1 James I, The Trve Lawe of Free Monarchies, London,1603来源http://eebo.chadwyck.com/;Stroud, Stuart England, p.27.
2 Toud, Stuart England, p.28.
3 Toud, Stuart England, p.28.
4 Ibid, p.245.
1 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, p.248.
2 Toud, Stuart England, p.70.
3 Richard Garnet S.J., The Book of Oaths, London,1649, pp.3-4,来源http://eebo.chadwyck.com/.
1 Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680, Routledge,1982, p40.
1 表1、表2转引自Alan Dyer, Decline and Growth in English towns 1400-1640, Cambridge,1991, pp.56-9
2. Bacon, Francis, Collected Works of Francis Bacon, London: Routledge/Thoemmes,1996.
3. Douglas, David Charles(ed.), English historical documents, London and New York:Routledge,1996.
4. Journal of the House of Commons:volume 1:1547-1629 (1802).
5. Larkin, James Francis(ed.), Stuart royal proclamations, Vol.Ⅱ,Royal Proclamations of King Charles Ⅰ,1625-1646, Oxford:Clarendon Press,1983.
6. Luders, A., et al., The Statutes of the Realm, Buffalo, N.Y. W.S. Hein,1993.
7. Thomson, McClure, The Chamberlain Letters, A Selection of the Letters of John Chamberlain Concerning Life in England from 1597 to 1626, London,1966
8. Thomas, John H., and Fraser, John F., The Reports of Sir Edward Coke, London:Joseph Butterworth & Son,1826.源自EEBO的资料：
1.Anon. A Just Vindication of the Honour of King James of Blessed Memory, London.
2.Anon, A New DIALOGUE or A brief discourse between two Travellers, London, 1648.
3. Anon, The CASE of Mr. Edward Clavill For the Borough of Corfe-Castle,
4.Anon, The Humble Petition of some of the Inhabitants of the Parish of Leonard Shoreditch against John Squire, Vicar of the Parish aforesaid, London,1642.
5.Anon, The Merits of the Election of Richard Williams Esq; Burgess of Parliament for the Borough of New Radnor,
6.Anon, The Appellant's Case ……To be Heard the Bar of th House of Lords the 3d. of June,1713.
7.Anon, The Charter of Romney Marsh, London,1597.
8.Anon, Worshipful Company of Shipwrights, London,1612.
9. Anon, The Abridgement of Camden's Britania With The Maps of the Seuerall Shires of England and Walse (1626) HENRY E. HUNTINGTON LIBRARY.
10.Anon, The Severall Humble Petitions of D. Bastwicke, M. Burton, M. Prynne and of Nath Wickins, servant to the said M. Prynne to the Honourable house of Parliament, Printed in the Yeere,1641.
11. Camden, William, Britannia, translated by Philemon Holland, London,1610
12.Chaloner, Edward, Sixe Sermons, London,1623.
13.Dugdale, William, The Antiquities of Warwickshire Illustrated, London
14.S.,F., The Government of Monarchie, Aristocracie, Oligarchie, and Democracie, Described, London.源自ECCO的资料：
1. A Guide to the Knowledge of the Rights and Privilege of Englishmen, London, 1771.
2. The Golden Passage in the Great Charter of England, London,1776.
1.The Court Leet Records of the Manor of Manchester, Manchester, Vol.I(1552-1586),1884.
2.Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Memoirs Illustrative of the History and Antiquities of the County and City of Lincoln, London 1850
3.Andrews, William, and Lang, Elsie M., Old English Towns, London:T. Werner Laurie, Ltd.,
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1.刘景华：《城市转型与英格兰的勃兴》,北京：纺织工业出版社,1994年。——《西欧中世纪城市新论》,长沙：湖南人民出版社,2000年。——《走向重商时代：社会转折中的西欧商人和城市》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2007年。——《十五、十六世纪英格兰城市劳动者和城市资本向农村的转移》,载《世界历史》,1986年第7期,第23页到第32页。——《十六、十七世纪英格兰城市经济职能的变化及其意义》,载《世界历史》,1989年第6期,第56页到第64页。
2.向荣： 《16、17世纪英格兰政治文化中的父权主义》,载《史学月刊》,2001年第1期,第93页到第99页。——《移风易俗与英格兰资本主义的兴起》,载《武汉大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2000年第3期,第382页到第387页。
3.程汉大：《英格兰政治制度史》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1995年。
4.刘新成：《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,北京：首都师范大学出版社,1995年。
5.马克垚： 《英格兰封建社会研究》,北京：北京大学出版社,2005年。
6.沈汉,刘新成： 《英格兰议会政治史》,南京：南京大学出版社,1991年。
7.阎照祥： 《英格兰政治制度史》,北京,人民出版社,1999年。
8.高毅：《法兰西风格：大革命的政治文化》,杭州：浙江人民出版社,1991年。
9.李增洪： 《13-15世纪伦敦社会各阶层分析》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2005年。
10.[美]迈克尔·扎科特：《自然权利与新共和主义》,王岽兴译,长春：吉林出版集团有限责任公司,2008年。
11.亨利·皮雷纳：《中世纪的城市》,陈国棵译,北京：商务印书馆,2006年。
12.彼得·克拉克,保罗·斯莱克：《过渡期的英格兰城市：一五○○-七○○》,薛国中译,武汉：武汉大学出版社,1992年。
13.(美)加布里埃尔·M·阿尔蒙德,西德尼·维伯：《公民文化：五个国家的政治态度和民主制》,徐湘林译,北京：华夏出版社,1989年。
14.王乐理： 《政治文化导论》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2000年。
16.(比利时)亨利·皮雷纳： 《中世纪的城市》,陈国樑译,北京：商务印书馆,2007年。
17.王觉非(主编)：《英格兰近代史》,南京：南京大学出版社,1997年。
18.(英)佩里·安德森：《绝对主义国家的系谱》,刘北成,龚晓庄译,上海：上海人民出版社,2001年。
19.(英)阿萨·勃里格斯著：《英格兰社会史》,陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版。
1 John Landers, Death and the Metropolis:Studies in the Demographic History of London 1670-1830, Cambridge, 1993; L.D.Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation:Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850, Cambridge,1992; Carl Estabrook, Urbane and Rustic England:Cultural Ties and Social Spheres in the Provinces 1660-1780, Manchester,1998; Paul Gauci, Politics and Society in Great Yarmouth 1660-1722, Oxford,1996; Theodore Koditschek, Class Formation and Urban-Industrial Society:Bradford 1750-1850, Cambridge,1990; Paul Halliday, Dismembering the Body Politic:Partisan Politics in England's Towns 1650-1730, Cambridge,1998; N. Rogers, Whigs and Cities:Popular Politics in the Age of Walpole and Pitt,Oxford,1989; Katherine Wilson, The Sense of the People:Politics, Culture and Imperialism in England 1715-85, Cambridge,1995.
2 Peter Clark (General editor), The Cambridge urban history of Britain, Vol.Ⅰ (600-1540) D.M.Palliser (ed.), Ⅱ (1540-1840) Peter Clark (ed.), Ⅲ (1840-1950) Martin Daunton (ed.), Cambridge University,2000.
3 C.Phythian-Adams,'Urban decay in late medieval England'in P.Abrams and E.A.Wrigley(eds), Towns in Societies (Cambridge,1978),pp.159-185; Desolation of a City:Coventry and the Urban Crisis of the Late Middle Ages, Cambridge,1979; D.Palliser,'A crisis in English towns? The case of York 1480-1640', Northern History, 14(1978),pp.108-25.
4 Alan Dyer,'Growth and decay in English towns 1500-1700', Urban History Yearbook(1979),pp.60-76;'Market towns of Southern England 1500-1700', Southern History,1(1979), pp.123-134.
1 A. Appleby,'Nutrition and disease:the case fo London 1550-1750', Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6(1975), pp.1-22; J. Landers,'Burial seasonality and causes of death in London 1670-1819', Population Studies,42(1988), pp.59-83.
2 G. Clark,'A study of nurse children,1550-1760', Local Population Studies,39(1987), pp.8-23; V. Fildes,'The English wet-nurse', Medical History,32(1988),pp.142-73.
3 I. G Doolittle, 'The effects of plague in a provincial town', Medical History,19(1975), pp.333-41; A. Dyer,'The influence of bubonic plague in England 1500-1667', Medical History,28(1978), pp.308-26; A. Appleby, "The disappearance of plague', Economic History Review,33(1980), pp.161-73; P. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England,(1987); T. S.Willan,'The plague in perspective:the case of Manchester in 1605', Transactions of the History Society of Lancashire and Cheshire,135(1983), pp.29-40; J. Taylor,'Plague in the towns of Hampshire 1665', Southern History,6(1984), pp.104-22.
4 R. W. Herlan,'Poor Relief in London during the English Revolution', Journal of British Studies,18(1979), pp.30-51; R. W. Herlan,'Relief of the poor in Bristol from Elizabethan times to the Restoration', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Soceity,126(1982), pp.212-28; M. Pelling,'Healing the sick poor:Norwich 1550-1640', Medical History,29(1985), pp.115-137; J. J. Tronrud,'Responses to poverty in three towns
1 C.T.Hammer,'Anatomy of an oligarchy? Oxford Town Council in the fifeteenth and sixteenth-century', Journal of British Studies,18(1978), pp.1-27; J.Goring,'The Fellowship of the Twelve in Elizabethan Lewes', Sussex Archaeological Collections,119(1981), pp.157-72); John T.Evans, 'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich', Journal of British Studies, Vol.14,No.1(Nov.,1974),pp.46-76; Charles W.Colby, 'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', English Historical Review, Vol.5,No.20(Oct.1890),pp.633-653.
2 Robert Tittler, Architecture and Power:The Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640 Oxford. Clarendon Press 1991;'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town' Sixteenth Century Journal Vol.18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487;'The incorporation of boroughs,1540-1558', History, no.204,1977,pp.24-42.
3 Alan Everitt, Change in the provinces, Leicester,1969; John Morrill, The revolt of the provinces:conservatives and radicals in the English Civil War,1630-1650, London,1976; R.Howell,'Neutralism, conservatism and political alignment:the case of the towns 1642-9', in J. Morrill(ed.), Reactions to the English Civil War(1982), pp.69-87.
4 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban change and political radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town:A Reader in English Urban History 1530-1688, Longman 1990, third impression 1995; Roger Howell Jr.,'Newcastle and the nation:The seventeenth-century experience', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town; David Harris Sacks,'The corporate town and the English State:Bristol's "little businesses" 1625-1641', in Jonathan Barry(ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town.
1 W.J.Sheils,'Religion in provincial towns', in F. Heal and R.O'Day(eds), Church and Society in England:Henry VIII to James I, (1977), pp.156-176; P.Clark,'Thomas Scott and the growth of urban opposition to the early Stuart regime', Historical Journal,21(1978), pp.1-26; P. Health,'Staffordshire towns and the Reformation', North Staffordshire Journal Field Studies,19(1979), pp.1-21; E.M.Shepperd,'The Reformation and the citizens of Norwich', Norfolk Archaeology,38(1981), pp.44-58; S.Brigden,'Tithe controversies in Reformation London', Journal of Ecclesiastical History,32(1981), pp.285-301; S.Brigden,'Religion and social obligation in early sixteenth-century London', Past and Present,103(1984), pp.67-112.
2 Peter Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance:Culture and Society in the Provincial Town,1660-1770, Oxford, 1989.
1 Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England:Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London and Basingstoke,1988.
2 Patrick Collinson and John Craig (eds.), The Reformation in English Towns,1500-1640, New York:St. Martin's Press,1998.
3 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998.
1 Philip Withington,'Two Renaissances:Urban Political Culture in Post-Reformation England Reconsider', The Historical Journal, Vol.44, No.1(Mar.,2001), pp.239-267.
2 杨豫,《英格兰的社会结构与经济起飞》,刊于《世界历史》,1986年第6期。
陆伟芳,《19世纪英格兰城市工人之住宅问题及成因——兼谈恩格斯的<英格兰工人阶级状况>》,刊子《扬州大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2009年第2期；《中产阶级与近代英格兰城市郊区扩展》,刊于《史学理论研究》,2007年第4期；《19世纪英格兰城市对工人住宅问题的干预》,刊于《探索与争鸣》,2009年第2期；《19世纪英格兰城市现代化初探》,刊于《史学集刊》,2006年第1期；《19世纪英格兰城市政府改革与民主化进程》,刊于《史学月刊》,2003年第6期；《近代英格兰城市专业化研究》,刊于《扬州大学学报》(人文社会科学版),1997年第6期；《近代英格兰城市群落与城市发展定位》,刊于《世界历史》,2004年第6期。
唐军,《工业化时期英格兰城市的河流污染及治理探析》,刊于《甘肃社会科学》,2007年第4期。
曾亚英,《维多利亚时期英格兰城市的娼妓问题》,刊于《妇女研究论丛》,2005年第3期。
任其怿,《从住房和卫生条件的改善看近代英格兰的城市治理》,刊于《内蒙古大学学报》(人文.社会科学版),2004年第4期。
梅雪芹,《工业革命以来英格兰城市大气污染及防治措施研究》,刊于《北京师范大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2001年第2期；《19世纪英格兰城市的环境问题初探》,刊于《辽宁师范大学学报》(社会科学版),2000年第3期。
叶明勇,《英格兰城市在乡村工业化中的作用》,刊于《武汉大学学报》(哲学社会科学版),1998年第5期。
赵煦,《英格兰早期城市化研究-从18世纪后期到19世纪中叶》,华东师范大学博士论文,2008年5月。
1 刘景华：《城市转型与英格兰的勃兴》,北京：纺织工业出版社,1994年；《走向重商时代：社会转折中的西欧商人和城市》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2007年;《十五、十六世纪英格兰城市劳动者和城市资本向农村的转移》,载《世界历史》,1986年第7期,第23页到第32页；《十六、十七世纪英格兰城市经济职能的变化及其意义》,载《世界历史》,1989年第6期,第56页到第64页。
李增洪：《13-15世纪伦敦社会各阶层分析》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2005年。
赵秀荣,《1500-1650年,英格兰商业与商人研究》,首都师范大学2000年博士论文。
朱耀辉,《城市文明与近代西欧民族国家的兴起》,复旦大学2003年博士论文。
孙凯,《共生与互动：论城市与乡村在英格兰资本主义起源中的不同角色》,天津师范大学2007年硕士论文。
2 康德伦(Condren)则并不认同市民一词具有政治含义,他认为在当时的政治话语中,该词仅仅只是一个边缘化的词语,它代指的是诸如商人、店主等一些城市居民或自由民。Philip Withington,'Two Renaissances: Urban Political Culture in Post-Reformation England Reconsidered', The Historical Journal, Vol.44, No.l. (Mar., 2001),pp.239-267.
1 Peter Clark & Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, pp.115-116.
2 赖特森认为“市民”之所以可以成为近代早期英格兰社会等级中的第二级,原因之一就是他们享有城市自由(另外两个因素是职业和财产)Keith Wrightson, English society,1580-1680, London,1982, p.20.
1 中世纪城市的起源问题在19世纪和20世纪初成为西方历史学者所关注的焦点之一,产生了很多观点：如“马尔克论”、“罗马城市论”“城堡论”“世袭领地论”以及“市场论”等等。
2 Susan Reynolds,Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe,转引自Tittler,The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.16.
1 David Charles Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,(IV) London and New York: Routledge,1996, pp.562-563.
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV, p.569.
2 Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents,XIV, London, Selden Society,1900, p.34原文如下,for for the peaceful union of the worthier and lesser commons of the town of Beverley,......;另见David M.Palliser.'Urban Society', in Towns and Local Communities in Medieval and Early Modern England, Ashgate,2006, p140
3 David M.Palliser.'Urban Society', p.142
4 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV, p.569
5 Ibid., p.571
6 Susan Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, Oxford, Clarendon Press,1977, pp.120-121
7 Ibid., pp.173-174
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.Ⅳ, pp.570-573
2 Julian Cornwall,'English Country Towns in the Fifteen Twenties', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.15, No.1(1962), pp.56.
3 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.174-176.
1 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents,Vol.IV,'The incorporation of Hull'.pp.571-572.
2 主张衰落论的学者认为城市的人口减少、物价持续低迷,城市建筑破落等等这些都是城市经济破败的标志。Dobson, R.B.,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,5th Ser., Vol.27.(1977); C.V.Phythian-Adams,'Urban decay in late medieval England', in P.Abrams and E.A.Wrigley(eds), Towns in societies:essays in economic history and historical sociology, Cambridge University Press,1978; Peter
Clark & Paul Slack(eds.), Crisis and order in English Towns,1500-1700, London:Routledge,1972; Robert Tittler,
'Late Medieval Urban Prosperity', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.37, No.4.(Nov.,1984), pp.551-554.持不同观点的论述见Alan Dyer, Decline and growth in English towns,1400-1640, Cambridge University Press, 1995;'Growth and decay in English towns 1500-1700', Urban History yearbook(1979),pp.60-76; Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns; A. R. Bridbury,'English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.34, No.1 (Feb.,1981), pp.1-24.本文基本上同意城市衰落论。
1 Lucy Toulmin Smith, The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-1543, London,1907, p.306.
2 马克垚,《英格兰封建社会研究》,北京大学出版社,第323页。
3 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, p.144
4 Charles Phythian-Adams.'Urban Decay in Late Medieval England',pp.162-163.
s Dobson,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', p.14.
1 A.Luders, et al., Statutes of the Realm, Vol.Ⅲ,3°.Hen.Ⅷ.c.8,'An Act concerning the assising setting of Price of Victulle'.
2 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.180-181.
3 David Charles Douglas(ed.),English historical documents,Vol. V, London;New York:Routledge,1996, pp.969-970.
4 Dobson,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England'.
5 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, pp.146-147
6 阎照祥：《英格兰史》,北京,人民出版社,2003年,第125页。
1 Reynolds, An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns, p.147.
2 Dobson, R.B.,'Urban Decline in Late Medieval England', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,5th Ser., Vol.27.(1977),pp.1-22.
3 Robert Tittler,'Browne, Town, and Crown:John Browne and the Quest for Crown Lands in Boston', in Tittler, Townspeople and nation:English urban experiences,1540-1640,Stanford:Stanford University Press,2001. pp.42-3.
1 A.Luders et al., Statutes of The Realm, Vol.Ⅲ.
2 这八道法令所针对的城市为诺丁汉市(Notingham)、什鲁斯伯里(Shrewsbury)、Ludlowe拉德洛(Ludlow)等共计63个自治市镇和城市。详见表4。
3 A.R.Bridbury,'English Provincial Towns in the Later Middle Ages', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.34, No.1.(Feb.,1981),pp.23-4.
1 S.H. Rigby and Elizabeth Ewan,'Government, power and authority,1300-1540', D.M. Palliser (ed.), The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, Vol.Ⅰ,600-1540, Cambridge, U.K.; New York:Cambridge University Press, 2000. p.194.
2 Douglas (ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.IV, 'The abbot of Reading exercises power in the borough of Reading,1449-1477', pp.573-574.
1 Douglas(ed.),English Historical Documents, Vol. V, p.969.
1 Miri Rubin,Charity and community in medieval Cambridge,Cambridge;New York:Cambridge University Press, 1987, pp.64-65; Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London', Past & Present, No.103(May,1984), pp.67-112.
2 Richard Wunderli and Gerald Broce, 'The Final Moment before Death in Early Modern England', The Sixteenth Century Journal,Vol.20, No.2(Summer,1989),pp.259-275.
3 David Cressy, Birth, Marriage, and Death:Ritual, Religion, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England, Oxford University Press,1997, pp.421-449.
1 Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London'. No.98(Feb.,1983), pp.3-29.
2 Mervyn James,'Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town', Past & Present,
1 Sylvia Thrupp,'Social Control in the Medieval Town', The Journal ofEconomic History, Vol.1, Supplement: The Tasks of Economic History, (Dec.,1941), pp.39-52.
2 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford, Clarendon Press,1998. p.41.
1 阿萨·勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版,第139页。阎照祥：《英格兰史》,北京,人民出版社,2003年,第148页。
1 勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》,第139页到140页。
2 详细分析见Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, pp.59-73.
3 Smith, The Itinerary of John Leland in or about the years 1535-1543, pp.109-110.
4 Jeanette Martin,'Leadership and Priorities in Reading during te Reformation', in Patrick Collinson and John Craig(eds.), The Reformation in English Towns,1500-1640, pp.122-125.
5 这两种观点在罗伯特·蒂特勒的《英格兰宗教改革和城市》中有所论及,另外首都师范大学刘城教授在其 研究综述《20世纪英格兰宗教改革史学》中也有所论述。载于《世界历史》2003年第1期,第86页至97页。
1 Robert Jutte, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press,1994, PP28-29.
2 D.M.Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth:England under the later Tudor 1547-1603, Longman.1983, p157.
3 Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.Ⅴ,1003-04.
1 托马斯·莫尔著：《乌托邦》戴镏龄译,商务印书馆1982年7月第2版,P23。
2 [英]阿萨·勃里格斯著：《英格兰社会史》陈叔平等译,中国人民大学出版社1991年5月第1版,P142
3 《牛津英格兰通史》肯尼思·0.摩根主编,商务印书馆1993年9月第一版P240。
4 假如生产资料即耕地数量不变,每增加一个劳动力劳动生产量就依次递减,这是“生产率递减率”,最后增加一个劳动力所生产的产量,被称为“劳动边际生产率”。
1 Keith Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680 London by Hutchinson 1982 p153; Smith, Alan Gordon Rae. The Emergence of A Nation State:The Commonwealth of England 1529-1660, London;New York:Longman,1997, pp.135-140.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.319.
1 Robert Tittler,'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', Sixteenth Century Journal Vol.
18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487.
2 惯例书是一份正式文书,它记录了当地所熟知的习惯同时又可以佐证地方政府的合法性。而惯例对于近代早期的英格兰人来说相当重要,Andy Wood认为习惯是时人权力源泉之一,为了需要,人们甚至会捏造本不存在的“惯例”。详见Andy Wood,'The place of custom in plebeian political culture:England, 1550-1800', Social History, Jan 1997, Vol.22 Issue l,pp.46-60;'Custom and the Social Organization of Writing in Early Modern England', Transaction of Royal Historical Society,6th Ser.,Vol.9.(1999),pp.257-269; Keith Wrightson,'The Politics of the Parish in Early Modern England',in Griffith, Fox and Hindle(eds), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England,London,1996,pp.22-25.
3 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998 pp.76-77.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998 p81.
2 Peter Clark & Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, p.98另外,扣押货物、暗中作梗也屡见不鲜(Robert Tittler,The Reformation and the Towns in England: Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640 Oxford;New York:Clarendon Press,1998. pp.176-177.)
1 Joan Thirsk(ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales volume Ⅳ 1500-1640,Cambridge,1964, pp.502-3
2 Thirsk, The Agrarian History of England and Wales Vol. IV, pp.503-4.
1 [英]戴维·米勒,韦农·波格丹诺(编)：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来主编,中国政法大学出版社,1992年版,第48页。
2 Robert Tittler,'Late Medieval Urban Prosperity', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.37, No.4.(Nov., 1984),p.552;关于1485-1540年期间英格兰自治城市的数量增长状况,见表3。
3 见表3。
1 见表3。
2 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, Oxford,1965, reprinted with corrections 1979. pp.13-5.
1 Tittler,The Reformation and the towns in England, pp.153-6; Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents, London, Selden Society,1900. xix, xxv, xxxviii, p.73.
2 Shelagh Bond & Norman Evans 'The process of granting charters to English boroughs,1547-1649' in The English Historical Review Vol.91, No.358(Jan.,1976) pp.102-120.
3 Julian Cornwall,'English Country Towns in the Fifteen Twenties', The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.15, No.l(1962), pp.55-6.
4 Reynolds,'The Forged Charters of Barnstaple', pp.699-720.
1 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, p174
2 Robert Tittler, 'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', Sixteenth Century Journal,Vol.18, No.4 (Winter,1987), pp.471-487; Alan Everitt,'The Marketing of Agricultural Produce', in J.Thirsk(ed.), The Agrarian History and Wales,1500-1640,(IV), Cambridge,1967, pp.502-506.
1 托管人有使用权和管理权,但是不能将产业卖给第三方,而购买者如果无视这一点的话,那么托管人和购买者都会被起诉到大法官庭。详见F.W.Maitland,'Trust and Corporation', in David Runciman and Magnus Ryan (eds.), F.W.Maitland:State, Trust and Corporation, Cambridge,2003. p.85, pp.90-3, p.95.
1 Tittler, Architecture and Power, the Town Hall and the English Urban Communitv c.1500-1640, pp.86-7.
2 见表3。
3 Shelagh Bond and Norman Evans,'The Process of Granting Charters to English Borough,1547-1649', The English Historical Review, Vol.91, No.358, (Jan.,1976), p.103.
4 下文第五章第一节将对此进行相关论述,这里便不再赘述。
1 M.W. Greenslade, A.P.Baggs, GC.Baugh, and D.A.Johnston (eds.), Victoria County History:Staffordshire, Vol.17,1976, pp.208-220.来源:http://www.british-history.ac.uk.
2 Henry Alworth Merewether and Archibald John Stephens(eds.), The History of the Boroughs and Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom, Vol.Ⅱ, London,1835. pp.1119-1145; pp.1149-1176; pp.1239-1431.
3 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the
Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, Cambridge,1905. p.248.
1 Tittler,'The End of the Middle Ages in the English Country Town', pp.471-487.
2 Tittler, Architecture and Power, the Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640, p.87.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, p167-8.
2 Catherine F.Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford, Stanford University Press,1999. p.127.
1 Ann Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire,1620-1660, London and NewYork, Cambridge University Press,1987. p.18.
2 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.139-140.
3 Michael Zell (ed.), Early Modern Kent,1540-1640, The Bodydell Press and Kent County Council,2000, pp.10-1
1 Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire,1620-1660, p.16.
2 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban Change and Political Radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', in Jonathan Barry (ed.), The Tudor and Stuart Town A Reader in English Urban History 1530-1688, London and New York:Longman,1990. pp.250-2.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.142.
1 [英]戴维·米勒,韦农·波格丹诺(编)：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来主编,中国政法大学出版社,1992年版。第502-3页。
1 Charles W.Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', The English Historical Review, Vol.5, No.20(Oct.1890), pp.633-653.
2 W.GHoskins,'English Provincial Towns in the Early Sixteenth Century', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series,Vol.6(1956), pp.1-19.
3 Peter Clark & Paul Slack(eds.),Crisis and order in English Towns,1500-1700, London,1972.
1 John T.Evans.'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.14,No.1(Nov.,1974), pp.46-76.
2 Carl I.Hammer Jr.,'Anotomy of an Oligarchy:The Oxford Town Council in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.18,No.1 (Autumn,1978), pp.1-27.
3 John T.Evans,'The Decline of Oligarchy in Seventeenth-Century Norwich',,pp.46-76.
4 Charles W.Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', in The English Historical Review, Vol.5, No.20(Oct.1890),pp.633-653.
1 M.W. Greenslade, A.P.Baggs, GC.Baugh, and D.A.Johnston (eds.), Victoria County History:Staffordshire, Vol.17,1976, pp.208-220,来源http://www.british-history.ac.uk.
2 Peter Clark and Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition 1500-1700, Oxford University Press,1976, pp.128-133.
1 Peter Clark,'"The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good":Urban Change and Political Radicalism at Gloucester 1540-1640', p.261.
1 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998. p.197.
2 Ibid, p.189.
1 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, Cambridge,1905. p.362.关于推举权的主体,原文如下'the Mayor and Aldermen or the more part of them"。
1 罗伯特·克莱克：《关于9月26日北安普顿放弃旧特许状接受新特许状的记述》(Robert Clerk, "An account of the Surrender of the Old Charter of Northampton, September the 26 and the manner of Their Receiving Their New Charter"),1682来自“早期英格兰图书在线”http://eebo.chadwyck.com).
'Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the towns in England: politics and political culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998, pp.264-7.
2 Colby,'The Growth of Oligarchy in English Towns', pp.633-653.
3 David Charles Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.IV, London and New York, Routledge,1996, pp.570-573.
4 Peter Clark,&Paul Slack, English Towns in Transition,1500-1700, p131.
1 1466年,该市羊皮文书上明确写着“10月25号的莱斯特(Leicester)市议会同意并规定……从今以后,除开那些获得特权的市民,任何人不得随意进入市政大厅,这是市议会开会的市政大厅。”违反者很可能会有牢狱之苦。1467年莱斯特市法令又规定“城市中的每一个居民”一旦受到市府高级官员的传唤,要在规定的时间去市政厅听候差遣,如果没有特殊理由而又不到者将处以一定的罚金。这两条市政法规分别从两个不同的方面告诉市民,没有市府高层官员的授权,任何人不得进入市政厅,该市政治生活的排斥性可见一斑。Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol.Ⅳ, pp.575-8.
2 Robert Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture, c.1540-1640, Oxford,1998,pp.191-2.
1 Catherine F. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford University Press,1999, p.107-8.
2 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, Cambridge, 1975, pp.51-2.
1 Robert Tittler, Architecture and Power:The Town Hall and the English Urban Community c.1500-1640, Oxford, 1991,pp.57-8.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.192.
2 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.108.
3 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol.Ⅱ, Cambridge,1901.'John's Charter to Burgesses', p.7;'Royal Charter Changing the date of Leicester Fair',p.lll;'Letters Patent of Richard II', p.185;'Grant of Fair', p.296;'Letter of Henry VII', p.354.
4 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol.III, Cambridge,1905.'Henry VIII's Charter of Fair', p.46;'Grant of Land and Rent to Borough', p.46;'Charters of Edward VI', p.55;'Charters of Mary', p.77;'Charter of Elizabeth', p.359.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.114-6.
2 关于市长和市议会在市政厅里召开决定城市日常事务的会议的信息在市府文书中经常见到。Douglas(ed.), English Historical Documents, Vol. V, p.964, p.970, p.972.
1 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.263.
2 Tittler, Architecture and Power, pp.35-37.
1 Tittler, Architecture and Power, pp.108-9.
2 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.318.
3 Ibid, pp.322-330.
1 Marjorie Keniston McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England,1370-1600, Cambridge University Press.1998.
2 Martin Ingram'Reformation of Manners in Early Modern England', in P.Griffiths et al., eds, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, London,1996.
3 Lewis W. Spotz, The Reformation:Education and History, VARIORUM,1997. p.l.
1 McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England,1370-1600, pp.54-108.
2 Jennine Hurl-eamon 'Policing male Heterosexualitv:The Reformation of Manners Societies' Campaign Against The Brothels in Westminster,1690-1720', Journal of Social History, Vol.37, No.4 (Summer,2004), pp. 1017-1035.
1 Margo Todd, Christian Humanism And The Puritan Social Order, Cambridge University Press,1987. p.193
2 Keith Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680, London by Hutchinson 1982. p.53.
3 转引自Keith Wrightson,'The Politics of The Parish in Early Modern England', in P.Griffiths et al., eds, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England, London,1996. p.18.
4 Todd, Christian Humanism And The Puritan Social Order, p.194.
5 Robert Latham & William Matthews (eds.), The diary of Samuel Pepys, London:HarperCollins;Berkeley, Calif.:University of California Press,2000.
1 Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum, Mary Dewar(ed.), Cambridge University Press,1982. p.57.
2 Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p.49;在Elyot看来,"Commune weale"指代“Republica"并不准确,而应用"publike weale".他用这个词将国家比喻为一个由各种等级的人按照公正的秩序构成的有机体,这个有机体的治理是建立在理智的基础上。Thomas Elyot, The Boke named The Gouernour, Vol.1, Henry Herbert Stephen Croft(ed.), edited from the first edition of 1531, London,1883. pp.1-2.
3 Philip Withington, The Politics of Commonwealth, Citizen and Freemen in Early Modern England, Cambridge University Press,2005, pp.87-93.
4 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1509-1603, Vol. Ⅲ, p.234.
5 Ibid., pp.235-6.
1 Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, pp.46-7.
2 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, pp.199-200.
3 Susan Brigden,'Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London', Past & Present, No.103(May,1984), pp.67-112; James Lee,'"Ye shall disturbe noe mans right":Oath-taking and Oath-breaking in Late Mediveal and Early Modern Bristol', Urban Histoy,34,1 (2007), pp.30-1.
4 Arthur F. Leach(ed.), Beverley Town Documents, London, Selden Society,1900, p.14
5 Ibid., p.14.
1 Mary Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, Being a series of Extracts from the Archives of the Corporation of Leicester,1327-1509, Vol.ii,. Cambridge,1901. pp.319-323.
2 Charles Phythian-Adams,'Ceremony and the citizen:the communal year at Coventry 1450-1550', in Peter Clark and Paul Slack(eds.), Crisis and order in English towns 1500-1700, Essays in urban history, Routledge & Kegan Paul,2007, pp.59-61.
3 Tittler, The Reformation and the Towns in England, p.203.
1 关于“庇护制”(Patronage)一词,本文采用Catherine F. Patterson的定义,即“一种可以给双方提供互惠互利的交换关系,在这种关系中,一方的地位要明显高于另一方。’'Catherine F. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown,1580-1640, Stanford University Press,1999, p.2.
2 关于1580-1640年间英格兰各地市政司法官和高级总管的名单,详见Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.243-254.
3 事发约克郡的Doncaster 市, Shrewsbury伯爵和Hunsdon勋爵都想担任该市总管一职。前者的家族是该市所在区域的最大的地主,而Hunsdon同样是当地的地主,他是伊丽莎白女王的宫务大臣。当该市前任总管Shrewsbury伯爵乔治于1590年离世后,市政府选择Hunsdon勋爵而不是小Shrewsbury伯爵作为他们的总管。小伯爵对此表示了诧异和愤怒,他派了一名随从去探听勋爵的态度,派去之人得知勋爵非常乐意担任市总管,并且允诺要尽其所能为Doncaster市服务。当萨福克伯爵在宫廷失势后,并不愿意交出埃克塞特市高级总管一职。Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.43,45.
1 Shelagh Bond and Norman Evans,'The Process of Granting Charters to English Borough,1547-1649', p.103
2 Ibid., p.104.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.168-169.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.174.
1 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, pp.181-182.
2 Richard Cust,'Charles I, the Privy Council, and the Forced Loan', The Journal of British Studies, Vol.24, No.2, Politics and Religion in the Early Seventeenth Century:New Voices(Apr.,1985), pp.208-235.
3 Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, p.189.
4 Ibid., pp.177-8.
1 关于此,查理一世在制定强制性公债中表现得比较明显,他始终是坚持己见,不愿让步。可以参见Cust,
'Charles I, the Privy Council, and the Forced Loan'。
2 A.Luders et al., The Statutes of the Realm, Vol.Ⅱ, p.243.
3 伦敦可以选派四名议员,而威尔士各选区(Constituencies),12个郡和11个城市,则只能选派一名议员。
1 1472年9月,诺福克公爵夫人,伊丽莎白,的下属James Arblaster写信给Malden市行政官,他在信中极力推举John Paston担当Malden市的议员。而另一封写给Paston的信中有这样的记述,“倘若你没有被选为Maldon市的议员的话,如果我的总管大人愿意,你可以在其他地方谋得同样的职位；在英格兰,有成打的城市不会从市民中推选议员,你也许会被安排到这其中的一个城市去担当议员……”,详见,Douglas(ed.), English Historical,Document,Vo1.IV,pp.475-6.
2 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,北京,1995年,第45页。
3 Jennifer Loach,Parliament Under the Tudors,Oxford,Clarendon Press,1991,p.25.
4 Loach,Parliament Under the Tudors,p.151；刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第38到39页.
1 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors,pp.28-9.
2 沈汉,刘新成：《英格兰议会政治史》,南京,1991年,第47页。
1 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,北京,1995年,第l15页。另见A.F.Pollard,'Receivers of Petitions and Clerks of Parliament', The English Historical Review, Vol.57, No.226(Apr.,1942), pp.202-226.
2 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第]16页。
3 GR.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, papers and reviews 1946-1972, (Volume Two, Parliament), Cambridge,1977,pp.29-30.
1 Henry Alworth,The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835,p.1001,1199.
2 Ibid.,p.1197;阿宾登市(Abingdon)自治特许状中亦有类似条款,p.1210.
3 该条款具体内容为“该市的市长、市议员和其他市民有权选举两名下议员参加议会。”见George May,A Descriptive History of the town ofEvesham,London,1845,p.452.
4 A.E.W.Marsh,A History of the Borough and Town of Calne,London,(19??)p.37.
1 转引自刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第41页到42页。
2 A.Luders et al., The Statutes of the Realm, Vol.11, pp.340-2.
3 Henry Alworth, The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835, pp.1224-5.
4 Ibid, p.1001,温洛克市的自治特许状中明确规定因为该市有自己的下议员,所以其市民免于向郡交纳郡议员津贴。
5 Henry Alworth, The History of the Boroughs an Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom,Vol.Ⅱ London, 1835, p.1225.
1 Carl Stephenson and Frederick George Marcham (eds.), Sources of English Constitutional History:A Selection of Documents from A.D.600 to the present, Harper & Row, Publishers,1937, p.277.
2 Thomas Kitson Cromwell(ed), History and Description of the Ancient Town and Borough of Colchester, in Essex,(Vol.Ⅱ), London,1825, p.269.
3 G R. Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, Documents and Commentary, Cambridge University Press,1982, p.248;
Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.35.
4 Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, p.247; Graves, The Tudor Parliaments:Crown, Lords and Commons, 1485-1603, p.45,72,100,117,133.
1 G.R.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, Vol.Ⅲ, Cambridge University Press,1983. pp.18-9.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, pp.38-40.
3 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第50页到54页。刘新成,《“乡绅入侵”：英格兰都铎王朝议会选举中的异常现象》,载《中国社会科学》,2008年第2期,第190页到195页。刘季富则将这一现象的原因与当时英格兰的社会变革放在一起,详见刘季富,《都铎时期“乡绅入侵”现象简论》,载《史学月刊》,2004年第9期,第127页。
4 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, Cambridge, 1975, p.53.
3 Ibid., pp.195-6.
1 Derek Hirst, The Representative of People? Voters and Voting in England under the Early Stuarts, p.63.
1 阿萨·勃里格斯：《英格兰社会史》,陈叔平等译,北京,1991年版,第123页。
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.132.
3 Ibid, p.133.
1 刘新成,《英格兰都铎王朝议会研究》,第281页至283页。
1 GR.Elton (ed.),'Opposition in 1601:Monopolies','The Queen's speech to a Commons' deputation,30 November 1601', in his The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, pp.323-6.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, p.109.
3 本届议会于1566年9月30号开幕,1567年1月2号结束。
1 Elton (ed.), The Tudor Constitution, Documents and Commentary, pp.316-8.
2 Loach, Parliament Under the Tudors, pp.111-2.
1 Ibid., p.113.
1 Journal of the House of Commons, volume 1,1547-1629, History of Parliament Trust,1802.
2 A.Luders et al.. The Statutes of the Realm. vol.Ⅳ,21-2.
3 王觉非(主编),《近代英格兰史》,南京大学出版社,1997年,第3l页。
4 转引自Faith Thompson, A Short History of Parliament 1295-1642, University of Minnesota Press,1953. p.251.
1 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.251-2.
2 Angus Stroud, Stuart England, London and New York, Routledge,1999. p.31-3.
3 Ibid.,57-8.
4 Stephenson and Marcham (eds.,), Sources of English Constitutional History,详见'Act Abolishing Ship Money'p.481;'Act Defining Forests and Forest Law', p.482;'Act Abolishing Fines for Distraint of Knighthood', p.483.
5 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.232-3; p.239; pp.243-5;确切来说,斯特拉福德伯爵是以叛国罪而遭到弹劾和起诉的。详见pp.262-6。另,由于受到查理一世的袒护,白金汉公爵最终逃脱弹劾,其在1628年遭暗杀。
1 Stroud, Stuart England, p.29; Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, pp.206-7.
2 GR.Elton, Studies in Tudor and Stuart Politics and Government, Papers and Reviews 1946-1972, Vol.2 Parliament/Political Thought, Cambridge University Press,1974/2002. p.159.
3 埃尔顿认为这次演说为“黄金演讲”(Golden Speech),它体现出了女王和下院之间的关系具有可协调性,而这是都铎王朝所赖以存在的基础。Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, p.312
1 Elton(ed.), The Tudor Constitution, documents and commentary, pp.325-6.
2 Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p.53.
1 James I, The Trve Lawe of Free Monarchies, London,1603来源http://eebo.chadwyck.com/;Stroud, Stuart England, p.27.
2 Toud, Stuart England, p.28.
3 Toud, Stuart England, p.28.
4 Ibid, p.245.
1 Thompson, A Short History of Parliament, p.248.
2 Toud, Stuart England, p.70.
3 Richard Garnet S.J., The Book of Oaths, London,1649, pp.3-4,来源http://eebo.chadwyck.com/.
1 Wrightson, English Society,1580-1680, Routledge,1982, p40.
1 表1、表2转引自Alan Dyer, Decline and Growth in English towns 1400-1640, Cambridge,1991, pp.56-9