情与理的交锋
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摘要
继承是前工业时代人们获得财产的主要方式，它不仅决定着社会中个人的命运，还与家庭、婚姻、妇女地位和政治权力有着不可分割的联系，在社会史研究领域中占有重要的地位。本文旨在对13-18世纪英国的财产继承模式进行尝试性研究。
本文并非逐一介绍这一时期存在的各种财产继承习惯，而是以“家产分配方案”这个概念为中心，体系性地阐述封建主的家产分配理念，分析封建主在设计“家产分配方案”时的矛盾心态。同时本文还试图在“家产分配方案”和“家庭内部关系”之间建立联系，通过分析“家产分配方案”对各家庭成员继承份额的影响来揭示这一时期英国家庭内部关系的特征。
本文由导言和正文两部分组成，导言部分主要介绍了选题的意义和国内外研究动态，限制了本文论述的起止时间、地域和客体，同时交待了本文采用的论述方法和资料来源。
正文分为5章。第1章讨论了封建主设计“家产分配方案”的背景，说明封建主对以“封建土地保有制”和“普通法继承规则”为代表的继承模式并不完全满意。第2、3、4章则是分别考察了封建主设计的“限嗣继承”、“托管”和“家产析分契约”三种家产分配方案。这三章的讨论说明，封建主设计“家产分配方案”的过程正是他们探索改良英国固有继承模式方法的过程，也是封建主冲破各种封建束缚追求自由处置财产权的过程。但封建主在这一过程中也面临着困境，他们总是在“保持家产完整性”与“为弱势家庭成员考虑”这一对矛盾的目的之间摇摆不定，他们时而侧重于前者，时而倾向于后者，但封建主最终还是在二者之间找到了一个平衡点。这一复杂而又痛苦的抉择过程不但将封建主在“理智”与“情感”之间的斗争展现得淋漓尽致，还推动着英国财产继承制度在曲折中逐渐完善。
第5章论述了上述三种“家产分配方案”对封建主家庭内部关系的影响。结果表明，13-18世纪英国家庭内部关系呈现出延续性特征。这一时期，封建主最重视的一直是家产的完整性，以及与之相联系的头衔和名号的传承，其家庭内部关系并未在17、18世纪空前密切起来。同时还应看到，封建主对弱势家庭成员的关心和爱护也是贯穿于本文所考察的整个时期，13-16世纪的家庭中也不缺乏爱。
总的说来，本文试图展现封建主利用“家产分配方案”重构英国财产继承模式的过程。而这一过程中所体现出的“曲折性”和“延续性”特征表明，英国财产继承模式的发展过程正契合了英国“妥协”、“融合”、“渐进”、“改革”的整体发展模式。
As the main means of acquiring wealth in pre-industrial period, inheritance not only determined individual's fortune, but has a close relationship with family, marriage, women's position, and political power. And it played an important role in social history. The aim of this thesis is attempting to explore the property inheritance patterns of late medieval and early modern England.
This thesis is not a comprehensive survey of all kinds of inheritance rules and customs of this period, but a systematic introduction to landowners' wealth distributing notion, and an analysis of the contradictory aims of the landowners when they designed family settlements. At the same time this thesis also attempted to establish relationships between 'family settlements' and 'intra-family relationship', uncover the characteristics of the English intra-family relationship during our period through analyzing the influence by family settlements.
This thesis falls two parts, with an introduction at the beginning, following five chapters. Firstly, the introduction discusses the importance of the theme; then it presents the historiography and clarifies the time, place and object of the theme; finally it explains the methods, and enumerated the resources used in this dissertation.
Chapter One discusses briefly the background of family settlements, and argues that landowners are not satisfied with the inheritance pattern, which is characterized by feudal tenure and common law rules. Respectively, the following three charters elaborate on the three family settlements designed by landowners, i.e., entail, uses and strict settlement. These chapters demonstrate that during the course of designing family settlements landowners were able to explore the appropriate way to amend the existing inheritance patterns, break through the feudal bondage, and obtain the freedom of controlling their wealth. However, the landowners also faced a difficult dilemma. They were always oscillating between two contradictory aims, i.e., keeping the integrity of family property and considering the welfare of weak family members. Sometimes they emphasized particularly on the former, sometimes the latter, all depending upon their needs. They finally found a balance point between the two aims. This complicated and painful process not only exhibited the conflicts between reason and emotion in landowners' heart incisively and vividly, but made the English inheritance system better and better.
Chapter 5 argues that family settlements exerted great influence on landowners' intra-family relationship, which took on a characteristic of continuity from 13~(th) to 18~(th) century. During this period, the landowner never forgot stressing the integrity of family property and transfer of title and surnames. And the intra-family relationship did not become intimate overwhelmingly during the 17~(th) and 18~(th) centuries. At the same time we should also realize that landowners cared and cherished weak family members at all time through our period, love also existed in the families from 13~(th) to 16~(th) century.
In conclusion, this thesis attempts to unfold a process in which landowners reconstructed the English inheritance patterns. And the characters (i.e., fluctuation and continuity) showed themselves during the process indicated that this process was corresponding to the overall development mode of England which was characterized by compromise, fusion, gradualism and reformation
本文并非逐一介绍这一时期存在的各种财产继承习惯，而是以“家产分配方案”这个概念为中心，体系性地阐述封建主的家产分配理念，分析封建主在设计“家产分配方案”时的矛盾心态。同时本文还试图在“家产分配方案”和“家庭内部关系”之间建立联系，通过分析“家产分配方案”对各家庭成员继承份额的影响来揭示这一时期英国家庭内部关系的特征。
本文由导言和正文两部分组成，导言部分主要介绍了选题的意义和国内外研究动态，限制了本文论述的起止时间、地域和客体，同时交待了本文采用的论述方法和资料来源。
正文分为5章。第1章讨论了封建主设计“家产分配方案”的背景，说明封建主对以“封建土地保有制”和“普通法继承规则”为代表的继承模式并不完全满意。第2、3、4章则是分别考察了封建主设计的“限嗣继承”、“托管”和“家产析分契约”三种家产分配方案。这三章的讨论说明，封建主设计“家产分配方案”的过程正是他们探索改良英国固有继承模式方法的过程，也是封建主冲破各种封建束缚追求自由处置财产权的过程。但封建主在这一过程中也面临着困境，他们总是在“保持家产完整性”与“为弱势家庭成员考虑”这一对矛盾的目的之间摇摆不定，他们时而侧重于前者，时而倾向于后者，但封建主最终还是在二者之间找到了一个平衡点。这一复杂而又痛苦的抉择过程不但将封建主在“理智”与“情感”之间的斗争展现得淋漓尽致，还推动着英国财产继承制度在曲折中逐渐完善。
第5章论述了上述三种“家产分配方案”对封建主家庭内部关系的影响。结果表明，13-18世纪英国家庭内部关系呈现出延续性特征。这一时期，封建主最重视的一直是家产的完整性，以及与之相联系的头衔和名号的传承，其家庭内部关系并未在17、18世纪空前密切起来。同时还应看到，封建主对弱势家庭成员的关心和爱护也是贯穿于本文所考察的整个时期，13-16世纪的家庭中也不缺乏爱。
总的说来，本文试图展现封建主利用“家产分配方案”重构英国财产继承模式的过程。而这一过程中所体现出的“曲折性”和“延续性”特征表明，英国财产继承模式的发展过程正契合了英国“妥协”、“融合”、“渐进”、“改革”的整体发展模式。
As the main means of acquiring wealth in pre-industrial period, inheritance not only determined individual's fortune, but has a close relationship with family, marriage, women's position, and political power. And it played an important role in social history. The aim of this thesis is attempting to explore the property inheritance patterns of late medieval and early modern England.
This thesis is not a comprehensive survey of all kinds of inheritance rules and customs of this period, but a systematic introduction to landowners' wealth distributing notion, and an analysis of the contradictory aims of the landowners when they designed family settlements. At the same time this thesis also attempted to establish relationships between 'family settlements' and 'intra-family relationship', uncover the characteristics of the English intra-family relationship during our period through analyzing the influence by family settlements.
This thesis falls two parts, with an introduction at the beginning, following five chapters. Firstly, the introduction discusses the importance of the theme; then it presents the historiography and clarifies the time, place and object of the theme; finally it explains the methods, and enumerated the resources used in this dissertation.
Chapter One discusses briefly the background of family settlements, and argues that landowners are not satisfied with the inheritance pattern, which is characterized by feudal tenure and common law rules. Respectively, the following three charters elaborate on the three family settlements designed by landowners, i.e., entail, uses and strict settlement. These chapters demonstrate that during the course of designing family settlements landowners were able to explore the appropriate way to amend the existing inheritance patterns, break through the feudal bondage, and obtain the freedom of controlling their wealth. However, the landowners also faced a difficult dilemma. They were always oscillating between two contradictory aims, i.e., keeping the integrity of family property and considering the welfare of weak family members. Sometimes they emphasized particularly on the former, sometimes the latter, all depending upon their needs. They finally found a balance point between the two aims. This complicated and painful process not only exhibited the conflicts between reason and emotion in landowners' heart incisively and vividly, but made the English inheritance system better and better.
Chapter 5 argues that family settlements exerted great influence on landowners' intra-family relationship, which took on a characteristic of continuity from 13~(th) to 18~(th) century. During this period, the landowner never forgot stressing the integrity of family property and transfer of title and surnames. And the intra-family relationship did not become intimate overwhelmingly during the 17~(th) and 18~(th) centuries. At the same time we should also realize that landowners cared and cherished weak family members at all time through our period, love also existed in the families from 13~(th) to 16~(th) century.
In conclusion, this thesis attempts to unfold a process in which landowners reconstructed the English inheritance patterns. And the characters (i.e., fluctuation and continuity) showed themselves during the process indicated that this process was corresponding to the overall development mode of England which was characterized by compromise, fusion, gradualism and reformation
引文
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English law: Before the Time of Edward I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1923, Vol.2, p.256; James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, Cardiff: UniversiW of Wales Press, 1996, pp.311-23; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, London: Butterworth & co. ltd. 1940, p.641; G A. Holmes, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957, p.7; Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson ed., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979, pp.1-3.
2 Conor McCarthy，Marriage in Medieval England：Law，Literature and Practice，Suffolk and New York：The Boydell Press，2004，p．51，与婚姻相关的财产继承有：新娘以从婆家获得的聘礼：新郎从新娘父亲处获得的嫁妆；丈夫因妻子去世而获得的鳏夫产(curtcsy)；妻子因丈夫去世而获得的寡妇产(dower)等。
1 主要指普通法继承规则(inheritance rules of common law)和封建土地保有制(feudal tenure system)的相关规定，详见本文第一章。
2 女嗣(heiress)是指封建主在没有子嗣的情况下的女性继承人。有两类人有可能成为封建主的女嗣：一是封建主的女儿。例如，在封建主只生有女儿的情况下，所有女儿都是女嗣。二是封建主的旁系女性亲属。例如，在封建主没有子女的情况下，如果封建主有几个姐妹，则她们都是封建主的女嗣。
3 余子女(younger children)是指封建主长子之外的其他子女。
4 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", In Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, Cambridge'. Cambridge University Press, 1979, pp.177-191.
1 弗朗西斯一世(1494-1547)，法国国王，1515-1547年在位。
2 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", p.180.
3 Ibid, pp. 181-2.
4 Ibid., pp.183-4.
5 Ibid., p. 188.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, Chapel Hill. NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993, p.112.
2 约翰·斯图亚特·米尔(1806-1873)，苏格兰经济学家、哲学家、官员、政治家。详见杰拉尔德·豪厄特主编：《世界历史词典》，马加瑞等译，商务印书馆，1988年。
3 John Stuart Mill, The Subjection of Women, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1790, pp.31-32, 转引自Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p. 113.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p. 113.
5 Ibid., p.88.
6 Ibid.
7 约翰·拉姆齐·麦卡洛克(1789-1864)，英国新闻记者和经济学家，详见杰拉尔德·豪厄特主编：《世界历史词典》，马加瑞等译，商务印书馆，1988年。
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p.88.
9 Ibid.
1 亨利·萨姆纳·梅因(1822-1888)，英国法律学家和历史学家．
2 关于梅特兰及其对英国法律史的贡献，参见Patrick Wormald，“Frederick William Maitland and the Earliest English Law”Law and History Review，Vol．16，No．1(Spring,1998)，pp．1-25．
3 詹姆斯·哈维·鲁宾逊(1863-1936)，20世纪初美国“新史学”派的奠基人和倡导者，强调将史学研究的对象涵盖整个人类既往活动，注重采用语言学、心理学等方法进行综合研究，《新史学》一书为其代表作．
4 鲁滨逊对政治史主宰史坛的现象特别不满，并严正地指出了这种旧史学的这种弊端：“但是到如今政治史还是保存他的独尊地位，一班人看过去政治的事实，仍旧当做尽善尽美的历史。”之后，他提出了自己的观点：“就广义说起来，所有人类自出世以来所想的，或所做的成绩同痕迹，都包括在历史里面。大则可以追述古代民族的兴亡，小则可以描写个人得性情同动作。”详见鲁滨孙：《新史学》，何炳松译，广西师范大学出版社，2005年，第1、5页．
5 谈到这个问题时，鲁滨逊写道：“假使把他同历史同盟的科学思想，好好利用起来，很可以大大地增加历史研究的力量同范围，使研究历史的结果，比自古以来还要有价值。”详见鲁滨孙：《新史学》，何炳松译，广西师范大学出版社，2005年，第54页。
1 俞金尧：《从历史人口学到家庭人口学》，《历史研究》，1995年第1期，第93页。
2 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, p. 117.
3 核心家庭是指由一对夫妇及其子女构成的家庭，详见刘新成：《略论过渡时期的西欧家庭》，《首都师范大学学报》，1998年第2期．
4 勒普莱认为：中世纪及之前的时代流行的家庭为“家长式家庭(Patriarchal family)”，这种家庭结构稳定，重世系，家长一般会与成婚的儿子们一起居住；家长式家庭在近代转变为“根式家庭(stem family)，这种家庭也相对稳定，但与家长式家庭相比，其特殊之处在于，家长仅允许一名儿子(继承人)在婚后与其一起居住，其他子女则各持自己所得继承份额组建新家庭；根式家庭在工业化的催化下，逐渐演变成核心家庭(nuclear family)，这种家庭仅由父母和未婚的孩子组成，孩子一旦结婚，家庭便又面临着分裂。”另外，勒普莱特别强调了核心家庭是伴随着工业化的进程产生的。
5 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, p.47.
6 Ibid., p.121.
7 王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，《史学理论研究》，1999年第2期，第84页。
8 Richard Smith, "Some Issues Concerting Families and Their Property in Rural England 1250-1800", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, p.4.
1 Hans Medick, "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of the Household During the Transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism", Social History 3(1976), p.303.
2 结婚率是指某一社会中得以结婚的青年的比例，与之相对的是独身率。
3 Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, Cambridge University Press, 1980, p.39.
4 王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，第85-86页。
5 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge Unversity Press, ! 941, pp. 121-59.
6 Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, pp.3-4.
7 Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.43.
1 Richard Smith, "Some Issues Concerning Families and Their Property in Rural England 1250-1800", p.39.
2 Ibid., p.43.
3 Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Population Pressure, Inheritance and the Land Market in A Fourteenth-Century Peasant Community", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.130.
4 Jack Ravensdale, "Population Changes and the Transfer of Customary Land on a Cambridgeshire Manor in the Fourteenth Century", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.200.
5 Christopher Dyer, "Changes in the Size of Peasant Holdings in Some West Midland Villages 1400-1540", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, pp.277-94.
6 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. 1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.297.
1 Edward Short, The Making of Modern Family, New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1975; Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, New York: Harper and Row, 1977; Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth-Century England, New York: Academic Press, 1978: Lloyd Bonfield, Marriage Scttlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
2 签订此契约一般有以下几个步骤。一，封建主将家产托管给受托人(trustee)。二，封建主指示受托人赋予长子终生享用家产收益的权利，而不授予其处置家产的绝对权力。三，封建主将长子未来的长子指定为继承人。需要注意的是，这里长子之继承人获得的是全权处置家产的权力。四，封建主指示受托人从家产收益中抽出一部分为长子的余子女提供资助。并指示受托人将一部分家产授予长子及长媳共同占有。这部分家产就是上文所提及的夫妻共同占有地产(jointure)，如果长子先于长媳去世，则长媳即可靠此过活。详见本文第四章第一节。
3 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1500, p. 166.
4 Ibid., p.167.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.70.
6 Lawrence Stone, Review of Trumbach's The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, American Historical Review, 84:2 (April 1979), PP.456-457.
7 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. Ⅰ, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), pp.297-312.
1 Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge:. Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.2-3.
2 Keith Writhtson, English Society 1580-1680, London: Routledge, 1993; Alan Mcfarlane, Marriage and Love in England: Modes of Reproduction 1300-1840, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986; Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, London and New York: Langman, 1995; Mary Abbott, Family Ties: English Families 1540-1920, London: Routledge., 1995; Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England 1450-1800, London: Langman, 2001; Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, 1993.
3 Kelth Writhtson, English Society 1580-1680, pp.103-4.
4 Colin Richmond, The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century: Fastolfs Will, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Joan Kirby, ed., The Plumpton Letters and Papers, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, Kingsford's Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290-1483, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
1 Alan Mcfarlane, Marriage and Love in England, pp.196-8.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, pp.234-38.
3 Mary Abbott, Family Ties, p.69.
4 Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England, pp.14-15.
5 Ibid.
6 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，北京大学出版社，1992年版；蒋孟引：《英国史》，中国社会科学出版社，1988年版；刘城：《英国中世纪教会研究》，首都师范大学出版社，1996年版；赵文洪：《私人财产权利体系的发展——西方市场经济和资本主义的起源问题研究》，中国社会科学出版社，1998年版；程汉大：《英国法制史》，齐鲁书社，2001年版．
7 何勤华：《英国法律发达史》，法律出版社，1999年版；张彩凤：《英国法制研究》，中国人民公安大学出版社，2001年版；李红海：《普通法的历史解读——从梅特兰开始》，清华大学出版社，2003年版；梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆，1959年版：S．F．C．密尔松著，李显东等译：《普通法的历史基础》，中国大百科全书出版社，1999年版；范·卡内冈著，李红海译：《英国普通法的诞生》，中国政法大学出版社，2003年版。
1 另见赵文洪：《中世纪西欧对私人财产权的制度性制约》，《世界历史》，1996年第5期。
2 张云鹤：《英国1290年买地法令的某些问题》，《历史研究》，1985年第3期。
3 满永谦：《中西继承制的比较研究——谦论中国封建社会的长期延续的原因》，《世界历史》，1988年第3期；王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，《史学理论研究》，1999年第2期，第84页．
4 国内学者不仅了解了西方家庭史研究的现状，例如：杨杰：《家庭史学派》，《世界史研究动态》，1987年第2期；俞金尧：《从历史人口学到家庭历史学》，《历史研究》，1995年第1期；俞金尧：《西方家庭史学的新发展——与家庭史学家奥茨曼教授访谈》，《史学理论研究》，1998年第4期；俞金尧：《儿童史研究四十年》，《中国学术》，2001年第4期；俞金尧：《欧洲历史上家庭概念的演变及其特征》，《世界历史》，2004年第4期。国内学者还向国内译介了一批西方家庭史经典著作，例如：迈克尔·米特罗尔、雷因哈德·西德尔：《欧洲家庭史》，华夏出版社，1987年版；艾略特：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，中国人民大学出版社，1992年版；安德烈·比尔基埃等主编：《家庭史》，生活·读书·新知三联书店，1998年版；斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，宝文堂书店出版，1991年版．
5 刘永涛：《对英国伊丽莎白时代婚姻社会的分析和思考》，《复旦大学学报》，1994年第1期；谢天冰：《近代化和英国家庭体制的变迁》，《世界历史》，1994年第3期；钱乘旦：《20世纪英国的妇女与家庭问题》，《世界历史》，1996年第3期；舒小昀：《变动社会中的家庭——以1778年英国韦姆沃西教区家庭为个案》，《东方论坛》，2000年第1期；舒小昀：《英国工业革命时期的家庭类型分析》，《青海师范大学学报》，2000年第2期；王赳：《英国维多利亚时期已婚妇女财产权的变迁》，《历史教学问题》，2002年第2期：郭俊、梅雪芹：《维多利亚时代中期英国中产阶级中上层的家庭意识探究》，《世界历史》，2003年第1期：宋严萍：《英国工业革命时期资产阶级的家庭观及成因探析》，《上海师范大学学报》，2003年第6期；丁雪明：《英国工业革命时期的家庭体制变迁》，《湘潭大学学报》，2005年第5期；陈宇：《15-17世纪英国婚姻与家庭演变的表现和动因》，《历史教学》，2005年第6期。
1 刘新成：《略论过渡时期的西欧家庭》，《首都师范大学学报》，1998年第2期，第72页。
2 俞金尧：《中世纪欧洲寡妇产的起源和演变》，载《世界历史》，2001年第5期。
3 Hana Krausman Ben-Amos, "Gifts and Favors: Informal Support in Early Modern England", Journal of Modern History, 2000, (2), Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994.
4 陈勇：《近代早期英国家庭关系研究新取向》，《武汉大学学报》(人文社科版)，2002年第1期，第27页．
5 互惠理论属于经济人类学范畴，1944年美籍匈牙利犹太学者卡尔·波拉尼出版《大转变》一书，正式奠定了互惠理论的学术基础和分析框架，所谓“互惠”，是一种与“再分配”各“市场交换”相对应的经济交换形式。这种个体化的交换发生于以血缘和伙伴关系结成的共同体中，它多表现为以“礼物”为媒介的义务性“赠予”关系。它并不局限于物质和服务的提供，更是一种广义的互助关系。转引自陈勇：《近代早期英国家庭关系研究新取向》，《武汉大学学报》(人文社科版)，2002年第1期，第27页．
6 参见本文第四章第二节。
7 参见本文第四章第二节。
1 K. B. Mcfarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, Oxfrod: Clarendon Press, 1980, p.65.
2 本特利(Jerry H．Bantley)，美国全球史专家，供职于夏威夷大学。
1 刘新成：《日常生活史与西欧中世纪日常生活》，《史学理论研究》，2004年第1期，第41-42页。
2 马修·黑尔(1609-1676)，1671-1676年任英国首席法官，对英国普通法的历史颇有研究，以其两部法律著作闻名于世，即《王座之诉的历史(Historia placitorum coronae)》(1736年出版)和《英国普通法史(History of the Common Law of England)》(1713年出版)。
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1971, p.117.
4 Ibid., p. 132.
1 封建主前后共设计了三种家产分配方案，它们是盛行于13、14世纪的是限嗣继承(entail)，流行于15、16世纪的是托管(uses)，和17、18世纪被广泛使用的是家产析分契约(suict settlement)．
2 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, London: Butterworths,, 1979, pp.193-4, 220, 249, 315-6.
3 动产在不同的司法系统中被冠以不同的称谓，普通法庭称之为Chattels，教会法庭称Moveable Goods。
4 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Propety in Early Modern England, London: Routledge, 1997, p.23.
1 比德是英国历史上的卓越学者、历史学家。他诞生于公元672或673年，生活在英国历史上的“七国时代”。《英吉利教会史》是他的代表作．关于比德的详细介绍见戚国淦先生为《英吉利教会史》中译本撰写的序言．
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.314;或参见比德著，陈维振、周清民译：《英吉利教会史》，商务印书馆，1997年版，第331页．
3 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, 1996, pp.313-17.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.357.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, Concise History of the Common Law, p.653.
6 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.142.
7 Ibid., p.133.
8 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland The Histow of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.2.
1 在英国历史上，贵族并非一个固定的群体，贵族在不同的时代所指不同。在诺曼征服之初，贵族主要指威廉一世分封的180名高级封臣。其中教会贵族30名，世俗贵族150名。在世俗贵族中，有12名获地最多，地位显赫，被称为伯爵(earl)，其余被称为男爵(baron)。在此之后的两百多年里，英国世俗贵族几乎可等同于伯爵和男爵称号。14、15世纪，在伯爵和男爵之外，又有公爵、侯爵、子爵兴起，公、侯、伯、子、男五级爵位制逐渐形成．同时，又因这五级爵位的持有者一般会接到国王授予的出席议会，并于上议院议事的召集令(summons)，贵族不再单指伯爵和男爵，开始特指拥有五级爵位的上院贵族(peerage)。16-18世纪，英国贵族的含义没有太大变化，仍指上院贵族。根据托尼(R．H．Tawney)的权威观点，乡绅阶层兴起于英国资产阶级革命前的一个世纪中(1540-1640年)，它包括贵族以下的四种土地所有者，即骑士(knight)、从骑士(esquire)、绅士(gentlemen)和1611年起封授的从男爵(baronet)．但乡绅阶层并非一开始就包括上述四类土地所有者。14世纪时，乡绅仅指骑士和从骑士．15世纪时，绅士才被纳入乡绅阶层。17世纪初，乡绅才包括了从男爵。在谈到乡绅兴起的原因时，托尼强调，乡绅精于地产的商业化经营，这使他们的经济实力不断增强，占有的地产逐渐增多，有的还因经济优势而跻身贵族行列。托尼还认为，在“乡绅的兴起”的同时，还伴随着“贵族的危机”．原因是上院贵族不善使用商业化经营地产之法，而且他们生活讲排场，奢靡成风。这一切都导致贵族家庭入不敷出，甚至变卖家产。托尼例举的一组数据最能反映同时存在的这两个趋势：在对1561-1640年10个郡中的3，300个庄园的所有权变化情况考察之后，托尼发现，1561年，在这10个郡中，王室、上院贵族、乡绅分别占有庄园297处(占总数的9％)、416处(占总数的12.6％)、2211处(占总数的67％)。到1640年，这些数据都有所变动，它们分别变为：66处(占总数的2％)、221处(占总数的6.7％)、2640处(占总数的80％)．但后来也有学者反对托尼将“乡绅的兴起”与“贵族的危机”联系起来的观点．认为“乡绅的兴起”并不一定要以“贵族的危机”为代价。不管怎样，乡绅阶层的兴起是毋庸置疑的。据统计，15世纪时，全英格兰乡绅家庭数量在6，000-9，000之间。到18世纪时．统计数据更清晰了。全英格兰乡绅家庭共13，000个，他们占有的地产占全英格兰地产总量的一半。以上数据来源于：R.H.Tawney,"The Rise of the Gentry,1558．1640",Economic History Review, Vol. 11, No. 1 (1941), pp.35-6; Eric Acheson, A Gentry Community:. Leicestershire in the Fifteenth Century,c. 1422-c.1485, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 34; H. R. Trevor-Roper, "The Gentry, 1540-1640",Economic History Review Supplements, Cambridge University Press, 1953, pp.8-11; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, London and New York: Rontledge, 1996, p.69.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, pp.88-89.
1 诺曼征服之后，威廉一世封赐大量地产给教俗贵族。他们的封地共占全国耕地面积的80％．1436年，上院贵族、乡绅、教会贵族和国王分别占据全英格兰地产的15-20％、25％、25％-35％。至1690年，上院贵族、乡绅、教会贵族和国王占据的地产分别占全英格兰地产的15-20％、45％-50％、5％-10％。由此可见，以国王为首的贵族、乡绅等上层封建主始终掌握着英格兰绝大部分的地产。以上数据来源于阎照祥：《英国贵族史》，人民出版社，2000年版，第36、153页。另外一组数据也能说明这个问题：14世纪末，英国上院贵族大约有60-70位，他们的地产年收入高者可达12，000英镑，中等者可达4000英镑，最低等者也在300英镑和1，300英镑之间．18世纪时，英国乡绅家庭共13，000个，它们掌握着英格兰一半的土地。以上数据来自Chris Given-Wilson,The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, pp.66, 69.
2 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modem England, p.77.
3 Ibid., p. 96.
4 Ibid.,p. 157.
5 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994 pp.59-62; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble Life, 1295-1500, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1976, pp.41-55.
1 Amy Louise Frickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.50.
2 Ibid., p.85.
3 Ibid., p.94.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.153.
2 Rowena E. Archer, "Rich Old Ladies: the Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers", In Tony Pollard, ed., Property and Politics: Essays in Late Medieval English History, Gloucester:. Alan Sutton Press, 1984, pp. 15-31.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.201.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.162.
2 参阅 Peter Burke, What is Cultural History? Cambridge, Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2004; Peter Burke, ed., New Perspective on Historical Writing, University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001; Peter Burke, ed., History and Historians in the Twentieth Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
3 易中天：《帝国的惆怅——中国传统社会的政治与人性》，文汇出版社，2005年版，第272页。
1 2006年之前，北京只有北京大学图书馆和中国社会科学院世界历史研究所图书馆拥有JSTOR数据库。这一时期，笔者的所能看到的国外学术论文皆来自北大的JSTOR。2006年初，刘新成先生以极具前瞻性的眼光，一再建议首都师大图书馆购买JSTOR。首都师大图书馆终于是年5月购买了JSTOR，并投入使用．之后，笔者新接触的国外学术论文全部来自首都师大JSTOR。
2 网址为: http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook.html; http://www.georgetown.edu/faculty/ballc/oe/oe-texts.html: http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/index.html; http://www.sunsite.berkeley.edu/; http://www.answers.com
3 格兰维尔(Ranulf de Granville，1130-1190)，他的早期生活不甚明朗，但他确实有着坎坷的政治生涯。1163-1170年间，格兰维尔任约克郡郡长一职．但在一次腐败调查中他被拉下了马，后来因阻击苏格兰侵略军有功而于1175年重新获职。1176年他被亨利二世任命为北部巡回法官。1180年他又被任命为最高法官．他也因此而成为亨利二世的得力助手，后来，正是在他的协助下亨利二世完成了司法改革。他的代表作是《英格兰法律及习惯(Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetutinibus Angliae)》，此书用拉丁文写成，于1188年左右发表．但学者统一认为，格兰维尔并非这一著作的真实作者，他只是负责监管此书的编辑工作。不管怎样，这是一部极具影响力的著作．在这部书中，作者主要论述了王室法院关于土地争讼的程序，也涉及世俗法庭和教会法庭的管辖权问题。一方面，作者通过记录、整理、汇编各种诉讼令状，并论述与令状相关的诉讼方式和程序，使其作品在反映当时审判实践及普通法最初状况的同时，具有学术分析的特点：另一方面，作者吸收了教会法和罗马法的法律观念和法律形式，来构筑自己作品的概念和体系，并由此促进英国王室法院适用的法律优越于地方法院适用的习惯法和程序法，使其逐步发展成为通用于全国的普通法．
4 亨利·德·布雷克顿(Henry de Bracton，1210-1268)，英国亨利三世时期的法官、法律史作家．他的真实名字应是布拉顿(Bratton)，这也是他出生的村庄的名字，他在法庭卷宗中的签名也都是布拉顿，但令人称奇的是，这一真实的名字却不为人知，而布雷克顿这一错误的名字却在他死后广泛传播．布雷克顿1245年被任命为巡回法官，负责德文郡、康沃尔(Cornwall)和萨默塞特等地区的司法．1247-1250年，1253-1257年被任命为御前法官(judge of the Coram Rege，相当于后来的王座法庭法官)。1257年，布雷克顿退休，1265年他又被亨利三世任命为最高法官。他的代表作是《论英国的法律和习惯(De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae)》。此书用拉丁文写成，在这一书中布雷克顿用 罗马民法和教会法的理论恰当地解释了英国的法律实践，这部书被认为是首次对普通法进行全面总结的著作，后来的法律作者大都引用过这一著作．
1 John Benmes, trans., A Translation of Gianville, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980; F. W. Maitland,Bracton's Note Book: A Collection of Cases Decided in the King's Courts During the Reign of Henry the Third, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1983; J. H. Baker and S. F. C. Milsom, Source of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, London: Butterworth, 1986; Jennifer Ward, trans., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1995; P. J. P. Goldberg, trans, and ed., Women in England c. 1275-1525:Documentary Sources, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1995; Colin Richmond, The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century : Fastolfs will, New York : Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, ed., The Armburgh Papers: The Brokholes Inheritance in Warwichshire, Hertfordshire and Essex,c.1417-c. 1453, Suffolk and New York: The Boydell Press, 1998;Joan Kirby, ed., The Plumpton Letters and Papers, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, Kingsford's Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290-1483, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, London, 1953.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.31.
2 Nigel Saul, ed., Medieval England, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p.25.
1 Sir Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.142.
2 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979, pp.534-37.
3 塞恩(thegn)系指盎格鲁—撒克逊时代的职业军人，他们以战争为业，追随国王或大封建主，受他们供养，也为他们服务，以后逐渐形成封建主阶级。见马克垚著《英国封建社会研究》，北京大学出版社1992年版，第15—16页。
4 Dorothy Whitelock,ed.,English Historical Documents, Vol.1,pp.567-8.
5 海德(hide)为古代英格兰的土地单位，1海德约合60—120英亩。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第39页。
6 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1, pp.537-8.
7 H. R. Lyon, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest, London: Longman Inc. 1991, p.190.
8 Florence Griswold Buckstaff, "Married Women's Property in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman Law and the Origin of the Common Law Dower", Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.4 (Sep., 1893), pp.33-64.
9 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，宝文堂书店出版1991年版，第270页。
1 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.596.
2 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第272页。
3 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p. 393.
4 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.403; Rolf H. Bremmer Jr., "Widows in Anglo-Saxon England ", In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch, Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widowhood, London: Routledge, 1995, p.59.
5 H.R. Loyn, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest, 1991, p. 188, 另见卡纽特时期法律73a款,载D.C. Douglas, and G. W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.465.
6 Rolf H. Bremmer Jr., "Widows in Anglo-Saxon England ", p.61.
7 Bryce Lyon, A Constitutional and Legal History of Medieval England, London: W·W·North & Company, 1980, p.96.
8 Ibid., pp.94-5.
9 卡纽特(公元995—1035年)，又称卡纽特大王，丹麦国王，曾于1016年征服英格兰并统治18年之久，建立起包括英格兰、丹麦、挪威、冰岛、格陵兰，也许还包括北美部分地区在内的大帝国。在他统治期间曾颁布著名的《卡纽特法典》．具体参阅James Ingram,trans.The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,London：Dent 1929,pp.114-120.
10 Bryce Lyon, A Constitutional and Legal History of Medieval England, p.95.
11 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.4.
12 Helen M. Jewell, Women in Medieval England, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1996, p.29.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.5.
2 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第261页。
3 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.4.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.314.
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.23.
6 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond: Three Essays in the Early History of England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, p.257.
7 Ibid., p.243.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward 1, Vol. 1, p.60.
2 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p.310.
3 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第28页。
4 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p.298.
5 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1, p.568.
6 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第262页。
7 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.317.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.318.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., pp.318-9.
4 Ibid., p.315.
5 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.316.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.320.
2 Ibid., p.231.
3 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986, p.2.
4 Ibid., p.6.
5 “领有”和“保有”同义，都有从上级封君那里获得土地的意思，下同．
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.6.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.239.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.244.
2 Ibid., p.240.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.11.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland. The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.243.
5 例如教会从中间封君A处取得一块教会保有地，义务是为A的祖先祈祷．A的此土地却是以服军事役为条件领自国王，其中应付国王的义务就是文中所述外在义务．
6 令状，又称敕令．是10世纪时出现的一种公文程式，较为简捷，只是用国王向某人致意作为开头语，下面直接叙述国王的命令，令某人完成某件任务等。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第90-91页。
1 参见Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.246-8, 或马克垚:《英国封建社会研究》,第109、113页。
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.248.
3 Ibid., p.250.
4 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundation of the Common Law, London: Butterworths, 1981, p. 113.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.475.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.1, p.252.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.477.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.259.
3 此词英文为knight's fee，本文沿用马克垚先生的译法。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第132页。
4 此处海德(hide)和卡鲁卡特(carucate)都是古英格兰的土地单位，其中1海德约相当于60-120英亩，1卡鲁卡特约合100英宙，但常随土质的不同而变化．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第39页．
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.257.
6 Ibid., p.254.
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.476.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I,Vol.1,p.267, 其实“盾牌钱”一词早在1100年就出现了，详见F.M.Stenton,The First Century of English Feudalism,1066-1166,Oxford,p.178.
2 马克(mark)，古英格兰货币单位，相当于13先令4便士，下同．
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.268.
4 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第134页。
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.271.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.8.
2 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第130页。
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.290.
4 Ibid.
5 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.480.
6 托马斯·德·利特尔顿(Sir Thomas de Littleton，1407—1481)爵士，亨利六世、爱德华四世时的法官、法律史作家．1453年他被任命为北部的巡回法官，1466年，他被任命为普通诉讼法庭(court of common pleas)法官。他的代表作是《土地保有法(Treatise on Tenures)》，完成于1475年，用掺杂英语词组的诺曼法语写成，是第一步详尽论述英国财产法的著作．它以《年鉴(Year Book)》和法庭卷宗为资料来研究各种土地保有形式，通过逻辑整理，赋予其一定的体系。它首次从实体法的角度进行论述，作为首部刊印的权威性法律著作，因而在英国法学界广为传播。两个世纪后科克(Sir Edward Coke)又为它作了注释，成为19世纪前英国法学家的必读之书。
7 A.W.B.Simpson,A History of the Land Law,p.13.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.291. 38
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, pp. 18-19; J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.206-7.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.351-6; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, pp. 19-20; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p .206.
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.310.
4 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第139页。
5 关于封臣的财产权和继承权，及其二者之间的关系，参见Richard M Smith, "Some Thought on 'Hereditary' and 'Proprietary' Rights in Land Under Customary Law in Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Century England", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.1 (Spring, 1983), pp.95-128.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.30-31.
2 封臣在转让地产前须取得自身继承人和封君的同意．详见S.E.Thorne,"English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal,(1959),p.194.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.198-99.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.38-39.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997, pp.51-55.
1 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, pp.65, 107.
2 S. E. Thorne, "English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal, (1959), pp.196-9.
3 Ibid., pp.197, 199.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.49.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A Histoty of the Land Law, p.50.
2 S. E. Thome, "English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal, (1959), pp.201-2; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.50.
3 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, pp.209-211.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.53.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.212.
6 Ibid., pp.211,217.
7 Ibid., p.214.
1 替代一般都采取这种方式，因此封臣只要采取这种方式，就必须取得封君的同意，否则替代将无法完成。详见John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.215.
2 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.212.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.53.
4 Ibid.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.217.
6 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, pp.311-23; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.193-5; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.62.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.6.
2 详见Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward l,Vol.2, pp.82-4.
1 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.3.
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第116页。
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.4.
4 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。
5 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.39.
6 Ibid., p.42.
7 L. B. Curzon, English Legal History, London: Macdonald and Evens, 1979, p.16.
1 王廷在盎格鲁萨克逊时期称贤人会议(witan)，它不处理司法事务，即使少数案件能到达贤人会议，它也是将其按照政治纠纷处理．而在征服之后则转换为真正意义上的法庭，具有了司法功能，同时收回了散落在地方法庭的司法权．
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。
3 同上，第88页．
4 T. F.T.Plucknett,A Concise History of the Common law,p.13.
5 克拉伦顿宪章的通过要从英国的教俗权力之争说起，12世纪60年代，教会和王权的权力之争日渐激烈，坎特伯雷大主教托马斯·贝克特和亨利二世之间问的冲突也达到了白热化的程度。二者争论的焦点是教士罪犯的审理权问题。亨利二世认为，教士犯罪后，应先被传讯到世俗法庭，在其教士身份得以确认后再转送教会法庭。教士在教会法庭上被削职后，还应回到世俗法庭上受罚。贝克特认为，这样的操作程序会导致二次惩罚。于是，贝克特否定了亨利二世的观点．1164年，亨利二世不顾教会的反对在克拉伦顿召开集会，与众贵族们一起重申了“祖先曾享受过的权力”，并宣布这些权力将由世俗法庭行使，而非教会法庭．这个文件后来被称作“克拉伦顿宪章”。其主要内容大致如下：“教士犯杀人罪，由王廷先行审理；国王的总封臣及王田上之官吏，在未向国王申诉前，不得处以开除出教之罪；如主教、大主教等是国王封臣，则应遵守封建习惯完成一应义务：如王田之上主教职、修院长职出缺时，应收归国王掌握。而这些职务的补缺选举，应在国王的小教堂中进行，所选人员应得到国王同意。选出的人选在就职前，应先对王行臣服礼及宣誓效忠。”参见J.H.Baker,An Introduction to English Legal History,pp．111-112;Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I,Vol. 1,pp.124,137,447-457,内容部分参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第109页。
1 O. F. Robinson, An Introduction to European Legal History, Oxon: Professional Books Ltd., 1985, p.231.
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第110页．
3 王座之诉指一些被认为是破坏了国王的和平及特权的重大案件，这些案件只能由王廷审理，其收入也归国王所有。后来出现的亨利一世的法律中列举了之类案件的内容，包括破坏国王的和平、背叛、破坏效忠宣誓、谋杀、伪造、抢劫、强奸、疏忽军役等．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。或参见J.H.Baker,An Introduction t0 English Legal History,pp.24,35-6.
4 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第111页．
5 关于这两个敕令，请参阅马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第113-114页。
6 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第112页．
7 Statute of Westminster(1275), the Statute of Gloucester(1278), Statute of Wales, Statute of Westminster the second (1285).
1 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.18.
2 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1859, Vol.1, p.201.
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.150.
4 William Blackstone, William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England,Vol.1, p.202.
1 法兰克《撒利克法典》就完全排斥女性，女性永不得继承
2 Matthew Hale,The History of the Common Law of England，p．142．虽然威廉为了适应军事需要而对以前的法律稍作改动，即规定封臣持有的带头衔的封地必须由长子继承，而一般封地还是遵循原制度。
3 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.213.
4 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, London: Methuen & co, Ltd, 1923, Vol.3, p. 172.
5 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.143.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.266.
7 这里的“共享”是诺曼底的一种习俗，其规则是指除军事保有地(military tenure，指封建主以服军役为条件而占有的土地)之外的其他地产均由诸子女平分，军事保有地则由长子继承。但实际上，真正由长子独自继承的只是附着于军事保有地之上的爵位和名号，而军事保有地的土地仍要和其他子女平分，附着于土地之上的军役义务虽由长子履行，但其他子女须按分得土地的份额给长子以补偿。形成“共享习俗”的目的是要保持附着于军事保有地之上的爵位、名号和军事义务的完整性．
8 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the -time of Edward 1, Vol.2, p.264.
9 Ibid., p.266.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.267.
2 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, pp.147-8.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, New York: Palgrade, 2001, p.112.
4 Ibid.
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.271.
1 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p. 112.
2 此处的“自然法则”是指平分遗产的习惯。
3 前面已提及诸子的共享，即由长子继承头衔和名号，并代表诸兄弟向封君行臣服礼、服军役，诸幼子从长子那里间接取得土地。此原则在无子嗣时也适用于诸女。
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.276.
5 Ibid., p.276.
6 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.174.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.283.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.645.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.175.
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.645-64.
4 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.129.
5 Ibid.
6 威廉·布莱克斯通爵士(Sir William Blackstone，1723-1780)，英国法官、法理学家。布莱克斯通的父母早逝，他是在舅舅的监护下长大成人，并在查特豪斯公学(Charterhouse)接受了教育。1746年，他在伦敦进入了律师行业。但他一直没有放弃学习，并于1750年获得了民法学博士学位。之后，他放弃了做律师的工作，潜心钻研学术，由此开始了他在牛津的工作．在此期间，他的一系列关于英国法律史的讲座大获成功，每年都吸引大批学生。英国功利主义学说的创始人边沁(Jeremy Beatham 1748-1832)对他的讲座大加称赞，说他是一个富有影响力的演讲者．1758年，布莱克斯通被晋升为教授并开始着手出版讲稿的事宜，其实在此之前，各种关于其讲座内容的手抄本和盗印版本已经在民众中广为流传，但其中舛误良多。于是布莱克斯通打算出版一本正确的版本以正视听。1765年第一卷得 以正式出版，书名为《英国法律评论(Commentaries on the Laws of England)》，在之后的四年中，剩余几册也相继面世．这部书更系统地、细致地总结了英国普通法发展的历史，语言优美，文笔犀利，非常适合学习法律的学生使用，再加上它价格便宜，所以在全世界通行普通法的地区都非常受欢迎，发行量超过以往任何法律著作．成名之后的布莱克斯通被迫放弃学术而重新回到律师行业，后来又参与了政治，但这些经历都无法超过他在学术上的成就。1770年前后，他选择了激流勇退，开始担任王座法庭法官，后来又担任了普通诉讼法庭法官，直到他去世。
1 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.132.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.190.
3 Ibid., p.191.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.,p.190.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.194.
3 布里顿(Britton)是一本关于英国法律的著作的名字，最初是用法语写成的，有学者称，这本书是由爱德华一世授意写作的。关于这部书的作者，学者们有很大的争论。有学者认为，这部书的作者是赫里福德(Hereford)主教约翰·勒·布雷顿(John le Breton)，但后来学者们发现布雷顿死于1275年，而书中的一些事件晚于这一时间。例如1290年的卖地法就出现在该书中。英国塞尔登协会(Selden Society)则认为此书得名于英国首席法官布雷克顿(Henry de Bracton)，因布雷克顿的名字在卷宗中有时被拼成Bratton和Bretton，己非常接近于Britton。据此，协会猜测，此书可能是布雷克顿著作的删节增补版，主要为王室编辑。因这部书不仅部分内容与布雷克顿的著作重复，还增补了布雷克顿死后的许多法令。
4 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p. 194.
5 Ibid., p. 195.
6 Ibid., p.525.
7 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, Butterworths, 1979, p.396.
8 Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention By Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1(Apr., 1972), p.100.
9 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.527.
1 一种谷物容量单位，大约等于八蒲式耳．
2 W. S. Hoidsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.528.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.398.
4 Richard H. Helmholz, "Married Women's Wills in Later Medieval England", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1997,pp.165-6.
5 费利塔(Fleta)是一篇关于英国法律的文章，它的副标题是英国普通法史(juris Anglicani，on the common law of England)．从文章的内容判断，此文应完成于爱德华一世统治期间。大约在1290年．从这篇文章的写作风格看，作者好像在是模仿布雷克顿的笔法，但技术拙劣．据说作者本人是在费利伍德(Flectwood)的监狱中完成此论文的，故因此而得名。有人推测，此作者就是因玩忽职守而被国王爱德华监禁的数名法官之一．
6 根据教会法的规定，丈夫如果先于妻子去世，妻子可以获得丈夫占有动产的1╱3，孩子可以获得1／3。如果没有孩子，则妻子可以获得丈夫占有动产的1／2。参见W．S．Holdsworth，A History of English Law，p．550．
7 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.543; Richard H. Helmholz, "Married Women's Wills in Later Medieval England", p. 166.
8 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.523.
9 Ibid., p.531.
1 半血缘是指同父异母或同母异父而产生的关系。
2 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.229.
1 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.234.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.289-296.
1 参阅Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, pp.155-9.
2 图表源于William Blaekstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.2, p.240.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.265.
2 梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆1959年版，第134页。
3 军役保有地(knight's service)是指封建主以服军役为条件领自上级封君的地产。详见本章第二节。或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第132页。
4 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.143.
5 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", In Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, 1979, p. 184.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.264.
7 详见本章第一节，或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第134页；Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.271, 291.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland. The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.262.
2 关于普通法庭和地方法庭的关系，详见Frank I. Schechter, "Popular Law and Common Law in Medieval England", Columbia Law Review, Vol.28, No.3 (Mar., 1928), pp.269-299.
1 M. M Sheehan, "The Influence of Canon Law on Property Rights of Married Women in England", In James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.22.
2 普通法在很多方面确实因受到教会法的影响而发生了改变，具体参见David J. Seipp, "The Reception of Canona Law and Civil Law in Common Law Courts Before 1600", Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, Vol.13, No.3 (Autumn, 1993), pp.388-420.
3 Ibid., pp.24-28.
4 参见James A. Brundage, "Widows and Remarriage: Moral Conflicts and Their Resolution in Classical Canon Law", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England ,The University of Michigan Press, 1977, pp. 17-31.
5 详见: Lloyd Bonfield and L. R.Poss,"The Development of Deathbed Transfers in Medieval English Manorial Courts", In Zvi Razi and R.M. Smith, eds., Medieval Society and the Manor Court, Oxford Unversity Unversity Press, 1996; Zvi Razi, "Manorial Court Rolls and Local Population:An East Anglian Case Study", Econimic History Review, Vol.49, No.4 (1996), pp.758-763; Zvi Razi, "The Myth of the Immutable English Family", Past and Present, No.140 (Aug., 1993), pp.3-44; Zvi Razi, "The Use of Manorial Court Rolls in Demographic Analysis: A Reconsideration", Law and History Review, Vol.3, No. 1 (Spring, 1985), pp.191-200.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, p.30; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.25.
2 T.F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.613-14.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.90.
4 详见: Sara M. Butler, "The law as a Weapon in Marital Disputes: Evidence from the Late Medieval Court of Chancery, 1424-1529", Journal of British Studies, Vol.43, No.3 (Jul., 2004), pp.291-316; Maria Cioni, "The Elizabethan Chancery and Women's Rights", In D. J. Guth, and J. M. Mckenna, eds., Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton from His American Friends, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982, pp.159-182; Timothy S. Haskett, "The Medieval English Court of Chancery", Law and History Review, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Autumn, 1996), pp.245-313; P. Tucker, "The Early History of the Court of Chancery:. A Comparative Study", English Historical Review, Vol. 115, No.463 (Sep., 2000), pp.791-811.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, p.26.
2 关于婚姻授产契约、零用钱和夫妻共同占有财产，请参阅本文第四章。
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.495; Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.110.
1 J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.250.
2 Edwin Maxey, "Disposition of Land by Will in England", The Virginian Law Register, Vol. 10, No. 11 (Mar., 1905), pp.969-971.
1 参见S．F．C．Milsom，The Legal Framework of English Feudalism，London：Cambridage University Press，1977，pp．86，163n．6，164-6，169-70，或参阅马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第113-114页．
2 封地又称采邑，是封建社会封建主占有土地的主要形式．英国在诺曼征服之后引入了欧洲大陆流行的封土制，形成了层层分封的封建制．国王是最大的封君，名义上所有全国的土地，他将地产分封给很多总封臣(tenant-in-chief)，作为回报，总封臣向国王履行各种义务，主要是军事义务．总封臣也会依照这种形式将获得的部分封地分封给下级封臣，作为回报，下级封臣也会向总封臣履行各种义务．总封臣的下级封臣还可能会继续向下分封，直到这种分封阶梯延续到直接经营该封地的末级封臣(tenant in demesne)。在这种层层分封的封建关系中，除了国王和末级封臣之外，其他封建主都是中间封君(mesne lord)，中间封君既是封君，又是封臣．详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，pp．229-240．
3 封建主的血缘亲属是指他的子女、兄弟姐妹、侄子(外甥)、侄女(甥女)，包括直系亲属和旁系亲属。如果封建主有子女，则其子女是与封建主血缘关系最近的亲属。如果封建主没有子女，或子女夭折，则其的兄弟姐妹是与封建主血缘关系最近的亲属．依次类推。
4 王室法庭在中央主要有普通诉讼法庭(court of common pleas)、王座法庭(King's bench)和财政署法庭(exchequer)，在地方上主要是巡回法庭(justices in eyre)。参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第118-120页。
1 参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第144页。
2 除非封君在分封时明确规定，封地仅供封臣享用一世。此时的封地就是所谓的“终身地产(life tenancy)”。
3 参见本文第一章第三节。
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, 1176-1502, p. 14; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.289-295.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.289-290.
1 关于嫁妆的历史，请参阅James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987, pp.344-45, 388, 395, 431,458, 461,480, 494, 516-17, 540-42.
2 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.7.
3 Ibid., p.153.
4 Jennifer Ward,trans. and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.26.
1 Jennifer Ward,trans. and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.28-9.
2 Ibid., p.29-30.
3 Jennifer Ward, Noblewomen in Late Medieval England, New York: Longman, 1992, p.24.
4 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.16.
1 具本内容参见J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, London: Butterworths, 1986, pp.48-50.
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.81-85; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.488-498; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.10-25; J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.48.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.157.
2 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", In Jack Goody, Joan Tirsk, and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, 1979, p.315.
3 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, pp. 157-8.
4 Ibid., p.156.
1 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.32.
2 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.313.
3 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages: The Fourteenth-Century Political Community, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, pp. 164-5.
4 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.313-5
1 J.P. Cooper,"Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries",pp.316-7.
2 封建主这样做的主要目的是通过受托人的再分封将地产转变成终身地产，之所以要通过受托人转手，是因为普通法禁止封建主授予自己地产。地产性质转变后，封建主往往让受托人将地产授予自己与妻子共同占有。这样做的目的有二：其一，为妻子守寡时的生活着想。封建主去世后，妻子守寡时仍可享用该地产；其二，为了规避上级封君的监护和婚姻权，这一点在第三章中将有详细论述。详见J.M.W.Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,Manchester University Press,New York,1968,pp.72,112.
3 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957, pp.47-8.
4 这四处地产分别位于 Great Taunton、Blisland、Helston、Carnanton。
1 这三处地产分别位于Barrowden、Greentham、Hundred of Wrangdyke。
2 G. A. Holms, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.48.
3 Iibd., p.47.
4 Ibid., p.50.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.90.
2 Michael A. Hicks, ed., Who is Who in Late Medieval England, 1272-1485, London: Shepheard-Walwyn (publishers) Ltd, 1991,pp. 13, 44, 253, 273, 334, 349; Christine Carpenter, "The Beauchamp Affinity:. A Study of Bastard Feudalism at Work", The English Historical Review, Vol. 95, No. 376 (Jul., 1980), pp. 514-532.
3 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.108-9.
4 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980, pp.72-3.
5 根据 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.141-2; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.72-3 所载信息绘制。
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.141-142.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.136.
3 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.61.
4 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.144.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p. 191.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.272-3.
2 Ibid., p.273.
3 Ibid., pp.273-4.
4 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.57.
5 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.88.
6 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.83.
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.495.
8 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p. 110.
9 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.90.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, pp.126-7.
2 S.J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.58.
3 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, pp.53-4.
1 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.313-5.
2 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.54.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p. 136.
4 Ibid., pp.136-7.
1 根据Chris Given-Wilson，The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages，pp．141-2；K．B．McFarlane，The Nobility of Later Medieval England，pp．72-3所载信息绘制．
1 总封臣(tenant-in-chief)指国王的直接封臣，他们直接从国王手中保有地产。这里借用了马克垚先生的译法
2 S. F. C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries ", In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and Ronceverte: the Hambledon Press, pp.236-7.
3 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, London and Rio Grande: The Hambledon Press, 1997, p.251.
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial Eagland: 1066-1215, pp. 233-4.
1 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.274-278.
2 参见本文第一章第二节
3 参见本文第一章第二节
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.253.
5 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, pp.174-5.
1 E.A. Wrigley, "Fertility Strategy for the Individual and the Group", In Charles Tilly, ed., Historical Studies in Changing Fertility, Princeton, 1978, p.139.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.10.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.11.
2 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.245-69; S. F. C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries ', In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and Ronceverte: the Hambledon Press, p.231-260.
3 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.256.
4 这条法律的拉丁文名称是"statutum decretum"，意思是：如果封建主没有儿子，则其地产由诸女嗣分割继承，长女不能强行夺取幼妹的份额。文书全部内容参阅F. M.Stenton,The First Century of English Feudalism,1066-1166,The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1954, pp.37-39.
5 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.100-101
6 Ibid., pp.101-2.
1 F. M. Stenton, The First Century of English Feudalism, 1066-1166, p.263.
2 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien', In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.257.
1 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages: Class, Status and Gender, London: Macmillan Press LTD, 1995, p.262.
2 资料来源于Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the Eaglish Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.101.
1 S.J. Payiing, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic History Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), pp.59-60.
1 Howard Kaminsky, "Estate, Nobility, and the Exhibition of Estate in the Late Middle Ages", Speculum, Vol.68, No.3 (July, 1963), pp.684-709.
2 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 196.
3 梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆，1959年版，第132-36页。
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.247.
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.19.
6 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 199.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.65.
2 Ibid., p.196.
3 关于15世纪贵州的收入,详见 C.D. Ross and T.B. Pugh, "Materials for the Study of Baronial Incomes in Fifteenth-Century England", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.6, No.3 (1953), pp.185-194.
4 Ibid., p.66.
5 A. R. Myers, ed., English Historical Documents, 1327-1485, Eyer & Spottiswoode, 11 New Fetter Lane, London, E. C. 4, 1998, pp.477-8.
6 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic History Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.54.
7 Ibid.
1 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", p.55.
2 Peter Fleming. Familv and Household in Medieval England, New York: Palgrave, 2001, p.120.
3 姜福德：《社会变迁中的贵族——16-18世纪英国贵族研究》，商务印书馆，2004年版，第44页。
4 出处同上。
5 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 197.
6 Ibid.
7 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.273.
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.20.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.273.
2 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 151.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.272-3.
1 参见本文第一章第一节。
2 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 138.
3 参见本章第一节，或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第144页。
1 参见本章第二节。
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.86-7.
3 Michael M. Sheehan, "The Bequest of Land in England in the High Middle Ages: Testaments and the Law", In James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.312.
1 S.J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No. 1 (1992), p.60.
2 Ibid., p.61.
3 例如，国王艾塞尔布雷特(Aethelberht)于公元597年颁布的法律第78条显示，寡妇可以获得丈夫财产的一半作为寡妇产。见Theodore John Rivers，“Widows’Rights in Anglo-Saxon Law”，The American Journal of Lagal History,Vol．19，No．3(Jul．，1975)，p．211。再如：伊尼法典(laws of Ine c．AD．690)就规定：“若妻子生有儿女，则在丈夫去世后，她每年能得到6先令(shillings)作为生活之资。这个数额相当于夏天的一头奶牛和冬天的一头公牛价值的总和(伊尼法典第38条)。”见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents，Vol．1，p．403，或见Rolf H．Bremmer Jr．，“Widows in Anglo-Saxon England”，In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch，Between Poverty and the Pyre：Moments in the History of Widowhood，p．59。国王埃塞尔雷德(Ethelred)于1008年颁布的法典(Etheired's code of 1008)中也规定：“每位行为检点的寡妇都受上帝和国王的保护”，“每位寡妇在守寡满12个月之后都有再婚的自由”。见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents，Vol．1，p．445。再如，卡纽特时期法律也有相关规定：寡妇不能被强迫嫁给她不喜欢的人，寡妇守寡12个月之后就有再谈婚论嫁的自由，寡妇可以获得丈夫赠予的晨礼(mormingo-gift)，但须以一年不改嫁为条件，若寡妇在其夫去世一年之内再嫁，则此不动产由亡夫之族人收回．见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents,Vol．1，pp．465-6，或见H．R．Loyn，Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest，p．188。在实践中，对遗孀的安排往往在丈夫的遗嘱中占相当多的篇幅，丈夫有时会相当信任，会将全部土地授予遗孀．例如：郡长阿尔夫黑(Alfheah)在他的遗嘱这样写道：“如果我先于妻子阿尔夫斯韦思(Alfswith)而去，她除了能得到寡妇产(dower)之外，还能得到我的其它全部地产。”见Rolf H．Bremmer Jr．，“Widows in Anglo-Saxon England”，In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch，Between Poverty and the Pyre：Moments in the History of Widowhood，p．61．盎格鲁-撒克逊时期，丈夫一般在新婚的第二天早上授予妻子一部分财产作为其寡妇产，这种财产通常被称为“晨礼(morning gift)”。如果丈夫此时没有给予妻子财产，则在他去世后，寡妇根据法律一般可以获得丈夫财产的三分之一作为寡妇产．见George L．Haskins，“The Development of Common Law Dower”，Harvard Law Review，Vol．62， No. 1(Nov., 1948), p.43。另外，盎格鲁-撒克逊时代的寡妇还享有遗嘱权和自由出卖财产的权利。见Theodore John Rivers,"Widows' Rights in Anglo-Saxon Law", The American Journal of Legal History, Vol. 19, No. 3(Jul., 1975), p.214,或参阅Victoria Thompson, "Women, Power, and Protection in Tenth-and Eleventh-Century England", In Noel James Menuge, ed.,Medieval Women and the Law, New York: The Boydell Press, 2003, pp. 1-17。例如，亨利一世在他的加冕文书(Coronation Charter)中就许诺，寡妇有权拥有寡妇产(dower)，有权重新占有其嫁妆，有权自由选择是否再婚、与谁再婚。见David C. Douglas, ed., English Historical Documents, New York: Oxford University Press, Vol.2, pp.432-3.或见Rowena E. Archer, "Rich Old Ladies: The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers" In Tony Pollard. ed., Property and Polities: Essays in Late Medieval English History. Gloucester : Alan Sutton Press. 1984.p．16。再如，“无地王”约翰不顾长期以来形成的惯例，规定寡妇必须向国王缴纳高额的税金后才能获得再婚自由。约翰此举遭到了贵族的反对，最终不得不在大宪章(Magna Carta)中重新肯定了寡妇的各项权利。《大宪章》第7条规定“寡妇在其丈夫死后应不受任何留难立即取得其嫁妆和遗产。她不用为取得她的寡妇产、妆奁，以及在其丈夫生前由她和她的丈夫共同拥有的财产中归她继承的遗产而支付任何代价。她可以在其丈夫死后，在亡夫的家宅中滞留40天。在此期限内应将她的寡妇产转拨于她”．《大宪章》的第11条规定，不能用寡妇产来偿付亡夫生前所欠债务．见俞金尧：《中世纪欧洲寡妇产的起源和演变》，载《世界历史》，2001年第5期，第57页，或见Rowena E.Archer,"Rich Old Ladies:the Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers",In Tony Pollard,ed.,Property and Politics:Essays in Late Medieval English History,Gloucester.Alan Sutton Press,1984,p17。约翰王统治期间的这一变故从反面说明了寡妇权益在当时社会中的稳固性。
2 教会从使徒时代(apostolic times)就开始关注寡妇这一特殊人群。这大半是因为教会认为寡妇是不幸的人(miserabilis persona)，值得同情．在之后的几个世纪里，教会主要从以下几个方面入手对寡妇权益进行保护：其一，教会支持寡妇再婚或是独身的自由选择权；其二，教会支持寡妇的寡妇产权．尽管教会无法将丈夫赠予妻子寡妇产列为婚姻有效的必要条件，但教会强烈赞许新郎在教堂门口赠予妻子寡妇产的行为，因为这种公开的赠予为婚姻的公开性营造了良好的气氛；其三，教会支持离婚后的妻子向前夫索回嫁妆的诉求；其四，教会支持寡妇的立遗嘱的权力．详见Michael M. Sheehan, "The Influence of Canon Law on the Property Rights of Married Women in England" In James K.Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, pp. 16-30.
3 参见W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, pp. 189-97; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.506-7; George L. Haskins, "The Development of Common Law Dower", Harvard Law Review, Vol. 62, No.1 (Nov., 1948), pp.42-55.
4 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
1 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.27.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p. 193; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
3 见Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.26.
4 G．A．Holmes曾提到这个问题，并列举了好几个典型的例子．例如，德文伯爵(Earl of Devon)是如此操作的．再如，斯塔福德伯爵(Earl de Stafford)拉尔夫(Ralph)也是如此操作的，拉尔夫曾于1348年和1351年两次将新获得的地产设置成共同承租地的形式。再如，索尔兹伯里伯爵(Earl of Salisbury)威廉·德·蒙塔古(william de Montague)也于1363年将从国王处新获赐的地产设置成共同承租地的形式。详见G.A.Holmes,The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957, pp.46-50.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.507.
6 见本文第二章第二节。
1 如果封臣(tanant)去世时，其继承人未满21岁，则封君(lord)有权对封臣的继承人实施监护权(wardship)，直至继承人年满21岁，或继承人未达到21岁夭折。同时，封君还有权对封臣的地产实施监护权，他可以将地产的收入据为己有，但也必须出资抚养封臣的继承人．另外，封君还拥有封臣继承人的婚姻指定权(marriage)．尽管法律没有赋予封君主宰封臣继承人婚姻的权利，但封君在很大程度上可以决定封臣继承人婚配对象。在实践中，封君时常会溢用这些权利。为了牟利，他们经常会过度使用封臣的地产，从而导致封臣地产肥沃程度大降。封君有时还会将监护和婚姻权出售给他人。这都是封臣千方百计逃避封君监护权和婚姻权的原因。详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，p．319。或者参见本文第一章第二节。
2 珍妮佛·沃德曾谈到这个问题，并列举了数个典型的例子，详见Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，pp．26-7．
3 很多学者的著作都谈到寡妇权益泛溢的问题，也列举了很多相关的例子。谈到这个问题，绝对不能避开内维尔家族(the Nevill family)，内维尔家族的女儿成为寡妇后，不但寿命长，而且多次改嫁．例如，拉尔夫·内维尔(Padph Nevill，死于1376年)有两个女儿，一是玛格丽特(Margaret)，一是尤菲米娅(Euphemia)．玛格丽特嫁给鲁斯(the Roos)家族后，从来没有生产，而且做了20年的寡妇，后来又将其寡妇产带到珀西家族(the Percy family)。尤菲米娅则在克利福德家族(the Clifford family)做了48年的寡妇。内维尔家族的后辈女性也不示弱。拉尔夫·内维尔的儿子也叫拉尔夫(Ralph，威斯特摩兰郡伯爵，1354-1425年)。小拉尔夫有两次婚姻经历，前妻生有马蒂尔达(Matilda)和玛格丽特(Margaret)两个女儿，玛蒂尔德在毛利(theMauley)家族做了24年的寡妇，尽管她没有为毛利家族生下男性继承人，丈夫彼得(Lord Peter)还是将大部分家产都转变成共同承租地供她享用。玛格丽特在斯克罗普家族(the Scrope family)做了43年的寡妇。小拉尔夫的第二任妻子博弗特(Beaufort)为拉尔夫生下了四个女儿：凯瑟琳(Katherine)、安妮(Anne)、埃莉诺(Eleanor)和塞西莉(Cecily)。其中凯瑟琳比她的第一任丈夫约翰·莫布雷 (John Mowbray)多活了51年，获得了莫布雷家族的绝大部分地产，她先后四次婚配，她的第四任丈放夫是一个20多岁的小伙子。安妮在斯塔福德家族(the Stafford family)当了20年的寡妇。埃莉诺没有为丈夫生下继承人，却享用了丈夫家产达50年之久。塞西莉嫁给了约克公爵理查德(Richard，Duke of York)，比公爵多活了35年。内维尔家族的下一代女性也是如此。小拉尔夫的儿子理查德·内维尔(Richard Nevill，Earl of Salisbury，1400-1460年)生有两个女儿：爱丽丝(Alice)和凯瑟琳(Catherine)。其中爱丽丝比丈夫多活了30年，甚至比儿子还长寿。凯瑟琳比第一任丈夫(Lord Harrington)多活了43年，比第二任丈夫威廉(William，Lord Hastings)多活了20年。见Rowena E．Archer，“Rich Old Ladies：The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers”In Tony Pollard，ed．，Property and Politics：Essays in Late Medieval English History，Gloucester：Alan Sutton Press，1984，pp．24-25，或见Michael A．Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，London：Shepheard-Walwyn(publishers)Ltd，1991，pp．210-12，289-290，303-5，339-41，343-4。玛格丽特·马歇尔(Margaret Marshal)也以其长寿著称。她的父亲托马斯(Thomas of Brotherton，Earl of Norfolk)是爱德华一世的第五个儿子。玛格丽特大概出生于14世纪20年代，在她惟一的兄长去世后，她和另外一个妹妹成了女嗣。玛格丽特后来嫁给了西格雷夫勋爵(Lord Seagrave)约翰，约翰几乎将他的所有地产都设置成共同承租地形式与玛格丽特共同占有。1353年，约翰去世。此时，约翰惟一的继承人是女儿伊丽莎白(Elizabeth)。但伊丽莎白直到去世都未得以继承，因为玛格丽特一直在世，并占有西格雷夫家族全部财产。后来，玛格丽特又嫁给了沃尔特(Walter，Lord Mauny)。但1372年沃尔特的去世又一次让她成了寡妇。这种情况一直延续到1399年玛格丽特去世．资料显示，玛格丽特所占有地产的年收入已达3，000英镑。见K．B．McFarlane，The Nobility of Later Medieval England，p．66；Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，p．6。伊丽莎白·德·伯格(Elizabeth de Burgh)也以长寿和富有著称．伊丽莎白是伯爵吉尔伯特·德·克莱尔(Gilbert de Clare，Earl of Gloucester and Hertford)的小女儿，出生于1295年，于1314年成为女嗣并继承了克莱尔家族的1／3的地产。这些地产的年收入达2，000英镑。伊丽莎白先后三次结婚，第一任丈夫(John Burgh，hier to the earldom of Ulster)死于1313年，第三任丈大(Roger Damory)死于1321年。她先后从第一、第三任丈夫那里获得了大量的寡妇产和共同承租地，从第二任丈夫那里获得了寡妇产．在14世纪20年代，她拥有的地产年收入已达3，000英镑。她自1322年起开始守寡，直到1360年去世，占有上述地产近40年。值得一提的是，伊丽莎白还出资为剑桥大学建立了克莱尔学院(Clare College，Cambridge)见Michael A．Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，pp．87-88；Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，p．6；Rowena E．Archer,“Rich Old Ladies：The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers”In Tony Pollard，ed．，Property and Politics：Essays in Late Medieval English History，pp．23-24．爱丽丝·乔叟(Alice Chaucer)也是一个典型的例子，她既长寿且多次改嫁。爱丽丝是诗人杰弗里·乔叟(Geoffrey Chaucer)的孙女，她第一任丈夫是一位男爵，第二任丈夫是托马斯·蒙塔古(Thomas Montagu，Earl of Salisbury，死于1428年)，第三任丈夫是威廉·德·拉·波尔(William de la Pole，Earl of Suffork，死于1450年)。威廉临死前(1450年)被封为公爵(Duke of Suffork)，这使爱丽丝受益良多。爱丽丝死于1475年，她比第二任丈夫多活了47年，比第三任丈夫多活了25年．见Michael A．Hicks(ed．)，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，pp．100，220，252，273，356。帕斯顿家族中也有类似的寡妇。威廉·帕斯顿(William Paston Ⅰ)的妻子艾格尼丝(Agnes)比丈夫多活了35年，比儿子约翰·帕斯顿(John Paston Ⅰ)多活了13年。同时，约翰·帕斯顿的妻子比丈夫多活了18年，比他们的儿子约翰·帕斯顿(John Paston Ⅱ)寿命还长。见Helen M．Jewell，Women in Medieval England，Manchester and New York：Manchester University Press，1996，p．123；H．S．Bennett，The Pastons and Their England，New York：Cambridge University Press，1970，pp．1-17；Colin Richmond，The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century：Fastolf's will，New York：Cambridge University Press，1996，pp．107-20。圣波尔家族的玛丽(Mary of Saint Pol)也是富甲天下且长寿的寡妇．玛丽是亨利三世的外孙女，出生于1304年，后来嫁给了彭布罗克伯爵艾迈拉(Aymex，Earl of Pembroke)。1324年艾迈拉去世，玛丽便开始了她53年的守寡生涯。她从丈夫那里获得了无数地产。她拥有的财产最终达到了20，000英镑。她到处捐资给教会修建修道(女)院．在朋友伊丽莎白·德·伯格的带动下，她还捐资为剑桥大学修建了彭布罗克学院(Pembroke College，Cambridge)。见Michael A Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，pp．88-89。
1 参见本文第二章第一节。
1 根据1215年大宪章(Magna Carta)的规定，在封君被俘需要赎金时，封君长子被授予骑士时，封君长女出嫁时，封臣应向封君提供协助金(aids)。封臣去世后，封臣继承人要继承封臣地产，须向封君缴纳继承金(relief)。在继承人未缴纳继承金之前，封君对封臣地产有先占权(primer seisin)。封臣去世时如果留下未成年的继承人，则封君对继承人本身和封臣的地产都有监护权(wardship)，直到继承人成年。同时，封君还有对继承人选择配偶施加影响的权力(marriage)。如果封臣死后无嗣，或者封臣犯了背叛封君的叛逆罪(felony)，则封君有权收回(escheat)分封给封臣的地产。如果封臣犯的是叛国，或背叛君主的罪(high treason)，则封臣的地产由国王没收(forfeiture)。详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，pp．307-356；A．W．B．Simpson，A History of Land Law，pp．16-20；J．H．Baker，An Introduction to English Legal History，pp．204-7。关于监护权和婚姻权，请参阅Peggy Jefferies，“The Medieval Use as Family Law and Custom：the Berkshire Gentry in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”，Southern History，1(1979)：p．46，或参阅本文第一章第二节。
2 例如，国王的总封臣(tenant-in-chief)去世，国王有占有该封臣地产一年的权力。再如，国王的总封臣去世时如果留下未成年的继承人，则国王不仅对总封臣领自自己的地产有监护权，还对总封臣领自其它中间封君的地产有监护权，这种监护权被称为特权监护(prerogative wardship)。尽管每个国王的政策有所不同，但他们基本上把这些附属权益当作一项重要的收入．例如，亨利一世的加冕文书(coronation charter)向封臣承诺，附属权益的征收应保持在一定限度内。这就暗示了之前的君主威廉·鲁弗斯(William Rufus)在此方面肯定是横征暴敛。其实亨利一世也没有坚守承诺，亨利在统治后期又恢复了前朝的政策。之后的亨利二世及其继承者无一例外将附属权益作为王室的一项重要收入加以征收。特别是无地王约翰(John)．约翰王在位期间因财政窘困而肆意征收附属权益，要价之高以至于封臣无法一次付清，只好采取分期支付的方法．这样封臣即使最终得以继承祖先地产，也被压榨的失去了经济能力。详见J．M．W．Bean，The Decline of English Feudalism，1215-1540，New York：Manchester University Press，1968，pp．10-12。
3 封建的层层分封的等级制度往往导致一大部分封建主既是封君，又是封臣。因国王的总封臣占有地产最多，所以受害最多。因此他们自然也就成了反对封君滥用附属权益的领头羊。为了号召广大的下层封建主跟随他们与国王斗争，总封臣向下级封建主承诺，如果国王为他们减免了了附属权益，他们也会为下级封臣减免。因此，这里斗争的双方实际上是国王和总封臣为首的众封臣。
4 这三种场合分别为：封君被俘需要赎金时，封君长子被授予骑士头衔时，封君长女出嫁时。
5 J.M.W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,pp.13-14.
1 Sidney Painter, Studies in the History of the English Feudal Barony, New York: Octagon Bools, pp.63-4.
2 这个官职被称为附属权益调查官(escheator)，每个郡设置一人，主要职责是在有封建主去世时进行死后调查。仔细调查去世封建主占有地产的数量、价值和持有方式。如果国王对此地产有监护权和婚姻权，则附属权益调查官会负责征收这些附属权益。在此之前，此类工作是巡回法庭法官的责职。可能是因为他们的效率不高，国王才专门指派人员负责此事．后来，可能是因为附属权益调查官的工作经常受到郡守的阻挠，为了加强附属权益的征收，国王就将二者合二为一，命郡守兼任附属权益调查官．详见J．M．W．Bean，The Decline of English Feudalism，1215-1540，pp．16-19．
3 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.21.
4 Ibid., p.22.
5 详见本文第二章第二节。
6 在英国封建社会上层贵族中，女性结婚年龄一般较男性低，再加上战乱频仍导致男性暴死的情况增多，所以，在封建社会上层中女性寿命一般较男性长。因此，妻子也成为封臣后，自然会延长封臣的整体寿命。
1 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.212, note23.
2 或称feoffee to uses，一般是封建主的朋友，或值得封建主信任的人或机构，例如，律师、修院都可能成为封建主的受托人．另外，封建制一般将地产授予几个受托人，而不是一个。原因有二：其一，受托人越多，可信度越大，因为人数越多，他们之间串通起来危害托管人的可能性就越小；其二，受托人越多，因受托人去世而导致的托管关系中断的可能性就越小．假设封建主仅选择两个受托人，这两个受托人有可能相继去世，如果不能及时补充受托人，则托管关系就会中断．封建主就恢复了对托管地产的占有权。如果是这样，封君的附属权益就会随之复活，封建土地保有制和长子继承制对封建主的限制也随之而来．参见T．F．T Plucknett．A Concise History of the Common Law，pp．518-9．
3 这个词实际上是 cestui a que use le feoffment fuit fait的缩写形式，其复数形式为cestuis que usent。详见J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.104, note2。
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.104.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.127.
2 也叫方济各会，13世纪成立的天主教托钵修会。
3 W.S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.416.
4 'Nec per hoc quod proprietatem usus et rei cujusque dominium a se abdicasse videtur, simplici usui ominis rei renunciasse convincitur, qui, inquam, usus non juris sed facti tantum-modo noment babens, quod facti est tantum in utendo praebet utentibus nihil juris.'详见 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.417, notel.
5 J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81(1965), p.565.
6 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, London: Butterworhts, 1981, p.204.
7 关于Salman和托管中受托人的区别，请参阅J．L．Barton，“The Medieval Use”，Law Quarterly Review，81(1965)：pp．562-3。
8 参见W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.411, note7; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.106, 128; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.230; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.514-5.
1 立遗嘱人指定的，负责执行其遗嘱的人。因英国普通法禁止封建主用遗嘱处置地产，因此英国遗嘱执行人的主要责任是执行死者对动产的分配．详见W．S．Holdsworth，A history of English law，Vol．3，p．563-4．
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.131.
3 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.234.
4 'Hane conventionem fecit Eudo scilicet Dapifer Regis cum Ailsio Abbate Rameseiae……de Berkeforde ut Eudo habere deberet as opus sororis suae Murilellae partem Sancti Benedicti quae adiacbat ecclesiae Rameseiae quamdiu Eudo et soror eius viverent, ad dimidium servitium unius militis, tali quidem pacto ut post Eudonis sororisque decessum tam partem propriam Eudonis quam in eadem villa habuit, quam partem eccelesiae Rameseiae, Deo et Sancto Benedicto as usum fratrum eternaliter…possidendam…relinqueret.'详见 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
5 罗杰·莫布雷在契约中说：“Reginaldus auten Puer vendidit ecclesiae praefatae de Wyteby totum ius quod habuit in praefata terra et reliquit ad opus illorum, et ego reddidi eis, et saisivi per idem lignum per quod et recipe illud."
1 'tenet Godfridus Viii. Bovatae [corr. Bovatas ]pro viii. sol. Praeter illam terram quae ad ecclesiam iacet quam tenet cum ecclesia as opus fratris sui parvuli, cum as id etatis venerit ut posit et debeat servire ipsi ecclesiae.' 详见 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
2 'et inde saisibi Milonem fratrem eius loco ipsius ut ipse eam manuteneat et ab omni defendat iniuria' 详见F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.230.
3 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The Histow of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
4 'et Robertus post mortem patris sui tenuit eandem terram de eadem domo et habuit filios et iuit in terram sanctam, et commisit terram illam custodedndam Wydoni fratri suo ad opus puerorum suorum.' in F. W. Maitland, ed., Bracton's Note Book, Colorado: Fred B. Rothman & Co., Vol.3, text, No.999, pp.42-3.
5 'et postea tradidit terram illam cuidam Magistro Rodulfo sicut ad custodiendam ad opus ipsius Petri, et postea commissa fuit cuidam Davidi similiter ad custodiendum ad opus ipsius.' in F. W. Maitland (ed.), Bracton's Note Book, Vol.2, text, No.754, pp.575-6.
6 'Juratores dicunt quod mater ipsius Hamonis concupiuit quoddam mesuagium predicti Roberti ira quod predictus Hamon tantum fecit cum predicto Roberto quod idem Robertus concessit eidem Hamoni ad opus matris sue mesuagium illud tenendum ad uitam ipsius matris sue pro tribus acris et dim.' in F. W. Maitland (ed.), Bracton's Note Book, Vol.3, text, No. 1244, p.260.
7 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.108.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp. 109-110.
2 Ibid., pp. 110-111.
3 Ibid., p.105.
4 Ibid., p.111.
5 参见上文关于威廉·珀西和威廉·费勒斯的两个例子。
6 或称 grant and regrant, 详见 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.516; S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.205.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.206.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of Eaglish Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.150.
5 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.208.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.207.
2 资料来源于 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.116-7.
2 Ibid., p. 117.
3 资料来源于J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.117-8.
1 详见J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.144-45.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.145.
3 Ibid., p.154.
4 详见S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.206; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.416;. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp. 158-9.
1 R. H. Heimholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p. 1507.
2 Ibid., p.1505.
3 Ibid.
4 "Thomas Filpot et Wiilelmus Barker feoffati existent usque ad etatem filii sui xx annorum et quod tunc terras et tenementa venderent et dicta Johanna habeat index marcas et quod residuum disponatur per eosdem feoffatores et executores suos meliori modo quo viderint anime sue salutem proficere et deo complacere. '详见R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1507, hote14.
1 受托人声称遗嘱执行人'non potuit disponere de ii acris in testameno eo quod ipse et socius errant feoffati ad aliud usum.' 详见R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1508, note28.
2 中世纪英格兰运动不同价值的土地面积的丈量单位，常相当于30亩，1╱海德。
3 'Et monitus est dictus Henricus ad restituendum tres virgatas bosci.'详见 R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1509, note 34.
4 'Et moniti ad perficiendum untiman voluntatem huiusmodi in iudicio recesseunt.' In R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1509, note 35.
5 R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1511.
6 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.84-5.
1 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.88.
2 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.613-14.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.90.
1 J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81(1965), p.568.
2 Ibid., p.568-9.
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.517.
4 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p. 136; J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81 (1965), p.570; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.168-69.
1 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p.136.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.170-1.
3 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of C'hancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p.136.
4 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.212; J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review,81(1965), pp.569-570; Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research,42(Nov.,1969),pp.136-7。另外，在爱德华四世统治期间的年鉴(Year Book)中也可找到相关的证据：如果J将地产托管给A，而A将受托地产卖给了R．在A与R的交易中，如果A告知了R交易中的地产托管属于J的事实，且R在知情的情况下仍然选择购买受托地产，则R应对J负责，有义务执行J的指示。详见J. H. Baker, S. E C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.97.
5 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.171.
1 J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.70.
3 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.235; G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, New York: Russell & Russell, 1960, p.559.
1 G.A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.53-4.
2 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.53; J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.315; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 144.
3 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.54.
4 Ibid., p.54.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.314.
6 Ibid., p.315.
7 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.557.
8 J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.316.
9 Ibid., p.317.
10 Ibid., p.315
11 Ibid., p.317.
12 Ibid., p.318.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.277.
2 Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble Life, 1295-1500, 1976, p. 137-8; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.71,277; G C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.557.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.317.
4 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.74-5; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.54; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 146-7.
5 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.146.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.147.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.74.
3 Ibid., p.76.
4 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.556.
5 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward 1, Vol. 2, p.397.
6 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", The University of Toronto Law Journal, Vol.6, No.2 (1946), p.362.
1 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", In R. H. Helmholz, Canon Law and the Law of England, London and Ronceverte: The Hambledon Press, 1987, p.187.
2 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.364.
3 指普通法庭．
4 指教会法庭．
5 John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, Littleton: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980, p.182.
6 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.377; John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, pp.182-3; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.400.
7 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.368.
8 Frederic William Maitland, Bracton's Note Book: A Collection of Cases Decided in the King's Corers during the Reign of Henry the Third, Vol.1, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1983, pp. 104-115; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.401;
9 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.369.
1 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.198.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.376.
3 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.196.
4 Ibid., p.197.
5 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward i, Vol. 2, p.398; R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.197, note29.
1 Norma Adams, "Nuilius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.374.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.382.
3 Norma Adams, "Nullins Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.375.
4 James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987, p.362; Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.52.
5 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.203
6 维兰即农奴、奴隶．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第189-200页。
7 'Bastard est nullius filius et cest matter nest qe argument nei de proner bastard qar il doit conclude et nient bastard qar bastard est filins pupuli at nad pere certeine.' In Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.361, noted; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.400; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.396-7.
8 'Heres antem legitimus nullus bastardus nec aliquis qui ex legitimo matrimonio non est procreatus esse potest.'In Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.361, note2, 或参见 John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, Littleton: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980, p.181.
1 James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, pp.408, 480, 543.
2 Ibid., p.543; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.65.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.73.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540,pp.118-9.
5 Joel T. Rosanthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.91; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 128.
6 Peter Fleming, Fancily and Household in Mediewl England, pp.121-22.
7 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550: Marriage and Family, Property and Careers, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, p.84.
1 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.84.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.117.
3 Shulamith Shahar, The Fourth Estate: A History of Women in the Middle Ages, trans., Chaya Galai, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, p.115; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.34; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.84; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.39, 43, 50.
4 参见本文第一章第三节。
1 在此案例中，伯爵托马斯同时使用了限男嗣继承和托管两种家产分配方案。主要原因有二：其一，此案例恰好发生在限男嗣继承和托管两种家产分配方案的交叉阶段；其二，伯爵托马斯同时使用两种手段是为了巩固对女嗣的排斥成果．实际上，当时有不少封建主在同时使用这两种法律手段。
2 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.59; Michael A. Hicks, ed., Who is Who in Late Medieval England, 1272-1485, London: Shepheard-Walwyn Ltd, 1991, pp.174-5.
3 S. M. Wright, The Derbyshire Gentry in the Fifteenth Century, Chesterfield, 1983, pp.36-7 转引自S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No. 1 (1992), p.58.
4 Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1 (Apr., 1972), p.98.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.107; Pearl Hogrefe, "Lagal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1 (Apr., 1972), p.99.
2 资料来源于Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880, Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press, 1984, table3.8.
3 Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880, table4.2.
4 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.22.
1 这组数据不包括国王的子嗣和兄弟缔结的婚姻。
2 根据人口学家里格利(E．A．Wrigley)的统计，在人口静止的状态下有20％的封建主死后无嗣，有20％的封建主死后只有女嗣，有60％的封建主死后有一个，或一个以上的子嗣。同时，Wrigley通过比较发现，在人口变化状态下，上述比例也基本不变．因此，利用里格利得出的比例，我们完全可以计算出家庭中长子与余子的比例．为了方便计算，假设100位封建主生有100个儿子和100个女儿。根据Wrigley的数据，这100位封建主中有60个有一个或一个以上的儿子，换言之，这100位封建主生有60个长子。那么，余子的数量显然为40个。因此封建主家庭中长子与余子的比例为3：2，封建主家庭中的长子比余子多20％．
3 S. J. Payling, "The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), pp.424, 428.
4 Ibid., p.417.
1 S.J. Payling, "The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), p.418.
2 Ibid.,p.420.
3 如果有其他女嗣存在，则由其他女嗣分割继承；如果没有其他女嗣，则由家族中的旁系男性继承。详见S.J.Payling,"The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), p.420.
1 参见本章第一节。
2 相关案例见本章第一节。
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.92-3; Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.38.
4 见本文第二章第四节．
5 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.558.
6 Joel T. Rosenthal, "Fifteenth Century Widows and Widowhood: Bereavement, Integration, and Life Choices", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1995, p.42.
7 Ibid., pp.36-7.
8 Conor McCarthy, Marriage in Medieval England: Law, Literature and Practice, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2004, p.149.
9 学者的研究表明，贵族寡妇的再婚受到诸多因素的制约：有的丈夫会在遗嘱中要求寡妇守寡，否则寡妇将得不到任何财产：有的继承人会阻止父亲的寡妇再婚；有时，国王会控制封臣寡妇的再婚。详见Jennifer C.Wark,English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, pp.39-43; Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1998, pp.94-103.
10 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.42-3; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 3, p.196.
1 Barbara A. Hanawalt, "Remarriage as An Option for Urban and Rural Widows in Late Medieval England ", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, p.151.
1 Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.200-1.
2 S. M. Wright, The Derbyshire Gentry in the Fifteenth Century, p.70; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.43.
3 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, pp. 130-1.
4 Ibid., p.130.
5 Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.66.
6 Ibid., p.71.
7 关于此法令，下文将有详细解释。
1 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, p.114; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 3, p.196; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.47-8; Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, p.83.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.50.
3 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women 1450-1550, p.45.
4 Barbara J.Harris,English Aristocratic Women 1450-1550,p.45,另外，了解更多关于夫妻共同占有财产和嫁妆的比例的论述，请参阅关于嫁妆(dowry)和夫妻共同占有财产(jointure)的比例，请参阅H.J.Habakkuk,"Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 32 (1950); Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, p.291, FIG 15。
5 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England. p.88.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.201.
2 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.144.
3 Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, pp.97-8.
4 Ibid., p.98.
5 Ibid., p.97.
6 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.133.
1 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.131.
2 Ibid., p.255.
3 参见本章第一节。
4 包括监护权(wardship)、婚姻权(marriage)、继承金(relief)、收回权(escheat)、没收权(forfeiture)等．参见本文第一章第二节．
5 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.211; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.214.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p. 183.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.51.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.181.
5 Ibid., pp.183-5.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.189-190.
2 Ibid., p187-93.
3 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.149; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.195.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.195.
5 Ibid., pp.195-6.
6 Ibid., p.197.
7 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p. 104; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.234.
8 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.150.
1 数据来源于J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.199, table V.
2 Peter Fleming,Family and Household in Medieval England,p. 104; Margaret E. Avery,"The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research,42 (Nov., 1969), p.143; E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.674; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.521;
3 J. M. W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120, table Ⅳ.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.135-6.
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.40; E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.674.
3 事实上，封建主使用托管的动机是很复杂的：上文有述，有的封建主是为了重新安排家庭成员地产继承；有的封建主是为了规避上级封君的附属权益；有的则是为了获得自由处置地产的自由，例如，变卖地产来偿还债务；还有的封建主是为了欺诈债权人，利用托管给债权人造成自己不占有地产的假象。除此之外，还有一部分封建主(特别是总封臣)是因害怕获叛国罪后地产被没收而将地产托管给受托人。1398年，理查德二世的相关政策出台后，持有这种动机的人就很少了．详见J.M.W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,pp.138-141.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.238-39.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.150; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.197-98.
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.103; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England p.77; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp. 150, 153.
3 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.146-47, 240-1; Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.103; Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), pp.142-3.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.210-6.
1 Peter Fleming, Femily and Household in Medieval England, p.104.
2 Stanford E. Lehmberg, "Parliamentary Attainder in the Reign of Henry Ⅷ", The Historical Journal, Vol. 18, No.4 (Dec., 1975), p.676.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Henry Ⅶ's Last Years Reconsidered", The Historical Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1959), p. 103; W. C. Richardson, "The Surveyor of the King's Prerogative", The English Historical Review, Vol. 56, No.221.(Jan., 1941), p.53.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.257.
5 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.675; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.257.
6 离婚案是指亨利八世与王后凯瑟琳的离婚案．1527年，亨利八世以无男嗣和感情不和为由提出要与王后凯瑟琳离婚。然而，离婚要由教皇批准．当时的教皇在神圣罗马帝国皇帝查理五世的控制之下，而查理五世正是凯瑟琳的外甥，因此，亨利的离婚请求被教皇婉拒。1527-1529年间，经过无数次交涉，都没有结果。亨利八世开始策划与罗马教会决裂，1531年，亨利自任英格兰教会首脑。1532年，在谋臣克伦威尔的帮助下，召开宗教改革会议，通过了一系列法案，使英国教会摆脱了罗马教廷的束缚．1533年5月，新任坎特伯雷大主教克兰默宣布亨利与凯瑟琳的婚姻无效。亨利最终如愿以偿。次年，议会通过了至尊法案，尊亨利为“英国国教最高领袖”，两年后，议会又通过了一个法案，终止了罗马教廷在英国的一切权力。
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.521; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.77; W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), p.108.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, 1215-1540, pp.242-3; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, pp.448-9.
2 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.215; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, p.449.
3 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, p.449.
4 详见 W. C. Richardson, "The Surveyor of the King's Prerogative", English Historical Review, Vol. 56, No.221 (Jan., 1941),pp.52-75.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.261-2; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, pp.450-3.
2 当时有包括大法官托马斯·莫尔(Thomas More)在内的31名上层贵族在国王提出的契约上签了字。这表明国王与上层贵族联盟的策略已经奏效。
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.522.
4 W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), pp.113-4.
5 当时，下议院中，普通法律师占的比例并不大。中小贵族才是下议院的中坚力量，如果中小贵族持反对意见，国王的提案永无通过之日．参见J.M.W.Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,p.272.
6 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.215; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.273.
7 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.686.
8 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.216.
1 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.689; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.275.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.276.
3 W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses', Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), p.121.
4 详见J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.112.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.217.
6 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Miisom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.114.
7 Percy Bordweee, "The Repeal of the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol. 39, No. 4 (Feb., 1926), p.467.
8 Ibid., p.470.
1 此种地产被马克垚先生称为军役领(knight's service)，详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第131-4页，或参阅本文第一章第二节。
2 此种地产被马克垚先生称为索克领(socage)，详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第131页，或参阅本文第一章第二节．
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.525; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.293; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.218.
1 麦克法兰(K．B．Mcfarlane)在谈到这个问题时，曾援引了11个例子。理查二世统治时期，得到继承并成为大封建主的余子或私生子有：John Fitzalan,Lord Maltravers;William Beauchamp,Lord Bergavenny;Hugh Stafford,Lord Bourchier; John, Lord Devereux; Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester, John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset; Marquess of Dorset。另外，15世纪时的the Nevills; the Percies; the Staffords; the Bourchiers四个家庭各也有余子或私生子成气候的现象．详见K. B. Mc Farlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.71-2, 176-77.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.72.
3 Ibid., p.277.
4 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.138。或参阅本文第一章第二节，第三节。
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.166.
2 参见本文第二章第一节．
3 参见本文第二章第一节．
4 参见本文第三章第一节．
5 1650年后，家产析分契约开始被封建主广泛使用。1882年地产处分法(Settled Land Act)的通过标志着家产析分契约的终结．详见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, New York:Oxford University Press, 1994, p.1.
1 关于家产析分契约的实施时机，本章下文将有详细论述。
2 这里的“家产”主要指家族世袭地产．
3 虽然有点拗口，但也不难理解。封建主此举实际上是将家产授予长子尚未出生的长子．主要目的在于防止后代挥霍家产．根据这种安排，长子获得的只是终生享有家产收益的权利，无法随意处置家产。长子未来的长子虽然获得了全权处置地产的权力，但他在成年之前也无法实施这项权力，因为他在成年之前都得不到继承。
4 其中有一条是长媳考虑，其余条款皆是为以”长子继承人”为首的第三代人设置。
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.125.
6 Ibid., p.125.
7 Ibid., p.126.
8 未来继承人即提前一代确定的继承人，上文提及的“长子继承人”即为第一代未来继承人。
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.34.
2 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage Settlement, and the Rise of Great Estates: The Demographic Aspect", Economic History Review, Second Series, 32 (1979), pp.490-91.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.29.
4 如果家产析分契约是在长子结婚时签订，长子未婚妻的家长一般也会参与协商．因为长子的自由安排家产继承的权利太大，或太小都对他们不利。如果长子的权利太大，其随意分配家产的行为会损害妻子利益。如果长子没有一点安排家产继承的权利，其妻子便也失去了获得财产的机会。参见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.14.
5 限嗣继承的这种规定完全是一种权力滥用，实施限嗣继承的封建主实际上是用自己拥有的自由权力来剥夺后代的自由权力，他们通过限嗣继承，特别是限男嗣继承，能将自己的意志延续好几代，甚至几十代．参见本文第二章，或参见A.W.B.Simpson,A History of Land Law,pp.208-10.
1 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.237.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.17; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.64-5.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.236; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 11; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.55-56; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp. 139-142.
5 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.229.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142-3.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 16.
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.229-30; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.140-1; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.55-56.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.36-7.
4 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.24; Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, pp. 44-5.
1 John Habalkkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 3.
2 本文第三章有对托管的详细论述。
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.42; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.2; Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, 1450-1550, pp. 22-3.
4 终生受益权人(life tenant)是指有终生享有某地产收益的人，他们虽然能终生享有某地产收益，但没有控制地产的绝对权力。家产析分契约中的“长子”和夫妻共同占有地产中的“新婚夫妇及他们中的幸存者”都属于这类人。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 9.
2 Ibid., p.14.
3 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
4 未来继承人是指提前确定的继承人，例如“长子继承人”(第一代未来继承人)和长子继承人的继承人(第二代未来继承人)都属于这种情况。
5 如果封建主指定了长子之继承人，但出于种种原因(例如，长子之继承人压根就没有出世，或者夭折)，此长子之继承人可能无法继承．这就会导致封建主的家产无人继承，从而导致所谓的中空状态(abeyance)。详见Eileen Spring,Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.133.
6 详见 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.134; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.32-3.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.134.
2 任何人在生前都无权确定其继承人，继承人的地位要到父亲去世时才能得到确认。
3 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
4 科尔瑟斯特讼贝茹辛案 (Colthirst v. Bejushin)。
5 实际上，普通法庭和家产析分契约在“对第二代未来继承人的态度”问题上观点是一致的。普通法庭否定“第二代未来继承人”的地位，家产析分契约也有阻止封建主将自己的意志延伸到“第二代未来继承人”的作用。上文也曾经提到过，家产析分契约的主要目的之一就是权衡上下两代封建主的权力，防止上代封建主利用自己手中的权力剥 夺下代封建主安捧财产继承的权力。因此，家产析分契约决不允许一个封建主控制地产继承达数代之久。所以，普通法庭对“第二代未来继承人”的否定不但对家产析分契约没有负面影响，反而对家产析分契约有帮助．
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.136; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.32-3.
3 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.137.
4 Ibid., p.137.
5 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.46-7.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p. 135.
7 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.51
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.49.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p.47.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.137-8.
5 参见本文第一章第三节．
6 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.47-8.
7 这种情况并不鲜见。根据里格利的人口发展模式，在中世纪和近代早期，有20％的封建主无后嗣而亡，有20％的封建主只有女嗣，有60％的封建主会生有儿子(大于或等于一个)．详见E.A.Wrigley,"Fertility Strategy for the Individual and the Group", In Charles Tilly, ed., Historical Studies in Changing Fertility, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton, 1978, pp.150-1.
8 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.50.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.133.
2 Ibid., p.139.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.229.
4 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.50; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.239-230; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp. 140.
5 本文之所以将strict settlement翻译为“家产析分契约”，而不按照直译的方法，将它译为“更严谨的家产分配方案”， 是因为，后者作为译文太冗长，而且不能全面地体现strict settlement的实质。详见A. B.Simpson,A History of Land Law, p.236; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.141.
1 哈巴卡克(J．H．Habakkuk)曾专门撰文论述英国内战对家产析分契约的促进作用，详见J.H.Habakkuk,"Landowners and the Civil War", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 1, Essays in Economic History Presented to Proffessor M. M. Postan, 1965.
2 J. H. Habakkuk, "Landowners and the Civil War", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 1, Essays in Economic History Presented to Proffessor M. M. Postan, 1965, pp.150-1; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp. 11-14.
3 事实表明，1641年，已经有个别的封建主开始使用“受托人监管”的方法。但大部分封建主是在1650年“受托人监管”被奥尔兰多·布里奇曼和杰弗里·帕莫制度化之后，才开始使用。详见A.W. B.Simpson,A History of Land Law, p.230.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp. 12-13.
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.15.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.15-16.
2 Ibid., p.16.
3 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.143; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.16.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.7.37.
5 J. H. Baker, An introduction to English legal history, p.246.
6 A. W. B Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.17.
7 这里的弱势家庭成员并不是固定地指某一家庭成员，它是一个不断变动的群体。在长子继承制盛行时，余子女是弱势家庭成员，寡妇和女嗣都享有稳定的权益．在限嗣继承流行时，余子女权益尚未得到有效改善，女嗣权利遭到消弱，他们称为弱势家庭成员．在托管流行时，寡妇权益遭消弱，堪称弱势家庭成员，而此时余子女享有充分的权益。限嗣继承盛行之后，寡妇、余子女、女嗣权利被消弱，这时这三类家庭成员都是弱势家庭成员。
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.14.
2 Ibid., p.3.
3 明格(G．E．Mingay)也曾谈到抵押贷款的问题，他强调，之前抵押贷款不流行的主要原因是普通法庭控制得太严格，例如，若贷款人晚一天还款，其抵押的地产就会损失掉一部分。后来，大法官法庭弥补了普通法庭的这一缺陷，确立了抵押贷款人自由赎回抵押地产的原则。详见G.E.Mingay,English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, Toronto:University of Toronto Press,1963,p.36.
1 男性年满21岁即成年．
2 如果长子拒绝与父亲续签家产析分契约，根据上一代人签订的家产析分契约，长子在父亲去世时就能获得处置家产的绝对权力．
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.27.
4 A. W. B Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.28.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.14.
2 资料来源于 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements and the Rise of Great Estates: The Demographic Aspect", Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 32, No.4. (Nov., 1979), pp. 490-1.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.29.
4 Ibid., p.34.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.35.
2 Ibid., p.29.
3 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements, 1660-1740: the Adoption of the Strict Settlement in Kent and Northamptonshire", In R. B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage, London: Europa Publication Limited, 1981, p.110, Table I.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.20.
5 只能终生享有家产收益，而不能出售、转让家产的人。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.20-1.
2 Ibid., p.2.
3 Llyod Bonfieid, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.84.
4 Ibid., p.85.
5 John Habakkuk, Marriage. Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.22.
6 芬奇勋爵推荐的方法无外乎两种，一种是由他自己全权决定弱势家庭成员的份额，一种是由丹尼尔全权决定弱势家庭成员的份额。从他的措辞看，他推荐的方法应是后者。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.24.
2 Habakkuk划分的标准是地产年收入。大土地所有者的地产年收入为3，000英镑左右，实力乡绅的地产收入在800英镑-2000英镑之间，低等乡绅的收入则低于800。详见H.J.Habakkuk,"English Landownership,1680-1740",Economic History Review, Vol. 10, No. 1(Feb., 1940), p.3.
3 资料来源于 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements, 1660-1740: the Adoption of the Strict Settlement in Kent and Northamptonshire", In R. B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage, London: Europa Publication Limited, 1981, p.110, Table I.
1 资料来源于Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.88, Table 3.
2 Ibid., p.91, Table 5.
1 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.15; G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963, p.32.
2 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, New York: Academic Press, 1978, p.74.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
4 Ibid., p.91.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
2 Ibid., p.91.
3 Ibid., p.92.
4 Ibid., p.93.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.94.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p.90.
4 Ibid., p.95.
5 Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984,p.l12.
6 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
1 G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.32; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.125.
2 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.239; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.247.
3 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.79.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid., p.80.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.93.
7 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.80.
8 Lloyd Bonfield, "Affective Families, Open Elites and Strict Family Settlements in Early Modern England ", Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 39, No.3(Aug., 1986), p.347.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp. 105-6.
2 Ibid., p.107.
3 Joan Thirsk, "Younger Sons in the Seventeenth Century", History 54 (1969), p.359.
1 H.J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
2 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.35.
3 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, pp.89-90.
4 13、14世纪盛行的限男嗣继承，以及限男嗣继承的变种中有一部分残留到16、17世纪，具体参见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.7-8.
5 参见上文第二章。
6 Eileen Spring, "The Family, Strict Settlement, and Historian", Canadian Journal of History, Vol.18, No.3 (Dec., 1983), p.394.
7 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.77-8.
2 Ibid., p.136; H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
4 John Habakkuk,Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.65.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.246; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.118-121.
7 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.37.
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p. 113; H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
2 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p. 109.
3 这一阶段，共有29位封建主使用家产析分契约，在这29份家产析分契约中，有23份对余子女的继承份额进行了详细规定．详见Llyod Bonfield,Marriage Settlements,1601-1740:The Adoption of the Strict Settlement,p.111.
4 这一阶段，共有26位封建主使用家产析分契约，在这26份家产析分契约中，有19份对余子女的继承份额进行了详细规定。详见Llyod Bonfield,Marriage Settlements,1601-1740:The Adoption of the Strict Settlement,p.113.
5 Lloyd Bonfield, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Different View", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), p.464.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.3-4.
7 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.212.
1 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle,Ages, p.25.
2 这种形式的操作方法如下：封建主将某块地产出租给他人，出租所得供余子终生享受，有的封建主还允许该余子的第一代继承人也终生享有该租金收入。表面上．余子获得的是金钱收入，但实质上，这种形式仍是地产资助形式的一种。区别是余子不能再代代享受该地产，而只能享受一代至两代。
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.212.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.99.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.220.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.101.
7 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.100; J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.216.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.100-1.
2 Ibid., pp. 102-3.
3 Ibid., p.103.
4 Ibid., p. 104.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.102.
2 资料来源于J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.321-24; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.101.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.104
2 Joan Thirsk, "Younger Sons in the Seventeenth Century", History 54 (1969), p.363.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 114.
4 委任状即政府对军官职务的任命文书。在1660-1871年的这段时间里，为缓解维持军队带来的经济压力，英国政府制定了出售委任状的政策。此政策出台后，凡欲从军并在军队中任职之人，必先花重金购买委任状。这一政策的弊端是明显的，因有能力购买委任状的人不一定胜任，因此这一政策必然会消弱军队的战斗力。19世纪中后期，英国政府财政压力得以缓解后便废除了这一政策。详见Douglas W. Allen,"Compatible Incentives and the Purchase of Military Commmissions", The Journal of Legal Studies, Vol.27, No.1,(Jan., 1998), pp.45-66; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.112。在此问题上，感谢厦门大学历史系许二斌副教授为我解惑。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.106.
2 信息来源于J.P.Cooper,"Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries",pp.325-27;John HabakkuknMarriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.105.
3 自18世纪初始，封建主已经开始同时使用年金和一次性付清金额为余子提供资助，即在提供年金的同时，还提供一笔一次性支付的金钱。此处的数据是将一次性付清金额(capital sum)折入年金后的数额。折算的原则职下：根据Habakkuk的统计，一次性付清金额一般是十年年金总额(详见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.105)。由此推算，取一次性付清金额10％即可得出相对应年金的数额。下同．
4 余子有资格接受一次性付清金额的时间一般为成年之时，余女一般为成婚时，有的余女也在21岁，或18岁时接受过一次性付清金额．详见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.121.
1 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p .325.
2 Ibid., p.237.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 105.
4 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.326.
5 一般情况下，年金是一次性付清金额的10％，那么2，000英镑的一次性付清金额可折算成200英镑的年金，再加上200英镑，可得出混合方式的总额与400英镑的年金数额相当。
6 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.327.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, pp.88-9.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.119-110.
3 Ibid., p.110.
4 Ibid., p.111.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.95.
6 Ibid., p.94.
7 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.115-116.
8 Ibid., p. 116.
1 Paul Lucas, "A Collective Biography of Students and Barristers of Lincoln's Inn, 1680-1804: A Study in the Aristocratic Resurgence of the Eighteenth Century", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 46, No. 2. (Jun., 1974), p. 233.
2 William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), 英国政治领导人，曾作为自由党人四次担任首相。
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 116.
4 Ibid., p.119.
1 G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.36.
2 Ibid., p.37.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.237.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.88.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 129.
3 库珀和斯通二人是在完全独立的状态下对贵族余女的继承份额进行了统计，他们的数据采样并不相同，但二人选取的部分案例可能重复。
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, New York: Oxford University Press, 1967, p.290.
2 Llyod Bonfield, "Affective Families, Open Elites and Strict Family Settlements in Early Modem England", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.39, No.3 (1986), p.352; Llyod Bonfield, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Differing View ", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), p.464.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt. and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950,p. 136,斯通也曾谈到这个问题，他的数据显示，到17世纪早期，父亲为余女提供资助的数额已经与家产一年的收入相当了．详见Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641,p.291.
4 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.307.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, p.310.
2 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement By Great Landowners form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.318-27.
1 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Pattens of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.321-22.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 128.
3 Ibid.,pp. 131-32.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, pp.290-91.
2 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteeth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.222.
3 关于这一点，笔者在“余子女份额的确定性”一节已有详细论述，此处不赘．
4 关于嫁妆(portion)和夫妻共同占有财产(jointure)的比例，请参阅H.J.Habakkuk,"Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 32 (1950), p.23; Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, pp.291, FIG 15.
5 H.J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the royal historical society, 32 (1950), p.24.
6 Mingay也曾提到“富商女”对贵族婚姻市场的影响，G.E.Mingay,Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century,London:Routledge,1963,p.36;斯通也曾就此问题有深入论述，参阅Lawrence Stone,The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641,pp.292-93.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, p.292.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.104.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.208-210.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.106.
7 J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.211; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp105-6.
1 J. P. Cooper, "The Counting of Manors", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 8, No.3 (1956), pp.379-380.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.107; Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No. 1(Apr., 1972), p.99; Barbara K. Lewalski, "Re-Writing Patriarchy and Patronage: Margaret Clifford, Anne Clifford, and Aemilia Lanyer", The Yearbook of English Studies, Vol. 21, Politics, Patronage and Literature in England 1558-1658 Special Number (1991), pp.87-90; J. P. Cooper, "The Counting of Manors", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 8, No.3 (1956), p.380.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.210.
1 详见本文第三章．
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p. 107.
3 Ibid., pp.34-5.
4 所谓“旁系”是指与封建主具有血缘关系的旁系亲属，简称“旁系血亲”。“旁系血亲”与“直系血亲”相对应。“直系血亲”是指有直系血缘关系的亲属，从自身往上数的父、祖父、曾祖父等均为长辈直系血亲，从自身往下数的亲生子女、孙子女、曾孙子女皆为晚辈直系血亲。由此可见，查找直系血亲的关键是从自身为起点，然后向前向后直线溯求．所谓“旁系”，系指那些有着共同祖先，但彼此并无直接血缘关系的亲属。就像一棵树的众多树枝，虽然同根却彼此并不相干。例如约翰·斯蒂尔斯(John Stiles)有二子，二子的后代瓜瓞绵绵，这些后代皆以约翰·斯蒂尔斯为共同祖先，但他们之间是旁系关系。如果同样以自身为起点，自己的兄弟姐妹、伯伯、叔叔、姨母和侄、甥等这些平辈、长辈、晚辈，都是旁系血亲。旁系血亲呈水平分布．参阅William Blackstone,Commentaries on the Laws of England, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott company, 1859, Vol. 1. p. 202.
5 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, p.109.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.95.
2 Lawrence Stone 和 Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone
3 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, p. 112.
4 Ibid.,附录表4.5.
5 图中数据来源于 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, 附录表4.2。
1 图中数据来源于Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone., An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, 附录表4.2.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990, p .98.
2 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, 32 (1950), p.21.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p.117.
2 Ibid., p.118.
3 Ibid.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.50-1; Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.82.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.82, note44.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.51.
7 Ibid.
8 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.118; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.52.
1 关于平均利率,请参见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 17,或者Christopher Clay, "Marriage, Inheritance, and the Rise of Large Estates in England, 1660-1815", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 21, No. 3. (Dec., 1968), p. 508;关于夫妻婚姻平均延续年限,请参加Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, pp.55, 57.
2 1000*4%+900*4%+800*4%+700*4%+600*4%+500*4%+400*4%+300*4%+200*4%+100*4%=180
3 13000*25*4%=13000
4 13000**4%+11400*4%+9800*4%+8200*4%+6600*4%+5000*4%+3400*4%+1800*4%+200*4%=2376
5 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp. 116-7.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.54-5.
2 Ibid., p.56.
3 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p.115.
4 Ibid., p.115.
5 Maria L. Cioni,"The Elizabethan Chancery and Women's Rights", In D. J. Guth and J. M. Mckenna, eds., Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton From His American Friends, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982, p.176.
6 Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England 1550-1720, New York: Oxford University Press, 1998, p.177.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, London: Routledge, 1993, p.178.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.64; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.185.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, pp. 185-6.
4 例如，1729年的一个家产析分契约明确规定，妻子的零用钱不受丈夫控制，也不对丈夫的债务负责。而且，零用钱掌握在受托人手中，其开销在受托人的保护之下进行，受托人只有见到妻子的收据或签名时才同意从零用钱中支付。详见Susan Staves,Married Women's Separate Property in England,1660-1833,pp.138-9.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, p.131.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.79.
3 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p. 136.
4 参见本文第一章第三节．
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, Routledge, 1997, p.26; Susan Moller Okin, "Patriarchy and Married Women's Property in England: Questions on Some Current Views", Eighteen-Century Studies, Vol. 17, No.2 (Winter, 1983-1984), p. 136.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.80.
7 Susan Staves, "Pin Money", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, 14 (1985), pp.54-5.
1 Susan Staves, "Pin Money", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, 14 (1985), pp.55-6.
2 可以是从父母那里继承的财产，也可是未婚夫授予的财产，或者是自己积累的财产。
3 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp.26-7.
4 Michel H. Robert, "English Attitudes Towards Women 1640-1700", Canadian Joumal of History, 1 (1978), pp.52-3.
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modem England, p.108.
6 Ibid., p.214.
7 Ibid., p.124.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Properly in Early Modern England, p.123.
2 Janelle Greenberg, "The Legal Status of the English Women in Early Eighteenth-Century Common Law and Equity", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 4 (1975), pp. 176-7.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.106.
4 Ibid., p. 123.
5 Ibid., p.106.
6 Ibid., p. 123.
1 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), pp.297-312; Llyod Bonfieid, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Different View", Economic History Review, Second Series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), pp.461-466. Eileen Spring, "The Strict Settlement: Its Role in Family History", Economic History Review, Second Series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), pp. 454-60.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, New York: Longman, 1995, pp.237-8,
3 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.34.
1 F．R．艾略特 著，何世念等译：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，中国人民大学出版社，1992年版，第4-5页．
1 详见导言部分．
2 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, pp. 117.
3 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.20.
4 P. J. p. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 13-4.
5 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage, p.28; P. J. P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, p. 13; Peter Laslett, ed., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972, p.26; F. R.艾略特著，何世念等译：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，第5页．
6 P. J. P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, p.13.
7 E. Hallam," Some Thirteenth Century Censuses, Economic History Review 2nd Series, 10 (1958), pp.349-55.
8 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.66.
9 Zvi Razi, "The Myth of the Immutable English Family", Past and Present, No.140 (Aug.1993), p.42.
10 Peter Lasllet, "Mean Household Size in England Since the Sixteenth Century ", In Peter Lasllet and R. Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge University Press, 1972, pp.153, 149; P. J.P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, pp.16-20.
11 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.77.
1 洗礼和坚振礼都是天主教会的七大圣礼之一。洗礼即加入教会的仪式，亦称圣洗。基督教认为洗礼是耶稣基督亲自设立的圣事，不仅是信徒正式入教的仪式，而且象征着入教者的原罪和本罪得到赦免，为其接受圣灵和思典的证明，洗礼的施行主要有洒水(或称为点水礼)和受浸(或称浸礼)两种方式。洒水礼的意思就是牧师在主持洗礼时，用一点水洒在接受洗礼的信徒头上．浸礼的意思就是接受洗礼的信徒全人浸在水中。主礼的牧师扶持受漫礼的信徒向后仰全身浸入水中。信徒在接受了神父的洗礼一段时间后，还要接受主教的坚振礼。施礼时，主教将手按在信徒的头上，同时划十字，敷以圣油，同时念：“某某请借此印记，领受天恩圣神。”坚振礼可使“圣灵”降于受礼人之身，以坚定信仰，振奋心灵．使领受者的生命更为圆满，信仰更为坚强，做耶稣的勇兵，为耶稣作见证，传天国的福音。
2 Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England 1450-1800, London: Longman, 2001, p.40; Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.39.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.76-7.
1 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. 1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p .297.
2 Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, Translated from French by Robert Baldick, New York:Vintage Books, A Division of Random House, 1962, pp.33, 37, 50-61,128-9, 130-3, 411.
3 Ibid.,p.10.
1 Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, London: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.153-4.
2 Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family, New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, p.5.
3 Ibid., pp.5-6.
4 Ibid., pp.11-13.
5 Joan W. Scott, Review "The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, Signs, Vol.2, No.3 (Spring, 1977), p.692.
6 Hugh G. J. Aitken, Review 'The Making of the Modem Family' by Edward Shorter, in Journal of Economic History, Vol.38, No.2 (Jun., 1978), p.606.
7 Joan W. Scott, Review "The Making of the Modem Family" By Edward Shorter, Signs, Vol.2, No.3 (Spring, 1977), p.692-6.
8 Mary Matossian, Review "The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, The American Historical Review, Vol.81, No.4 (Oct., 1976), pp. 822-3.
1 Patricia Branca, Review" The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, The Journal of Modern History, Vol.49, No.1 (1977), p.119.
2 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, New York: Happer TorchBooks, 1979, pp.22-5.
3 Alan MacFarlane, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, History and Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Feb., 1979), p. 106.
4 Ibid., p.113, 116.
5 Ibid., pp.117-8.
6 David S. Berkowitz, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, Renaissance Quarterly, Vol.32, No.3 (Autumn, 1979), pp.400-1.
1 John R. Gillis, "Affective Individualism and the English Poor", Journal of Interdisciplinary, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Summer, 1979), p.124.
2 Keith Wrightson, English Society 1580-1680, p.92, 118.
3 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.297.
4 庄园法庭记录是研究家庭及家庭内部关系的绝好史料，例如，学者兹维·拉兹(Zvi Razi)通过研究英国赫尔佐温(Halesowen)地区的庄园法庭卷宗而取得了丰硕成果。详见Zvi Razi,"The Myth of the Immutable English Family",Past and Present,No.140(Aug.,1993,),p.5.
5 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.298.
6 Alan MacFarlane, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, History and Theory, Vol.18, No.1 (Feb., 1979), p.118.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries", In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and New York: The Hambledon Press, 1985, pp.223-230; J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England: The Heiress and Alien", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th Series, 35 (1985), pp.1-28.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, pp.22-3, 129-35.
2 Ibid., p.23.
1 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.96.
2 Ibid., p.97.
3 Ibid., pp.97-8.
4 普通法规定，寡妇的寡妇产是丈夫占有地产数量的1╱3，如果丈夫将其占有的地产的一部分限定由某子嗣继承，则该地产仍包括在寡妇产的基数里面。
1 详见本文第四章。
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.100.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.56, 84; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in early Modern England, pp.71,221.
4 Keith Wrightson, English Society 1580-1680, p.102.
1 Keith Wrightson, English Sciety 1580-1680, p.102.
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2 Conor McCarthy，Marriage in Medieval England：Law，Literature and Practice，Suffolk and New York：The Boydell Press，2004，p．51，与婚姻相关的财产继承有：新娘以从婆家获得的聘礼：新郎从新娘父亲处获得的嫁妆；丈夫因妻子去世而获得的鳏夫产(curtcsy)；妻子因丈夫去世而获得的寡妇产(dower)等。
1 主要指普通法继承规则(inheritance rules of common law)和封建土地保有制(feudal tenure system)的相关规定，详见本文第一章。
2 女嗣(heiress)是指封建主在没有子嗣的情况下的女性继承人。有两类人有可能成为封建主的女嗣：一是封建主的女儿。例如，在封建主只生有女儿的情况下，所有女儿都是女嗣。二是封建主的旁系女性亲属。例如，在封建主没有子女的情况下，如果封建主有几个姐妹，则她们都是封建主的女嗣。
3 余子女(younger children)是指封建主长子之外的其他子女。
4 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", In Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, Cambridge'. Cambridge University Press, 1979, pp.177-191.
1 弗朗西斯一世(1494-1547)，法国国王，1515-1547年在位。
2 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", p.180.
3 Ibid, pp. 181-2.
4 Ibid., pp.183-4.
5 Ibid., p. 188.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, Chapel Hill. NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993, p.112.
2 约翰·斯图亚特·米尔(1806-1873)，苏格兰经济学家、哲学家、官员、政治家。详见杰拉尔德·豪厄特主编：《世界历史词典》，马加瑞等译，商务印书馆，1988年。
3 John Stuart Mill, The Subjection of Women, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1790, pp.31-32, 转引自Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p. 113.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p. 113.
5 Ibid., p.88.
6 Ibid.
7 约翰·拉姆齐·麦卡洛克(1789-1864)，英国新闻记者和经济学家，详见杰拉尔德·豪厄特主编：《世界历史词典》，马加瑞等译，商务印书馆，1988年。
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, p.88.
9 Ibid.
1 亨利·萨姆纳·梅因(1822-1888)，英国法律学家和历史学家．
2 关于梅特兰及其对英国法律史的贡献，参见Patrick Wormald，“Frederick William Maitland and the Earliest English Law”Law and History Review，Vol．16，No．1(Spring,1998)，pp．1-25．
3 詹姆斯·哈维·鲁宾逊(1863-1936)，20世纪初美国“新史学”派的奠基人和倡导者，强调将史学研究的对象涵盖整个人类既往活动，注重采用语言学、心理学等方法进行综合研究，《新史学》一书为其代表作．
4 鲁滨逊对政治史主宰史坛的现象特别不满，并严正地指出了这种旧史学的这种弊端：“但是到如今政治史还是保存他的独尊地位，一班人看过去政治的事实，仍旧当做尽善尽美的历史。”之后，他提出了自己的观点：“就广义说起来，所有人类自出世以来所想的，或所做的成绩同痕迹，都包括在历史里面。大则可以追述古代民族的兴亡，小则可以描写个人得性情同动作。”详见鲁滨孙：《新史学》，何炳松译，广西师范大学出版社，2005年，第1、5页．
5 谈到这个问题时，鲁滨逊写道：“假使把他同历史同盟的科学思想，好好利用起来，很可以大大地增加历史研究的力量同范围，使研究历史的结果，比自古以来还要有价值。”详见鲁滨孙：《新史学》，何炳松译，广西师范大学出版社，2005年，第54页。
1 俞金尧：《从历史人口学到家庭人口学》，《历史研究》，1995年第1期，第93页。
2 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, p. 117.
3 核心家庭是指由一对夫妇及其子女构成的家庭，详见刘新成：《略论过渡时期的西欧家庭》，《首都师范大学学报》，1998年第2期．
4 勒普莱认为：中世纪及之前的时代流行的家庭为“家长式家庭(Patriarchal family)”，这种家庭结构稳定，重世系，家长一般会与成婚的儿子们一起居住；家长式家庭在近代转变为“根式家庭(stem family)，这种家庭也相对稳定，但与家长式家庭相比，其特殊之处在于，家长仅允许一名儿子(继承人)在婚后与其一起居住，其他子女则各持自己所得继承份额组建新家庭；根式家庭在工业化的催化下，逐渐演变成核心家庭(nuclear family)，这种家庭仅由父母和未婚的孩子组成，孩子一旦结婚，家庭便又面临着分裂。”另外，勒普莱特别强调了核心家庭是伴随着工业化的进程产生的。
5 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, p.47.
6 Ibid., p.121.
7 王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，《史学理论研究》，1999年第2期，第84页。
8 Richard Smith, "Some Issues Concerting Families and Their Property in Rural England 1250-1800", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, p.4.
1 Hans Medick, "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of the Household During the Transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism", Social History 3(1976), p.303.
2 结婚率是指某一社会中得以结婚的青年的比例，与之相对的是独身率。
3 Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, Cambridge University Press, 1980, p.39.
4 王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，第85-86页。
5 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge Unversity Press, ! 941, pp. 121-59.
6 Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, pp.3-4.
7 Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.43.
1 Richard Smith, "Some Issues Concerning Families and Their Property in Rural England 1250-1800", p.39.
2 Ibid., p.43.
3 Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Population Pressure, Inheritance and the Land Market in A Fourteenth-Century Peasant Community", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.130.
4 Jack Ravensdale, "Population Changes and the Transfer of Customary Land on a Cambridgeshire Manor in the Fourteenth Century", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, p.200.
5 Christopher Dyer, "Changes in the Size of Peasant Holdings in Some West Midland Villages 1400-1540", In Richard Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle, pp.277-94.
6 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. 1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.297.
1 Edward Short, The Making of Modern Family, New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1975; Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, New York: Harper and Row, 1977; Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth-Century England, New York: Academic Press, 1978: Lloyd Bonfield, Marriage Scttlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
2 签订此契约一般有以下几个步骤。一，封建主将家产托管给受托人(trustee)。二，封建主指示受托人赋予长子终生享用家产收益的权利，而不授予其处置家产的绝对权力。三，封建主将长子未来的长子指定为继承人。需要注意的是，这里长子之继承人获得的是全权处置家产的权力。四，封建主指示受托人从家产收益中抽出一部分为长子的余子女提供资助。并指示受托人将一部分家产授予长子及长媳共同占有。这部分家产就是上文所提及的夫妻共同占有地产(jointure)，如果长子先于长媳去世，则长媳即可靠此过活。详见本文第四章第一节。
3 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1500, p. 166.
4 Ibid., p.167.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.70.
6 Lawrence Stone, Review of Trumbach's The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, American Historical Review, 84:2 (April 1979), PP.456-457.
7 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. Ⅰ, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), pp.297-312.
1 Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge:. Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.2-3.
2 Keith Writhtson, English Society 1580-1680, London: Routledge, 1993; Alan Mcfarlane, Marriage and Love in England: Modes of Reproduction 1300-1840, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986; Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, London and New York: Langman, 1995; Mary Abbott, Family Ties: English Families 1540-1920, London: Routledge., 1995; Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England 1450-1800, London: Langman, 2001; Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England 1300-1800, 1993.
3 Kelth Writhtson, English Society 1580-1680, pp.103-4.
4 Colin Richmond, The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century: Fastolfs Will, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Joan Kirby, ed., The Plumpton Letters and Papers, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, Kingsford's Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290-1483, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
1 Alan Mcfarlane, Marriage and Love in England, pp.196-8.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, pp.234-38.
3 Mary Abbott, Family Ties, p.69.
4 Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England, pp.14-15.
5 Ibid.
6 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，北京大学出版社，1992年版；蒋孟引：《英国史》，中国社会科学出版社，1988年版；刘城：《英国中世纪教会研究》，首都师范大学出版社，1996年版；赵文洪：《私人财产权利体系的发展——西方市场经济和资本主义的起源问题研究》，中国社会科学出版社，1998年版；程汉大：《英国法制史》，齐鲁书社，2001年版．
7 何勤华：《英国法律发达史》，法律出版社，1999年版；张彩凤：《英国法制研究》，中国人民公安大学出版社，2001年版；李红海：《普通法的历史解读——从梅特兰开始》，清华大学出版社，2003年版；梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆，1959年版：S．F．C．密尔松著，李显东等译：《普通法的历史基础》，中国大百科全书出版社，1999年版；范·卡内冈著，李红海译：《英国普通法的诞生》，中国政法大学出版社，2003年版。
1 另见赵文洪：《中世纪西欧对私人财产权的制度性制约》，《世界历史》，1996年第5期。
2 张云鹤：《英国1290年买地法令的某些问题》，《历史研究》，1985年第3期。
3 满永谦：《中西继承制的比较研究——谦论中国封建社会的长期延续的原因》，《世界历史》，1988年第3期；王跃生：《中世纪中西财产继承的差异对人口发展的影响》，《史学理论研究》，1999年第2期，第84页．
4 国内学者不仅了解了西方家庭史研究的现状，例如：杨杰：《家庭史学派》，《世界史研究动态》，1987年第2期；俞金尧：《从历史人口学到家庭历史学》，《历史研究》，1995年第1期；俞金尧：《西方家庭史学的新发展——与家庭史学家奥茨曼教授访谈》，《史学理论研究》，1998年第4期；俞金尧：《儿童史研究四十年》，《中国学术》，2001年第4期；俞金尧：《欧洲历史上家庭概念的演变及其特征》，《世界历史》，2004年第4期。国内学者还向国内译介了一批西方家庭史经典著作，例如：迈克尔·米特罗尔、雷因哈德·西德尔：《欧洲家庭史》，华夏出版社，1987年版；艾略特：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，中国人民大学出版社，1992年版；安德烈·比尔基埃等主编：《家庭史》，生活·读书·新知三联书店，1998年版；斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，宝文堂书店出版，1991年版．
5 刘永涛：《对英国伊丽莎白时代婚姻社会的分析和思考》，《复旦大学学报》，1994年第1期；谢天冰：《近代化和英国家庭体制的变迁》，《世界历史》，1994年第3期；钱乘旦：《20世纪英国的妇女与家庭问题》，《世界历史》，1996年第3期；舒小昀：《变动社会中的家庭——以1778年英国韦姆沃西教区家庭为个案》，《东方论坛》，2000年第1期；舒小昀：《英国工业革命时期的家庭类型分析》，《青海师范大学学报》，2000年第2期；王赳：《英国维多利亚时期已婚妇女财产权的变迁》，《历史教学问题》，2002年第2期：郭俊、梅雪芹：《维多利亚时代中期英国中产阶级中上层的家庭意识探究》，《世界历史》，2003年第1期：宋严萍：《英国工业革命时期资产阶级的家庭观及成因探析》，《上海师范大学学报》，2003年第6期；丁雪明：《英国工业革命时期的家庭体制变迁》，《湘潭大学学报》，2005年第5期；陈宇：《15-17世纪英国婚姻与家庭演变的表现和动因》，《历史教学》，2005年第6期。
1 刘新成：《略论过渡时期的西欧家庭》，《首都师范大学学报》，1998年第2期，第72页。
2 俞金尧：《中世纪欧洲寡妇产的起源和演变》，载《世界历史》，2001年第5期。
3 Hana Krausman Ben-Amos, "Gifts and Favors: Informal Support in Early Modern England", Journal of Modern History, 2000, (2), Adolescence and Youth in Early Modern England, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994.
4 陈勇：《近代早期英国家庭关系研究新取向》，《武汉大学学报》(人文社科版)，2002年第1期，第27页．
5 互惠理论属于经济人类学范畴，1944年美籍匈牙利犹太学者卡尔·波拉尼出版《大转变》一书，正式奠定了互惠理论的学术基础和分析框架，所谓“互惠”，是一种与“再分配”各“市场交换”相对应的经济交换形式。这种个体化的交换发生于以血缘和伙伴关系结成的共同体中，它多表现为以“礼物”为媒介的义务性“赠予”关系。它并不局限于物质和服务的提供，更是一种广义的互助关系。转引自陈勇：《近代早期英国家庭关系研究新取向》，《武汉大学学报》(人文社科版)，2002年第1期，第27页．
6 参见本文第四章第二节。
7 参见本文第四章第二节。
1 K. B. Mcfarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, Oxfrod: Clarendon Press, 1980, p.65.
2 本特利(Jerry H．Bantley)，美国全球史专家，供职于夏威夷大学。
1 刘新成：《日常生活史与西欧中世纪日常生活》，《史学理论研究》，2004年第1期，第41-42页。
2 马修·黑尔(1609-1676)，1671-1676年任英国首席法官，对英国普通法的历史颇有研究，以其两部法律著作闻名于世，即《王座之诉的历史(Historia placitorum coronae)》(1736年出版)和《英国普通法史(History of the Common Law of England)》(1713年出版)。
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1971, p.117.
4 Ibid., p. 132.
1 封建主前后共设计了三种家产分配方案，它们是盛行于13、14世纪的是限嗣继承(entail)，流行于15、16世纪的是托管(uses)，和17、18世纪被广泛使用的是家产析分契约(suict settlement)．
2 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, London: Butterworths,, 1979, pp.193-4, 220, 249, 315-6.
3 动产在不同的司法系统中被冠以不同的称谓，普通法庭称之为Chattels，教会法庭称Moveable Goods。
4 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Propety in Early Modern England, London: Routledge, 1997, p.23.
1 比德是英国历史上的卓越学者、历史学家。他诞生于公元672或673年，生活在英国历史上的“七国时代”。《英吉利教会史》是他的代表作．关于比德的详细介绍见戚国淦先生为《英吉利教会史》中译本撰写的序言．
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.314;或参见比德著，陈维振、周清民译：《英吉利教会史》，商务印书馆，1997年版，第331页．
3 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, 1996, pp.313-17.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.357.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, Concise History of the Common Law, p.653.
6 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.142.
7 Ibid., p.133.
8 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland The Histow of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.2.
1 在英国历史上，贵族并非一个固定的群体，贵族在不同的时代所指不同。在诺曼征服之初，贵族主要指威廉一世分封的180名高级封臣。其中教会贵族30名，世俗贵族150名。在世俗贵族中，有12名获地最多，地位显赫，被称为伯爵(earl)，其余被称为男爵(baron)。在此之后的两百多年里，英国世俗贵族几乎可等同于伯爵和男爵称号。14、15世纪，在伯爵和男爵之外，又有公爵、侯爵、子爵兴起，公、侯、伯、子、男五级爵位制逐渐形成．同时，又因这五级爵位的持有者一般会接到国王授予的出席议会，并于上议院议事的召集令(summons)，贵族不再单指伯爵和男爵，开始特指拥有五级爵位的上院贵族(peerage)。16-18世纪，英国贵族的含义没有太大变化，仍指上院贵族。根据托尼(R．H．Tawney)的权威观点，乡绅阶层兴起于英国资产阶级革命前的一个世纪中(1540-1640年)，它包括贵族以下的四种土地所有者，即骑士(knight)、从骑士(esquire)、绅士(gentlemen)和1611年起封授的从男爵(baronet)．但乡绅阶层并非一开始就包括上述四类土地所有者。14世纪时，乡绅仅指骑士和从骑士．15世纪时，绅士才被纳入乡绅阶层。17世纪初，乡绅才包括了从男爵。在谈到乡绅兴起的原因时，托尼强调，乡绅精于地产的商业化经营，这使他们的经济实力不断增强，占有的地产逐渐增多，有的还因经济优势而跻身贵族行列。托尼还认为，在“乡绅的兴起”的同时，还伴随着“贵族的危机”．原因是上院贵族不善使用商业化经营地产之法，而且他们生活讲排场，奢靡成风。这一切都导致贵族家庭入不敷出，甚至变卖家产。托尼例举的一组数据最能反映同时存在的这两个趋势：在对1561-1640年10个郡中的3，300个庄园的所有权变化情况考察之后，托尼发现，1561年，在这10个郡中，王室、上院贵族、乡绅分别占有庄园297处(占总数的9％)、416处(占总数的12.6％)、2211处(占总数的67％)。到1640年，这些数据都有所变动，它们分别变为：66处(占总数的2％)、221处(占总数的6.7％)、2640处(占总数的80％)．但后来也有学者反对托尼将“乡绅的兴起”与“贵族的危机”联系起来的观点．认为“乡绅的兴起”并不一定要以“贵族的危机”为代价。不管怎样，乡绅阶层的兴起是毋庸置疑的。据统计，15世纪时，全英格兰乡绅家庭数量在6，000-9，000之间。到18世纪时．统计数据更清晰了。全英格兰乡绅家庭共13，000个，他们占有的地产占全英格兰地产总量的一半。以上数据来源于：R.H.Tawney,"The Rise of the Gentry,1558．1640",Economic History Review, Vol. 11, No. 1 (1941), pp.35-6; Eric Acheson, A Gentry Community:. Leicestershire in the Fifteenth Century,c. 1422-c.1485, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 34; H. R. Trevor-Roper, "The Gentry, 1540-1640",Economic History Review Supplements, Cambridge University Press, 1953, pp.8-11; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, London and New York: Rontledge, 1996, p.69.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, pp.88-89.
1 诺曼征服之后，威廉一世封赐大量地产给教俗贵族。他们的封地共占全国耕地面积的80％．1436年，上院贵族、乡绅、教会贵族和国王分别占据全英格兰地产的15-20％、25％、25％-35％。至1690年，上院贵族、乡绅、教会贵族和国王占据的地产分别占全英格兰地产的15-20％、45％-50％、5％-10％。由此可见，以国王为首的贵族、乡绅等上层封建主始终掌握着英格兰绝大部分的地产。以上数据来源于阎照祥：《英国贵族史》，人民出版社，2000年版，第36、153页。另外一组数据也能说明这个问题：14世纪末，英国上院贵族大约有60-70位，他们的地产年收入高者可达12，000英镑，中等者可达4000英镑，最低等者也在300英镑和1，300英镑之间．18世纪时，英国乡绅家庭共13，000个，它们掌握着英格兰一半的土地。以上数据来自Chris Given-Wilson,The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, pp.66, 69.
2 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modem England, p.77.
3 Ibid., p. 96.
4 Ibid.,p. 157.
5 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994 pp.59-62; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble Life, 1295-1500, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1976, pp.41-55.
1 Amy Louise Frickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.50.
2 Ibid., p.85.
3 Ibid., p.94.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.153.
2 Rowena E. Archer, "Rich Old Ladies: the Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers", In Tony Pollard, ed., Property and Politics: Essays in Late Medieval English History, Gloucester:. Alan Sutton Press, 1984, pp. 15-31.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.201.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.162.
2 参阅 Peter Burke, What is Cultural History? Cambridge, Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2004; Peter Burke, ed., New Perspective on Historical Writing, University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001; Peter Burke, ed., History and Historians in the Twentieth Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
3 易中天：《帝国的惆怅——中国传统社会的政治与人性》，文汇出版社，2005年版，第272页。
1 2006年之前，北京只有北京大学图书馆和中国社会科学院世界历史研究所图书馆拥有JSTOR数据库。这一时期，笔者的所能看到的国外学术论文皆来自北大的JSTOR。2006年初，刘新成先生以极具前瞻性的眼光，一再建议首都师大图书馆购买JSTOR。首都师大图书馆终于是年5月购买了JSTOR，并投入使用．之后，笔者新接触的国外学术论文全部来自首都师大JSTOR。
2 网址为: http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook.html; http://www.georgetown.edu/faculty/ballc/oe/oe-texts.html: http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/index.html; http://www.sunsite.berkeley.edu/; http://www.answers.com
3 格兰维尔(Ranulf de Granville，1130-1190)，他的早期生活不甚明朗，但他确实有着坎坷的政治生涯。1163-1170年间，格兰维尔任约克郡郡长一职．但在一次腐败调查中他被拉下了马，后来因阻击苏格兰侵略军有功而于1175年重新获职。1176年他被亨利二世任命为北部巡回法官。1180年他又被任命为最高法官．他也因此而成为亨利二世的得力助手，后来，正是在他的协助下亨利二世完成了司法改革。他的代表作是《英格兰法律及习惯(Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetutinibus Angliae)》，此书用拉丁文写成，于1188年左右发表．但学者统一认为，格兰维尔并非这一著作的真实作者，他只是负责监管此书的编辑工作。不管怎样，这是一部极具影响力的著作．在这部书中，作者主要论述了王室法院关于土地争讼的程序，也涉及世俗法庭和教会法庭的管辖权问题。一方面，作者通过记录、整理、汇编各种诉讼令状，并论述与令状相关的诉讼方式和程序，使其作品在反映当时审判实践及普通法最初状况的同时，具有学术分析的特点：另一方面，作者吸收了教会法和罗马法的法律观念和法律形式，来构筑自己作品的概念和体系，并由此促进英国王室法院适用的法律优越于地方法院适用的习惯法和程序法，使其逐步发展成为通用于全国的普通法．
4 亨利·德·布雷克顿(Henry de Bracton，1210-1268)，英国亨利三世时期的法官、法律史作家．他的真实名字应是布拉顿(Bratton)，这也是他出生的村庄的名字，他在法庭卷宗中的签名也都是布拉顿，但令人称奇的是，这一真实的名字却不为人知，而布雷克顿这一错误的名字却在他死后广泛传播．布雷克顿1245年被任命为巡回法官，负责德文郡、康沃尔(Cornwall)和萨默塞特等地区的司法．1247-1250年，1253-1257年被任命为御前法官(judge of the Coram Rege，相当于后来的王座法庭法官)。1257年，布雷克顿退休，1265年他又被亨利三世任命为最高法官。他的代表作是《论英国的法律和习惯(De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae)》。此书用拉丁文写成，在这一书中布雷克顿用 罗马民法和教会法的理论恰当地解释了英国的法律实践，这部书被认为是首次对普通法进行全面总结的著作，后来的法律作者大都引用过这一著作．
1 John Benmes, trans., A Translation of Gianville, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980; F. W. Maitland,Bracton's Note Book: A Collection of Cases Decided in the King's Courts During the Reign of Henry the Third, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1983; J. H. Baker and S. F. C. Milsom, Source of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, London: Butterworth, 1986; Jennifer Ward, trans., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1995; P. J. P. Goldberg, trans, and ed., Women in England c. 1275-1525:Documentary Sources, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1995; Colin Richmond, The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century : Fastolfs will, New York : Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, ed., The Armburgh Papers: The Brokholes Inheritance in Warwichshire, Hertfordshire and Essex,c.1417-c. 1453, Suffolk and New York: The Boydell Press, 1998;Joan Kirby, ed., The Plumpton Letters and Papers, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; Christine Carpenter, Kingsford's Stonor Letters and Papers, 1290-1483, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996; D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, London, 1953.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.31.
2 Nigel Saul, ed., Medieval England, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p.25.
1 Sir Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.142.
2 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979, pp.534-37.
3 塞恩(thegn)系指盎格鲁—撒克逊时代的职业军人，他们以战争为业，追随国王或大封建主，受他们供养，也为他们服务，以后逐渐形成封建主阶级。见马克垚著《英国封建社会研究》，北京大学出版社1992年版，第15—16页。
4 Dorothy Whitelock,ed.,English Historical Documents, Vol.1,pp.567-8.
5 海德(hide)为古代英格兰的土地单位，1海德约合60—120英亩。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第39页。
6 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1, pp.537-8.
7 H. R. Lyon, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest, London: Longman Inc. 1991, p.190.
8 Florence Griswold Buckstaff, "Married Women's Property in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman Law and the Origin of the Common Law Dower", Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.4 (Sep., 1893), pp.33-64.
9 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，宝文堂书店出版1991年版，第270页。
1 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.596.
2 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第272页。
3 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p. 393.
4 D.C. Douglas, and G W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.403; Rolf H. Bremmer Jr., "Widows in Anglo-Saxon England ", In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch, Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widowhood, London: Routledge, 1995, p.59.
5 H.R. Loyn, Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest, 1991, p. 188, 另见卡纽特时期法律73a款,载D.C. Douglas, and G. W. Greenaway, eds., English Historical Documents, Vol.2, p.465.
6 Rolf H. Bremmer Jr., "Widows in Anglo-Saxon England ", p.61.
7 Bryce Lyon, A Constitutional and Legal History of Medieval England, London: W·W·North & Company, 1980, p.96.
8 Ibid., pp.94-5.
9 卡纽特(公元995—1035年)，又称卡纽特大王，丹麦国王，曾于1016年征服英格兰并统治18年之久，建立起包括英格兰、丹麦、挪威、冰岛、格陵兰，也许还包括北美部分地区在内的大帝国。在他统治期间曾颁布著名的《卡纽特法典》．具体参阅James Ingram,trans.The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,London：Dent 1929,pp.114-120.
10 Bryce Lyon, A Constitutional and Legal History of Medieval England, p.95.
11 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.4.
12 Helen M. Jewell, Women in Medieval England, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1996, p.29.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.5.
2 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第261页。
3 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.4.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.314.
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.23.
6 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond: Three Essays in the Early History of England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, p.257.
7 Ibid., p.243.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward 1, Vol. 1, p.60.
2 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p.310.
3 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第28页。
4 F. W. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p.298.
5 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol.1, p.568.
6 斯图尔特·A·奎因，罗伯特·W·哈本斯坦：《世界婚姻家庭史话》，第262页。
7 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.317.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.318.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., pp.318-9.
4 Ibid., p.315.
5 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.316.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.320.
2 Ibid., p.231.
3 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986, p.2.
4 Ibid., p.6.
5 “领有”和“保有”同义，都有从上级封君那里获得土地的意思，下同．
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.6.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.239.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.244.
2 Ibid., p.240.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.11.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland. The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.243.
5 例如教会从中间封君A处取得一块教会保有地，义务是为A的祖先祈祷．A的此土地却是以服军事役为条件领自国王，其中应付国王的义务就是文中所述外在义务．
6 令状，又称敕令．是10世纪时出现的一种公文程式，较为简捷，只是用国王向某人致意作为开头语，下面直接叙述国王的命令，令某人完成某件任务等。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第90-91页。
1 参见Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.246-8, 或马克垚:《英国封建社会研究》,第109、113页。
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.248.
3 Ibid., p.250.
4 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundation of the Common Law, London: Butterworths, 1981, p. 113.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.475.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.1, p.252.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.477.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.259.
3 此词英文为knight's fee，本文沿用马克垚先生的译法。详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第132页。
4 此处海德(hide)和卡鲁卡特(carucate)都是古英格兰的土地单位，其中1海德约相当于60-120英亩，1卡鲁卡特约合100英宙，但常随土质的不同而变化．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第39页．
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.257.
6 Ibid., p.254.
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.476.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I,Vol.1,p.267, 其实“盾牌钱”一词早在1100年就出现了，详见F.M.Stenton,The First Century of English Feudalism,1066-1166,Oxford,p.178.
2 马克(mark)，古英格兰货币单位，相当于13先令4便士，下同．
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.268.
4 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第134页。
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.271.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.8.
2 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第130页。
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.290.
4 Ibid.
5 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.480.
6 托马斯·德·利特尔顿(Sir Thomas de Littleton，1407—1481)爵士，亨利六世、爱德华四世时的法官、法律史作家．1453年他被任命为北部的巡回法官，1466年，他被任命为普通诉讼法庭(court of common pleas)法官。他的代表作是《土地保有法(Treatise on Tenures)》，完成于1475年，用掺杂英语词组的诺曼法语写成，是第一步详尽论述英国财产法的著作．它以《年鉴(Year Book)》和法庭卷宗为资料来研究各种土地保有形式，通过逻辑整理，赋予其一定的体系。它首次从实体法的角度进行论述，作为首部刊印的权威性法律著作，因而在英国法学界广为传播。两个世纪后科克(Sir Edward Coke)又为它作了注释，成为19世纪前英国法学家的必读之书。
7 A.W.B.Simpson,A History of the Land Law,p.13.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.291. 38
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, pp. 18-19; J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.206-7.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.351-6; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, pp. 19-20; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p .206.
3 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 1, p.310.
4 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第139页。
5 关于封臣的财产权和继承权，及其二者之间的关系，参见Richard M Smith, "Some Thought on 'Hereditary' and 'Proprietary' Rights in Land Under Customary Law in Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Century England", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.1 (Spring, 1983), pp.95-128.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.30-31.
2 封臣在转让地产前须取得自身继承人和封君的同意．详见S.E.Thorne,"English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal,(1959),p.194.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.198-99.
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.38-39.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997, pp.51-55.
1 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, pp.65, 107.
2 S. E. Thorne, "English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal, (1959), pp.196-9.
3 Ibid., pp.197, 199.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.49.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A Histoty of the Land Law, p.50.
2 S. E. Thome, "English Feudalism and Estates in Land", Cambridge Law Journal, (1959), pp.201-2; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.50.
3 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, pp.209-211.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.53.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.212.
6 Ibid., pp.211,217.
7 Ibid., p.214.
1 替代一般都采取这种方式，因此封臣只要采取这种方式，就必须取得封君的同意，否则替代将无法完成。详见John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.215.
2 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.212.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.53.
4 Ibid.
5 John Hudson, Land, Law, and Lordship in Anglo-Norman England, p.217.
6 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, pp.311-23; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.193-5; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.62.
1 James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.6.
2 详见Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward l,Vol.2, pp.82-4.
1 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.3.
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第116页。
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.4.
4 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。
5 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.39.
6 Ibid., p.42.
7 L. B. Curzon, English Legal History, London: Macdonald and Evens, 1979, p.16.
1 王廷在盎格鲁萨克逊时期称贤人会议(witan)，它不处理司法事务，即使少数案件能到达贤人会议，它也是将其按照政治纠纷处理．而在征服之后则转换为真正意义上的法庭，具有了司法功能，同时收回了散落在地方法庭的司法权．
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。
3 同上，第88页．
4 T. F.T.Plucknett,A Concise History of the Common law,p.13.
5 克拉伦顿宪章的通过要从英国的教俗权力之争说起，12世纪60年代，教会和王权的权力之争日渐激烈，坎特伯雷大主教托马斯·贝克特和亨利二世之间问的冲突也达到了白热化的程度。二者争论的焦点是教士罪犯的审理权问题。亨利二世认为，教士犯罪后，应先被传讯到世俗法庭，在其教士身份得以确认后再转送教会法庭。教士在教会法庭上被削职后，还应回到世俗法庭上受罚。贝克特认为，这样的操作程序会导致二次惩罚。于是，贝克特否定了亨利二世的观点．1164年，亨利二世不顾教会的反对在克拉伦顿召开集会，与众贵族们一起重申了“祖先曾享受过的权力”，并宣布这些权力将由世俗法庭行使，而非教会法庭．这个文件后来被称作“克拉伦顿宪章”。其主要内容大致如下：“教士犯杀人罪，由王廷先行审理；国王的总封臣及王田上之官吏，在未向国王申诉前，不得处以开除出教之罪；如主教、大主教等是国王封臣，则应遵守封建习惯完成一应义务：如王田之上主教职、修院长职出缺时，应收归国王掌握。而这些职务的补缺选举，应在国王的小教堂中进行，所选人员应得到国王同意。选出的人选在就职前，应先对王行臣服礼及宣誓效忠。”参见J.H.Baker,An Introduction to English Legal History,pp．111-112;Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I,Vol. 1,pp.124,137,447-457,内容部分参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第109页。
1 O. F. Robinson, An Introduction to European Legal History, Oxon: Professional Books Ltd., 1985, p.231.
2 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第110页．
3 王座之诉指一些被认为是破坏了国王的和平及特权的重大案件，这些案件只能由王廷审理，其收入也归国王所有。后来出现的亨利一世的法律中列举了之类案件的内容，包括破坏国王的和平、背叛、破坏效忠宣誓、谋杀、伪造、抢劫、强奸、疏忽军役等．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第108页。或参见J.H.Baker,An Introduction t0 English Legal History,pp.24,35-6.
4 马克堯：《英国封建社会研究》，第111页．
5 关于这两个敕令，请参阅马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第113-114页。
6 马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第112页．
7 Statute of Westminster(1275), the Statute of Gloucester(1278), Statute of Wales, Statute of Westminster the second (1285).
1 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.18.
2 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1859, Vol.1, p.201.
3 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.150.
4 William Blackstone, William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England,Vol.1, p.202.
1 法兰克《撒利克法典》就完全排斥女性，女性永不得继承
2 Matthew Hale,The History of the Common Law of England，p．142．虽然威廉为了适应军事需要而对以前的法律稍作改动，即规定封臣持有的带头衔的封地必须由长子继承，而一般封地还是遵循原制度。
3 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.213.
4 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, London: Methuen & co, Ltd, 1923, Vol.3, p. 172.
5 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.143.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.266.
7 这里的“共享”是诺曼底的一种习俗，其规则是指除军事保有地(military tenure，指封建主以服军役为条件而占有的土地)之外的其他地产均由诸子女平分，军事保有地则由长子继承。但实际上，真正由长子独自继承的只是附着于军事保有地之上的爵位和名号，而军事保有地的土地仍要和其他子女平分，附着于土地之上的军役义务虽由长子履行，但其他子女须按分得土地的份额给长子以补偿。形成“共享习俗”的目的是要保持附着于军事保有地之上的爵位、名号和军事义务的完整性．
8 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the -time of Edward 1, Vol.2, p.264.
9 Ibid., p.266.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.267.
2 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, pp.147-8.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, New York: Palgrade, 2001, p.112.
4 Ibid.
5 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.271.
1 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p. 112.
2 此处的“自然法则”是指平分遗产的习惯。
3 前面已提及诸子的共享，即由长子继承头衔和名号，并代表诸兄弟向封君行臣服礼、服军役，诸幼子从长子那里间接取得土地。此原则在无子嗣时也适用于诸女。
4 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.276.
5 Ibid., p.276.
6 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.174.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.283.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.645.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.175.
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.645-64.
4 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.129.
5 Ibid.
6 威廉·布莱克斯通爵士(Sir William Blackstone，1723-1780)，英国法官、法理学家。布莱克斯通的父母早逝，他是在舅舅的监护下长大成人，并在查特豪斯公学(Charterhouse)接受了教育。1746年，他在伦敦进入了律师行业。但他一直没有放弃学习，并于1750年获得了民法学博士学位。之后，他放弃了做律师的工作，潜心钻研学术，由此开始了他在牛津的工作．在此期间，他的一系列关于英国法律史的讲座大获成功，每年都吸引大批学生。英国功利主义学说的创始人边沁(Jeremy Beatham 1748-1832)对他的讲座大加称赞，说他是一个富有影响力的演讲者．1758年，布莱克斯通被晋升为教授并开始着手出版讲稿的事宜，其实在此之前，各种关于其讲座内容的手抄本和盗印版本已经在民众中广为流传，但其中舛误良多。于是布莱克斯通打算出版一本正确的版本以正视听。1765年第一卷得 以正式出版，书名为《英国法律评论(Commentaries on the Laws of England)》，在之后的四年中，剩余几册也相继面世．这部书更系统地、细致地总结了英国普通法发展的历史，语言优美，文笔犀利，非常适合学习法律的学生使用，再加上它价格便宜，所以在全世界通行普通法的地区都非常受欢迎，发行量超过以往任何法律著作．成名之后的布莱克斯通被迫放弃学术而重新回到律师行业，后来又参与了政治，但这些经历都无法超过他在学术上的成就。1770年前后，他选择了激流勇退，开始担任王座法庭法官，后来又担任了普通诉讼法庭法官，直到他去世。
1 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.132.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.190.
3 Ibid., p.191.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.,p.190.
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.194.
3 布里顿(Britton)是一本关于英国法律的著作的名字，最初是用法语写成的，有学者称，这本书是由爱德华一世授意写作的。关于这部书的作者，学者们有很大的争论。有学者认为，这部书的作者是赫里福德(Hereford)主教约翰·勒·布雷顿(John le Breton)，但后来学者们发现布雷顿死于1275年，而书中的一些事件晚于这一时间。例如1290年的卖地法就出现在该书中。英国塞尔登协会(Selden Society)则认为此书得名于英国首席法官布雷克顿(Henry de Bracton)，因布雷克顿的名字在卷宗中有时被拼成Bratton和Bretton，己非常接近于Britton。据此，协会猜测，此书可能是布雷克顿著作的删节增补版，主要为王室编辑。因这部书不仅部分内容与布雷克顿的著作重复，还增补了布雷克顿死后的许多法令。
4 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p. 194.
5 Ibid., p. 195.
6 Ibid., p.525.
7 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, Butterworths, 1979, p.396.
8 Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention By Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1(Apr., 1972), p.100.
9 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.527.
1 一种谷物容量单位，大约等于八蒲式耳．
2 W. S. Hoidsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.528.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.398.
4 Richard H. Helmholz, "Married Women's Wills in Later Medieval England", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1997,pp.165-6.
5 费利塔(Fleta)是一篇关于英国法律的文章，它的副标题是英国普通法史(juris Anglicani，on the common law of England)．从文章的内容判断，此文应完成于爱德华一世统治期间。大约在1290年．从这篇文章的写作风格看，作者好像在是模仿布雷克顿的笔法，但技术拙劣．据说作者本人是在费利伍德(Flectwood)的监狱中完成此论文的，故因此而得名。有人推测，此作者就是因玩忽职守而被国王爱德华监禁的数名法官之一．
6 根据教会法的规定，丈夫如果先于妻子去世，妻子可以获得丈夫占有动产的1╱3，孩子可以获得1／3。如果没有孩子，则妻子可以获得丈夫占有动产的1／2。参见W．S．Holdsworth，A History of English Law，p．550．
7 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.543; Richard H. Helmholz, "Married Women's Wills in Later Medieval England", p. 166.
8 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p.523.
9 Ibid., p.531.
1 半血缘是指同父异母或同母异父而产生的关系。
2 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.229.
1 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.1, p.234.
2 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, pp.289-296.
1 参阅Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, pp.155-9.
2 图表源于William Blaekstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol.2, p.240.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.265.
2 梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆1959年版，第134页。
3 军役保有地(knight's service)是指封建主以服军役为条件领自上级封君的地产。详见本章第二节。或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第132页。
4 Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England, p.143.
5 Joan Thirsk, "The European Debate on Customs of Inheritance, 1500-1700", In Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, 1979, p. 184.
6 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.264.
7 详见本章第一节，或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第134页；Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland,The History of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward I, Vol. 1, pp.271, 291.
1 Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maitland. The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.262.
2 关于普通法庭和地方法庭的关系，详见Frank I. Schechter, "Popular Law and Common Law in Medieval England", Columbia Law Review, Vol.28, No.3 (Mar., 1928), pp.269-299.
1 M. M Sheehan, "The Influence of Canon Law on Property Rights of Married Women in England", In James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.22.
2 普通法在很多方面确实因受到教会法的影响而发生了改变，具体参见David J. Seipp, "The Reception of Canona Law and Civil Law in Common Law Courts Before 1600", Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, Vol.13, No.3 (Autumn, 1993), pp.388-420.
3 Ibid., pp.24-28.
4 参见James A. Brundage, "Widows and Remarriage: Moral Conflicts and Their Resolution in Classical Canon Law", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England ,The University of Michigan Press, 1977, pp. 17-31.
5 详见: Lloyd Bonfield and L. R.Poss,"The Development of Deathbed Transfers in Medieval English Manorial Courts", In Zvi Razi and R.M. Smith, eds., Medieval Society and the Manor Court, Oxford Unversity Unversity Press, 1996; Zvi Razi, "Manorial Court Rolls and Local Population:An East Anglian Case Study", Econimic History Review, Vol.49, No.4 (1996), pp.758-763; Zvi Razi, "The Myth of the Immutable English Family", Past and Present, No.140 (Aug., 1993), pp.3-44; Zvi Razi, "The Use of Manorial Court Rolls in Demographic Analysis: A Reconsideration", Law and History Review, Vol.3, No. 1 (Spring, 1985), pp.191-200.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, p.30; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.25.
2 T.F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.613-14.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.90.
4 详见: Sara M. Butler, "The law as a Weapon in Marital Disputes: Evidence from the Late Medieval Court of Chancery, 1424-1529", Journal of British Studies, Vol.43, No.3 (Jul., 2004), pp.291-316; Maria Cioni, "The Elizabethan Chancery and Women's Rights", In D. J. Guth, and J. M. Mckenna, eds., Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton from His American Friends, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982, pp.159-182; Timothy S. Haskett, "The Medieval English Court of Chancery", Law and History Review, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Autumn, 1996), pp.245-313; P. Tucker, "The Early History of the Court of Chancery:. A Comparative Study", English Historical Review, Vol. 115, No.463 (Sep., 2000), pp.791-811.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, p.26.
2 关于婚姻授产契约、零用钱和夫妻共同占有财产，请参阅本文第四章。
1 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.495; Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.110.
1 J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.250.
2 Edwin Maxey, "Disposition of Land by Will in England", The Virginian Law Register, Vol. 10, No. 11 (Mar., 1905), pp.969-971.
1 参见S．F．C．Milsom，The Legal Framework of English Feudalism，London：Cambridage University Press，1977，pp．86，163n．6，164-6，169-70，或参阅马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第113-114页．
2 封地又称采邑，是封建社会封建主占有土地的主要形式．英国在诺曼征服之后引入了欧洲大陆流行的封土制，形成了层层分封的封建制．国王是最大的封君，名义上所有全国的土地，他将地产分封给很多总封臣(tenant-in-chief)，作为回报，总封臣向国王履行各种义务，主要是军事义务．总封臣也会依照这种形式将获得的部分封地分封给下级封臣，作为回报，下级封臣也会向总封臣履行各种义务．总封臣的下级封臣还可能会继续向下分封，直到这种分封阶梯延续到直接经营该封地的末级封臣(tenant in demesne)。在这种层层分封的封建关系中，除了国王和末级封臣之外，其他封建主都是中间封君(mesne lord)，中间封君既是封君，又是封臣．详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，pp．229-240．
3 封建主的血缘亲属是指他的子女、兄弟姐妹、侄子(外甥)、侄女(甥女)，包括直系亲属和旁系亲属。如果封建主有子女，则其子女是与封建主血缘关系最近的亲属。如果封建主没有子女，或子女夭折，则其的兄弟姐妹是与封建主血缘关系最近的亲属．依次类推。
4 王室法庭在中央主要有普通诉讼法庭(court of common pleas)、王座法庭(King's bench)和财政署法庭(exchequer)，在地方上主要是巡回法庭(justices in eyre)。参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第118-120页。
1 参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第144页。
2 除非封君在分封时明确规定，封地仅供封臣享用一世。此时的封地就是所谓的“终身地产(life tenancy)”。
3 参见本文第一章第三节。
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, 1176-1502, p. 14; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.289-295.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.289-290.
1 关于嫁妆的历史，请参阅James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987, pp.344-45, 388, 395, 431,458, 461,480, 494, 516-17, 540-42.
2 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.7.
3 Ibid., p.153.
4 Jennifer Ward,trans. and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.26.
1 Jennifer Ward,trans. and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.28-9.
2 Ibid., p.29-30.
3 Jennifer Ward, Noblewomen in Late Medieval England, New York: Longman, 1992, p.24.
4 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.16.
1 具本内容参见J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, London: Butterworths, 1986, pp.48-50.
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.81-85; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.488-498; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.10-25; J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.48.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.157.
2 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", In Jack Goody, Joan Tirsk, and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, 1979, p.315.
3 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, pp. 157-8.
4 Ibid., p.156.
1 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.32.
2 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.313.
3 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages: The Fourteenth-Century Political Community, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, pp. 164-5.
4 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.313-5
1 J.P. Cooper,"Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries",pp.316-7.
2 封建主这样做的主要目的是通过受托人的再分封将地产转变成终身地产，之所以要通过受托人转手，是因为普通法禁止封建主授予自己地产。地产性质转变后，封建主往往让受托人将地产授予自己与妻子共同占有。这样做的目的有二：其一，为妻子守寡时的生活着想。封建主去世后，妻子守寡时仍可享用该地产；其二，为了规避上级封君的监护和婚姻权，这一点在第三章中将有详细论述。详见J.M.W.Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,Manchester University Press,New York,1968,pp.72,112.
3 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957, pp.47-8.
4 这四处地产分别位于 Great Taunton、Blisland、Helston、Carnanton。
1 这三处地产分别位于Barrowden、Greentham、Hundred of Wrangdyke。
2 G. A. Holms, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.48.
3 Iibd., p.47.
4 Ibid., p.50.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, p.90.
2 Michael A. Hicks, ed., Who is Who in Late Medieval England, 1272-1485, London: Shepheard-Walwyn (publishers) Ltd, 1991,pp. 13, 44, 253, 273, 334, 349; Christine Carpenter, "The Beauchamp Affinity:. A Study of Bastard Feudalism at Work", The English Historical Review, Vol. 95, No. 376 (Jul., 1980), pp. 514-532.
3 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.108-9.
4 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980, pp.72-3.
5 根据 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.141-2; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.72-3 所载信息绘制。
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.141-142.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.136.
3 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.61.
4 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.144.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p. 191.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.272-3.
2 Ibid., p.273.
3 Ibid., pp.273-4.
4 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.57.
5 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p.88.
6 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.83.
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.495.
8 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, p. 110.
9 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.90.
1 Joseph Biancalana, The Fee Tail and the Common Recovery in Medieval England, pp.126-7.
2 S.J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.58.
3 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, pp.53-4.
1 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.313-5.
2 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.54.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p. 136.
4 Ibid., pp.136-7.
1 根据Chris Given-Wilson，The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages，pp．141-2；K．B．McFarlane，The Nobility of Later Medieval England，pp．72-3所载信息绘制．
1 总封臣(tenant-in-chief)指国王的直接封臣，他们直接从国王手中保有地产。这里借用了马克垚先生的译法
2 S. F. C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries ", In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and Ronceverte: the Hambledon Press, pp.236-7.
3 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, London and Rio Grande: The Hambledon Press, 1997, p.251.
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial Eagland: 1066-1215, pp. 233-4.
1 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.274-278.
2 参见本文第一章第二节
3 参见本文第一章第二节
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.253.
5 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, pp.174-5.
1 E.A. Wrigley, "Fertility Strategy for the Individual and the Group", In Charles Tilly, ed., Historical Studies in Changing Fertility, Princeton, 1978, p.139.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.10.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.11.
2 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.245-69; S. F. C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries ', In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and Ronceverte: the Hambledon Press, p.231-260.
3 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.256.
4 这条法律的拉丁文名称是"statutum decretum"，意思是：如果封建主没有儿子，则其地产由诸女嗣分割继承，长女不能强行夺取幼妹的份额。文书全部内容参阅F. M.Stenton,The First Century of English Feudalism,1066-1166,The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1954, pp.37-39.
5 Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the English Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, pp.100-101
6 Ibid., pp.101-2.
1 F. M. Stenton, The First Century of English Feudalism, 1066-1166, p.263.
2 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien', In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.257.
1 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages: Class, Status and Gender, London: Macmillan Press LTD, 1995, p.262.
2 资料来源于Jennifer Ward, trans, and ed., Women of the Eaglish Nobility and Gentry 1066-1500, p.101.
1 S.J. Payiing, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic History Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), pp.59-60.
1 Howard Kaminsky, "Estate, Nobility, and the Exhibition of Estate in the Late Middle Ages", Speculum, Vol.68, No.3 (July, 1963), pp.684-709.
2 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 196.
3 梅因著，沈景一译：《古代法》，商务印书馆，1959年版，第132-36页。
4 J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England, IV: The Heiress and the Alien", In J. C. Holt, Colonial England: 1066-1215, p.247.
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.19.
6 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 199.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.65.
2 Ibid., p.196.
3 关于15世纪贵州的收入,详见 C.D. Ross and T.B. Pugh, "Materials for the Study of Baronial Incomes in Fifteenth-Century England", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol.6, No.3 (1953), pp.185-194.
4 Ibid., p.66.
5 A. R. Myers, ed., English Historical Documents, 1327-1485, Eyer & Spottiswoode, 11 New Fetter Lane, London, E. C. 4, 1998, pp.477-8.
6 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic History Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.54.
7 Ibid.
1 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", p.55.
2 Peter Fleming. Familv and Household in Medieval England, New York: Palgrave, 2001, p.120.
3 姜福德：《社会变迁中的贵族——16-18世纪英国贵族研究》，商务印书馆，2004年版，第44页。
4 出处同上。
5 S. H. Rigby, English Society in the Late Middle Ages, p. 197.
6 Ibid.
7 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.273.
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.20.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.273.
2 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 151.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.272-3.
1 参见本文第一章第一节。
2 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 138.
3 参见本章第一节，或参见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第144页。
1 参见本章第二节。
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.86-7.
3 Michael M. Sheehan, "The Bequest of Land in England in the High Middle Ages: Testaments and the Law", In James K. Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, p.312.
1 S.J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No. 1 (1992), p.60.
2 Ibid., p.61.
3 例如，国王艾塞尔布雷特(Aethelberht)于公元597年颁布的法律第78条显示，寡妇可以获得丈夫财产的一半作为寡妇产。见Theodore John Rivers，“Widows’Rights in Anglo-Saxon Law”，The American Journal of Lagal History,Vol．19，No．3(Jul．，1975)，p．211。再如：伊尼法典(laws of Ine c．AD．690)就规定：“若妻子生有儿女，则在丈夫去世后，她每年能得到6先令(shillings)作为生活之资。这个数额相当于夏天的一头奶牛和冬天的一头公牛价值的总和(伊尼法典第38条)。”见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents，Vol．1，p．403，或见Rolf H．Bremmer Jr．，“Widows in Anglo-Saxon England”，In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch，Between Poverty and the Pyre：Moments in the History of Widowhood，p．59。国王埃塞尔雷德(Ethelred)于1008年颁布的法典(Etheired's code of 1008)中也规定：“每位行为检点的寡妇都受上帝和国王的保护”，“每位寡妇在守寡满12个月之后都有再婚的自由”。见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents，Vol．1，p．445。再如，卡纽特时期法律也有相关规定：寡妇不能被强迫嫁给她不喜欢的人，寡妇守寡12个月之后就有再谈婚论嫁的自由，寡妇可以获得丈夫赠予的晨礼(mormingo-gift)，但须以一年不改嫁为条件，若寡妇在其夫去世一年之内再嫁，则此不动产由亡夫之族人收回．见Dorothy Whitelock，ed．，English Historical Documents,Vol．1，pp．465-6，或见H．R．Loyn，Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Conquest，p．188。在实践中，对遗孀的安排往往在丈夫的遗嘱中占相当多的篇幅，丈夫有时会相当信任，会将全部土地授予遗孀．例如：郡长阿尔夫黑(Alfheah)在他的遗嘱这样写道：“如果我先于妻子阿尔夫斯韦思(Alfswith)而去，她除了能得到寡妇产(dower)之外，还能得到我的其它全部地产。”见Rolf H．Bremmer Jr．，“Widows in Anglo-Saxon England”，In Jan Bremmer and Lourens Van der Bosch，Between Poverty and the Pyre：Moments in the History of Widowhood，p．61．盎格鲁-撒克逊时期，丈夫一般在新婚的第二天早上授予妻子一部分财产作为其寡妇产，这种财产通常被称为“晨礼(morning gift)”。如果丈夫此时没有给予妻子财产，则在他去世后，寡妇根据法律一般可以获得丈夫财产的三分之一作为寡妇产．见George L．Haskins，“The Development of Common Law Dower”，Harvard Law Review，Vol．62， No. 1(Nov., 1948), p.43。另外，盎格鲁-撒克逊时代的寡妇还享有遗嘱权和自由出卖财产的权利。见Theodore John Rivers,"Widows' Rights in Anglo-Saxon Law", The American Journal of Legal History, Vol. 19, No. 3(Jul., 1975), p.214,或参阅Victoria Thompson, "Women, Power, and Protection in Tenth-and Eleventh-Century England", In Noel James Menuge, ed.,Medieval Women and the Law, New York: The Boydell Press, 2003, pp. 1-17。例如，亨利一世在他的加冕文书(Coronation Charter)中就许诺，寡妇有权拥有寡妇产(dower)，有权重新占有其嫁妆，有权自由选择是否再婚、与谁再婚。见David C. Douglas, ed., English Historical Documents, New York: Oxford University Press, Vol.2, pp.432-3.或见Rowena E. Archer, "Rich Old Ladies: The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers" In Tony Pollard. ed., Property and Polities: Essays in Late Medieval English History. Gloucester : Alan Sutton Press. 1984.p．16。再如，“无地王”约翰不顾长期以来形成的惯例，规定寡妇必须向国王缴纳高额的税金后才能获得再婚自由。约翰此举遭到了贵族的反对，最终不得不在大宪章(Magna Carta)中重新肯定了寡妇的各项权利。《大宪章》第7条规定“寡妇在其丈夫死后应不受任何留难立即取得其嫁妆和遗产。她不用为取得她的寡妇产、妆奁，以及在其丈夫生前由她和她的丈夫共同拥有的财产中归她继承的遗产而支付任何代价。她可以在其丈夫死后，在亡夫的家宅中滞留40天。在此期限内应将她的寡妇产转拨于她”．《大宪章》的第11条规定，不能用寡妇产来偿付亡夫生前所欠债务．见俞金尧：《中世纪欧洲寡妇产的起源和演变》，载《世界历史》，2001年第5期，第57页，或见Rowena E.Archer,"Rich Old Ladies:the Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers",In Tony Pollard,ed.,Property and Politics:Essays in Late Medieval English History,Gloucester.Alan Sutton Press,1984,p17。约翰王统治期间的这一变故从反面说明了寡妇权益在当时社会中的稳固性。
2 教会从使徒时代(apostolic times)就开始关注寡妇这一特殊人群。这大半是因为教会认为寡妇是不幸的人(miserabilis persona)，值得同情．在之后的几个世纪里，教会主要从以下几个方面入手对寡妇权益进行保护：其一，教会支持寡妇再婚或是独身的自由选择权；其二，教会支持寡妇的寡妇产权．尽管教会无法将丈夫赠予妻子寡妇产列为婚姻有效的必要条件，但教会强烈赞许新郎在教堂门口赠予妻子寡妇产的行为，因为这种公开的赠予为婚姻的公开性营造了良好的气氛；其三，教会支持离婚后的妻子向前夫索回嫁妆的诉求；其四，教会支持寡妇的立遗嘱的权力．详见Michael M. Sheehan, "The Influence of Canon Law on the Property Rights of Married Women in England" In James K.Farge, ed., Marriage, Family, and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, pp. 16-30.
3 参见W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, pp. 189-97; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.506-7; George L. Haskins, "The Development of Common Law Dower", Harvard Law Review, Vol. 62, No.1 (Nov., 1948), pp.42-55.
4 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
1 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.27.
2 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.3, p. 193; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.506.
3 见Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.26.
4 G．A．Holmes曾提到这个问题，并列举了好几个典型的例子．例如，德文伯爵(Earl of Devon)是如此操作的．再如，斯塔福德伯爵(Earl de Stafford)拉尔夫(Ralph)也是如此操作的，拉尔夫曾于1348年和1351年两次将新获得的地产设置成共同承租地的形式。再如，索尔兹伯里伯爵(Earl of Salisbury)威廉·德·蒙塔古(william de Montague)也于1363年将从国王处新获赐的地产设置成共同承租地的形式。详见G.A.Holmes,The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957, pp.46-50.
5 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.507.
6 见本文第二章第二节。
1 如果封臣(tanant)去世时，其继承人未满21岁，则封君(lord)有权对封臣的继承人实施监护权(wardship)，直至继承人年满21岁，或继承人未达到21岁夭折。同时，封君还有权对封臣的地产实施监护权，他可以将地产的收入据为己有，但也必须出资抚养封臣的继承人．另外，封君还拥有封臣继承人的婚姻指定权(marriage)．尽管法律没有赋予封君主宰封臣继承人婚姻的权利，但封君在很大程度上可以决定封臣继承人婚配对象。在实践中，封君时常会溢用这些权利。为了牟利，他们经常会过度使用封臣的地产，从而导致封臣地产肥沃程度大降。封君有时还会将监护和婚姻权出售给他人。这都是封臣千方百计逃避封君监护权和婚姻权的原因。详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，p．319。或者参见本文第一章第二节。
2 珍妮佛·沃德曾谈到这个问题，并列举了数个典型的例子，详见Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，pp．26-7．
3 很多学者的著作都谈到寡妇权益泛溢的问题，也列举了很多相关的例子。谈到这个问题，绝对不能避开内维尔家族(the Nevill family)，内维尔家族的女儿成为寡妇后，不但寿命长，而且多次改嫁．例如，拉尔夫·内维尔(Padph Nevill，死于1376年)有两个女儿，一是玛格丽特(Margaret)，一是尤菲米娅(Euphemia)．玛格丽特嫁给鲁斯(the Roos)家族后，从来没有生产，而且做了20年的寡妇，后来又将其寡妇产带到珀西家族(the Percy family)。尤菲米娅则在克利福德家族(the Clifford family)做了48年的寡妇。内维尔家族的后辈女性也不示弱。拉尔夫·内维尔的儿子也叫拉尔夫(Ralph，威斯特摩兰郡伯爵，1354-1425年)。小拉尔夫有两次婚姻经历，前妻生有马蒂尔达(Matilda)和玛格丽特(Margaret)两个女儿，玛蒂尔德在毛利(theMauley)家族做了24年的寡妇，尽管她没有为毛利家族生下男性继承人，丈夫彼得(Lord Peter)还是将大部分家产都转变成共同承租地供她享用。玛格丽特在斯克罗普家族(the Scrope family)做了43年的寡妇。小拉尔夫的第二任妻子博弗特(Beaufort)为拉尔夫生下了四个女儿：凯瑟琳(Katherine)、安妮(Anne)、埃莉诺(Eleanor)和塞西莉(Cecily)。其中凯瑟琳比她的第一任丈夫约翰·莫布雷 (John Mowbray)多活了51年，获得了莫布雷家族的绝大部分地产，她先后四次婚配，她的第四任丈放夫是一个20多岁的小伙子。安妮在斯塔福德家族(the Stafford family)当了20年的寡妇。埃莉诺没有为丈夫生下继承人，却享用了丈夫家产达50年之久。塞西莉嫁给了约克公爵理查德(Richard，Duke of York)，比公爵多活了35年。内维尔家族的下一代女性也是如此。小拉尔夫的儿子理查德·内维尔(Richard Nevill，Earl of Salisbury，1400-1460年)生有两个女儿：爱丽丝(Alice)和凯瑟琳(Catherine)。其中爱丽丝比丈夫多活了30年，甚至比儿子还长寿。凯瑟琳比第一任丈夫(Lord Harrington)多活了43年，比第二任丈夫威廉(William，Lord Hastings)多活了20年。见Rowena E．Archer，“Rich Old Ladies：The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers”In Tony Pollard，ed．，Property and Politics：Essays in Late Medieval English History，Gloucester：Alan Sutton Press，1984，pp．24-25，或见Michael A．Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，London：Shepheard-Walwyn(publishers)Ltd，1991，pp．210-12，289-290，303-5，339-41，343-4。玛格丽特·马歇尔(Margaret Marshal)也以其长寿著称。她的父亲托马斯(Thomas of Brotherton，Earl of Norfolk)是爱德华一世的第五个儿子。玛格丽特大概出生于14世纪20年代，在她惟一的兄长去世后，她和另外一个妹妹成了女嗣。玛格丽特后来嫁给了西格雷夫勋爵(Lord Seagrave)约翰，约翰几乎将他的所有地产都设置成共同承租地形式与玛格丽特共同占有。1353年，约翰去世。此时，约翰惟一的继承人是女儿伊丽莎白(Elizabeth)。但伊丽莎白直到去世都未得以继承，因为玛格丽特一直在世，并占有西格雷夫家族全部财产。后来，玛格丽特又嫁给了沃尔特(Walter，Lord Mauny)。但1372年沃尔特的去世又一次让她成了寡妇。这种情况一直延续到1399年玛格丽特去世．资料显示，玛格丽特所占有地产的年收入已达3，000英镑。见K．B．McFarlane，The Nobility of Later Medieval England，p．66；Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，p．6。伊丽莎白·德·伯格(Elizabeth de Burgh)也以长寿和富有著称．伊丽莎白是伯爵吉尔伯特·德·克莱尔(Gilbert de Clare，Earl of Gloucester and Hertford)的小女儿，出生于1295年，于1314年成为女嗣并继承了克莱尔家族的1／3的地产。这些地产的年收入达2，000英镑。伊丽莎白先后三次结婚，第一任丈夫(John Burgh，hier to the earldom of Ulster)死于1313年，第三任丈大(Roger Damory)死于1321年。她先后从第一、第三任丈夫那里获得了大量的寡妇产和共同承租地，从第二任丈夫那里获得了寡妇产．在14世纪20年代，她拥有的地产年收入已达3，000英镑。她自1322年起开始守寡，直到1360年去世，占有上述地产近40年。值得一提的是，伊丽莎白还出资为剑桥大学建立了克莱尔学院(Clare College，Cambridge)见Michael A．Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，pp．87-88；Jennifer C．Ward，English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages，p．6；Rowena E．Archer,“Rich Old Ladies：The Problem of Late Medieval Dowagers”In Tony Pollard，ed．，Property and Politics：Essays in Late Medieval English History，pp．23-24．爱丽丝·乔叟(Alice Chaucer)也是一个典型的例子，她既长寿且多次改嫁。爱丽丝是诗人杰弗里·乔叟(Geoffrey Chaucer)的孙女，她第一任丈夫是一位男爵，第二任丈夫是托马斯·蒙塔古(Thomas Montagu，Earl of Salisbury，死于1428年)，第三任丈夫是威廉·德·拉·波尔(William de la Pole，Earl of Suffork，死于1450年)。威廉临死前(1450年)被封为公爵(Duke of Suffork)，这使爱丽丝受益良多。爱丽丝死于1475年，她比第二任丈夫多活了47年，比第三任丈夫多活了25年．见Michael A．Hicks(ed．)，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，1272-1485，pp．100，220，252，273，356。帕斯顿家族中也有类似的寡妇。威廉·帕斯顿(William Paston Ⅰ)的妻子艾格尼丝(Agnes)比丈夫多活了35年，比儿子约翰·帕斯顿(John Paston Ⅰ)多活了13年。同时，约翰·帕斯顿的妻子比丈夫多活了18年，比他们的儿子约翰·帕斯顿(John Paston Ⅱ)寿命还长。见Helen M．Jewell，Women in Medieval England，Manchester and New York：Manchester University Press，1996，p．123；H．S．Bennett，The Pastons and Their England，New York：Cambridge University Press，1970，pp．1-17；Colin Richmond，The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century：Fastolf's will，New York：Cambridge University Press，1996，pp．107-20。圣波尔家族的玛丽(Mary of Saint Pol)也是富甲天下且长寿的寡妇．玛丽是亨利三世的外孙女，出生于1304年，后来嫁给了彭布罗克伯爵艾迈拉(Aymex，Earl of Pembroke)。1324年艾迈拉去世，玛丽便开始了她53年的守寡生涯。她从丈夫那里获得了无数地产。她拥有的财产最终达到了20，000英镑。她到处捐资给教会修建修道(女)院．在朋友伊丽莎白·德·伯格的带动下，她还捐资为剑桥大学修建了彭布罗克学院(Pembroke College，Cambridge)。见Michael A Hicks，ed．，Who is Who in Late Medieval England，pp．88-89。
1 参见本文第二章第一节。
1 根据1215年大宪章(Magna Carta)的规定，在封君被俘需要赎金时，封君长子被授予骑士时，封君长女出嫁时，封臣应向封君提供协助金(aids)。封臣去世后，封臣继承人要继承封臣地产，须向封君缴纳继承金(relief)。在继承人未缴纳继承金之前，封君对封臣地产有先占权(primer seisin)。封臣去世时如果留下未成年的继承人，则封君对继承人本身和封臣的地产都有监护权(wardship)，直到继承人成年。同时，封君还有对继承人选择配偶施加影响的权力(marriage)。如果封臣死后无嗣，或者封臣犯了背叛封君的叛逆罪(felony)，则封君有权收回(escheat)分封给封臣的地产。如果封臣犯的是叛国，或背叛君主的罪(high treason)，则封臣的地产由国王没收(forfeiture)。详见F．Pollock，and F．W．Maitland，The History of English Law：Before the Time of Edward I，Vol．1，pp．307-356；A．W．B．Simpson，A History of Land Law，pp．16-20；J．H．Baker，An Introduction to English Legal History，pp．204-7。关于监护权和婚姻权，请参阅Peggy Jefferies，“The Medieval Use as Family Law and Custom：the Berkshire Gentry in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”，Southern History，1(1979)：p．46，或参阅本文第一章第二节。
2 例如，国王的总封臣(tenant-in-chief)去世，国王有占有该封臣地产一年的权力。再如，国王的总封臣去世时如果留下未成年的继承人，则国王不仅对总封臣领自自己的地产有监护权，还对总封臣领自其它中间封君的地产有监护权，这种监护权被称为特权监护(prerogative wardship)。尽管每个国王的政策有所不同，但他们基本上把这些附属权益当作一项重要的收入．例如，亨利一世的加冕文书(coronation charter)向封臣承诺，附属权益的征收应保持在一定限度内。这就暗示了之前的君主威廉·鲁弗斯(William Rufus)在此方面肯定是横征暴敛。其实亨利一世也没有坚守承诺，亨利在统治后期又恢复了前朝的政策。之后的亨利二世及其继承者无一例外将附属权益作为王室的一项重要收入加以征收。特别是无地王约翰(John)．约翰王在位期间因财政窘困而肆意征收附属权益，要价之高以至于封臣无法一次付清，只好采取分期支付的方法．这样封臣即使最终得以继承祖先地产，也被压榨的失去了经济能力。详见J．M．W．Bean，The Decline of English Feudalism，1215-1540，New York：Manchester University Press，1968，pp．10-12。
3 封建的层层分封的等级制度往往导致一大部分封建主既是封君，又是封臣。因国王的总封臣占有地产最多，所以受害最多。因此他们自然也就成了反对封君滥用附属权益的领头羊。为了号召广大的下层封建主跟随他们与国王斗争，总封臣向下级封建主承诺，如果国王为他们减免了了附属权益，他们也会为下级封臣减免。因此，这里斗争的双方实际上是国王和总封臣为首的众封臣。
4 这三种场合分别为：封君被俘需要赎金时，封君长子被授予骑士头衔时，封君长女出嫁时。
5 J.M.W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,pp.13-14.
1 Sidney Painter, Studies in the History of the English Feudal Barony, New York: Octagon Bools, pp.63-4.
2 这个官职被称为附属权益调查官(escheator)，每个郡设置一人，主要职责是在有封建主去世时进行死后调查。仔细调查去世封建主占有地产的数量、价值和持有方式。如果国王对此地产有监护权和婚姻权，则附属权益调查官会负责征收这些附属权益。在此之前，此类工作是巡回法庭法官的责职。可能是因为他们的效率不高，国王才专门指派人员负责此事．后来，可能是因为附属权益调查官的工作经常受到郡守的阻挠，为了加强附属权益的征收，国王就将二者合二为一，命郡守兼任附属权益调查官．详见J．M．W．Bean，The Decline of English Feudalism，1215-1540，pp．16-19．
3 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.21.
4 Ibid., p.22.
5 详见本文第二章第二节。
6 在英国封建社会上层贵族中，女性结婚年龄一般较男性低，再加上战乱频仍导致男性暴死的情况增多，所以，在封建社会上层中女性寿命一般较男性长。因此，妻子也成为封臣后，自然会延长封臣的整体寿命。
1 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.212, note23.
2 或称feoffee to uses，一般是封建主的朋友，或值得封建主信任的人或机构，例如，律师、修院都可能成为封建主的受托人．另外，封建制一般将地产授予几个受托人，而不是一个。原因有二：其一，受托人越多，可信度越大，因为人数越多，他们之间串通起来危害托管人的可能性就越小；其二，受托人越多，因受托人去世而导致的托管关系中断的可能性就越小．假设封建主仅选择两个受托人，这两个受托人有可能相继去世，如果不能及时补充受托人，则托管关系就会中断．封建主就恢复了对托管地产的占有权。如果是这样，封君的附属权益就会随之复活，封建土地保有制和长子继承制对封建主的限制也随之而来．参见T．F．T Plucknett．A Concise History of the Common Law，pp．518-9．
3 这个词实际上是 cestui a que use le feoffment fuit fait的缩写形式，其复数形式为cestuis que usent。详见J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.104, note2。
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.104.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.127.
2 也叫方济各会，13世纪成立的天主教托钵修会。
3 W.S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.416.
4 'Nec per hoc quod proprietatem usus et rei cujusque dominium a se abdicasse videtur, simplici usui ominis rei renunciasse convincitur, qui, inquam, usus non juris sed facti tantum-modo noment babens, quod facti est tantum in utendo praebet utentibus nihil juris.'详见 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.417, notel.
5 J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81(1965), p.565.
6 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, London: Butterworhts, 1981, p.204.
7 关于Salman和托管中受托人的区别，请参阅J．L．Barton，“The Medieval Use”，Law Quarterly Review，81(1965)：pp．562-3。
8 参见W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.411, note7; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.106, 128; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.230; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.514-5.
1 立遗嘱人指定的，负责执行其遗嘱的人。因英国普通法禁止封建主用遗嘱处置地产，因此英国遗嘱执行人的主要责任是执行死者对动产的分配．详见W．S．Holdsworth，A history of English law，Vol．3，p．563-4．
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.131.
3 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.234.
4 'Hane conventionem fecit Eudo scilicet Dapifer Regis cum Ailsio Abbate Rameseiae……de Berkeforde ut Eudo habere deberet as opus sororis suae Murilellae partem Sancti Benedicti quae adiacbat ecclesiae Rameseiae quamdiu Eudo et soror eius viverent, ad dimidium servitium unius militis, tali quidem pacto ut post Eudonis sororisque decessum tam partem propriam Eudonis quam in eadem villa habuit, quam partem eccelesiae Rameseiae, Deo et Sancto Benedicto as usum fratrum eternaliter…possidendam…relinqueret.'详见 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
5 罗杰·莫布雷在契约中说：“Reginaldus auten Puer vendidit ecclesiae praefatae de Wyteby totum ius quod habuit in praefata terra et reliquit ad opus illorum, et ego reddidi eis, et saisivi per idem lignum per quod et recipe illud."
1 'tenet Godfridus Viii. Bovatae [corr. Bovatas ]pro viii. sol. Praeter illam terram quae ad ecclesiam iacet quam tenet cum ecclesia as opus fratris sui parvuli, cum as id etatis venerit ut posit et debeat servire ipsi ecclesiae.' 详见 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
2 'et inde saisibi Milonem fratrem eius loco ipsius ut ipse eam manuteneat et ab omni defendat iniuria' 详见F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol.2, p.230.
3 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The Histow of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward I, Vol.2, p.235.
4 'et Robertus post mortem patris sui tenuit eandem terram de eadem domo et habuit filios et iuit in terram sanctam, et commisit terram illam custodedndam Wydoni fratri suo ad opus puerorum suorum.' in F. W. Maitland, ed., Bracton's Note Book, Colorado: Fred B. Rothman & Co., Vol.3, text, No.999, pp.42-3.
5 'et postea tradidit terram illam cuidam Magistro Rodulfo sicut ad custodiendam ad opus ipsius Petri, et postea commissa fuit cuidam Davidi similiter ad custodiendum ad opus ipsius.' in F. W. Maitland (ed.), Bracton's Note Book, Vol.2, text, No.754, pp.575-6.
6 'Juratores dicunt quod mater ipsius Hamonis concupiuit quoddam mesuagium predicti Roberti ira quod predictus Hamon tantum fecit cum predicto Roberto quod idem Robertus concessit eidem Hamoni ad opus matris sue mesuagium illud tenendum ad uitam ipsius matris sue pro tribus acris et dim.' in F. W. Maitland (ed.), Bracton's Note Book, Vol.3, text, No. 1244, p.260.
7 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.108.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp. 109-110.
2 Ibid., pp. 110-111.
3 Ibid., p.105.
4 Ibid., p.111.
5 参见上文关于威廉·珀西和威廉·费勒斯的两个例子。
6 或称 grant and regrant, 详见 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.516; S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.205.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.206.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of Eaglish Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.150.
5 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.208.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.207.
2 资料来源于 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.116-7.
2 Ibid., p. 117.
3 资料来源于J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.117-8.
1 详见J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.144-45.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.145.
3 Ibid., p.154.
4 详见S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.206; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, p.416;. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp. 158-9.
1 R. H. Heimholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p. 1507.
2 Ibid., p.1505.
3 Ibid.
4 "Thomas Filpot et Wiilelmus Barker feoffati existent usque ad etatem filii sui xx annorum et quod tunc terras et tenementa venderent et dicta Johanna habeat index marcas et quod residuum disponatur per eosdem feoffatores et executores suos meliori modo quo viderint anime sue salutem proficere et deo complacere. '详见R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1507, hote14.
1 受托人声称遗嘱执行人'non potuit disponere de ii acris in testameno eo quod ipse et socius errant feoffati ad aliud usum.' 详见R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1508, note28.
2 中世纪英格兰运动不同价值的土地面积的丈量单位，常相当于30亩，1╱海德。
3 'Et monitus est dictus Henricus ad restituendum tres virgatas bosci.'详见 R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1509, note 34.
4 'Et moniti ad perficiendum untiman voluntatem huiusmodi in iudicio recesseunt.' In R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1509, note 35.
5 R. H. Helmholz, "The Early Enforcement of Uses", Columbia Law Review, Vol.79, No.8 (Dec., 1979), p.1511.
6 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, pp.84-5.
1 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.88.
2 T. F. T. Piucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, pp.613-14.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.90.
1 J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81(1965), p.568.
2 Ibid., p.568-9.
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.517.
4 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p. 136; J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review, 81 (1965), p.570; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.168-69.
1 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p.136.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.170-1.
3 Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of C'hancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), p.136.
4 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.212; J. L. Barton, "The Medieval Use", Law Quarterly Review,81(1965), pp.569-570; Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research,42(Nov.,1969),pp.136-7。另外，在爱德华四世统治期间的年鉴(Year Book)中也可找到相关的证据：如果J将地产托管给A，而A将受托地产卖给了R．在A与R的交易中，如果A告知了R交易中的地产托管属于J的事实，且R在知情的情况下仍然选择购买受托地产，则R应对J负责，有义务执行J的指示。详见J. H. Baker, S. E C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.97.
5 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.171.
1 J.H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.70.
3 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.235; G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, New York: Russell & Russell, 1960, p.559.
1 G.A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.53-4.
2 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.53; J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.315; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 144.
3 G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.54.
4 Ibid., p.54.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.314.
6 Ibid., p.315.
7 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.557.
8 J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.316.
9 Ibid., p.317.
10 Ibid., p.315
11 Ibid., p.317.
12 Ibid., p.318.
1 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.277.
2 Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble Life, 1295-1500, 1976, p. 137-8; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.71,277; G C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.557.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.317.
4 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.74-5; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the High Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.54; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 146-7.
5 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.146.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.147.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.74.
3 Ibid., p.76.
4 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.556.
5 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Tune of Edward 1, Vol. 2, p.397.
6 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", The University of Toronto Law Journal, Vol.6, No.2 (1946), p.362.
1 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", In R. H. Helmholz, Canon Law and the Law of England, London and Ronceverte: The Hambledon Press, 1987, p.187.
2 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.364.
3 指普通法庭．
4 指教会法庭．
5 John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, Littleton: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980, p.182.
6 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.377; John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, pp.182-3; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.400.
7 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.368.
8 Frederic William Maitland, Bracton's Note Book: A Collection of Cases Decided in the King's Corers during the Reign of Henry the Third, Vol.1, Littleton Colorado: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1983, pp. 104-115; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.401;
9 Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.369.
1 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.198.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.376.
3 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.196.
4 Ibid., p.197.
5 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward i, Vol. 2, p.398; R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.197, note29.
1 Norma Adams, "Nuilius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.374.
2 F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law: Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, p.382.
3 Norma Adams, "Nullins Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.375.
4 James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987, p.362; Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.52.
5 R. H. Helmholz, "Bastardy Litigation in Medieval England", p.203
6 维兰即农奴、奴隶．详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第189-200页。
7 'Bastard est nullius filius et cest matter nest qe argument nei de proner bastard qar il doit conclude et nient bastard qar bastard est filins pupuli at nad pere certeine.' In Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.361, noted; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.400; F. Pollock, and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law:. Before the Time of Edward I, Vol. 2, pp.396-7.
8 'Heres antem legitimus nullus bastardus nec aliquis qui ex legitimo matrimonio non est procreatus esse potest.'In Norma Adams, "Nullius Filius: A Study of the Exception of Bastardy in the Law Courts of Medieval England", p.361, note2, 或参见 John Beames, trans., A Translation of Glanville, Littleton: Fred B. Rothman& Co., 1980, p.181.
1 James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, pp.408, 480, 543.
2 Ibid., p.543; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.65.
3 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.73.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540,pp.118-9.
5 Joel T. Rosanthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.91; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p. 128.
6 Peter Fleming, Fancily and Household in Mediewl England, pp.121-22.
7 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550: Marriage and Family, Property and Careers, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, p.84.
1 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.84.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.117.
3 Shulamith Shahar, The Fourth Estate: A History of Women in the Middle Ages, trans., Chaya Galai, London and New York: Routledge, 1996, p.115; Joel T. Rosenthal, Nobles and the Noble life, 1295-1500, p.34; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.84; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.39, 43, 50.
4 参见本文第一章第三节。
1 在此案例中，伯爵托马斯同时使用了限男嗣继承和托管两种家产分配方案。主要原因有二：其一，此案例恰好发生在限男嗣继承和托管两种家产分配方案的交叉阶段；其二，伯爵托马斯同时使用两种手段是为了巩固对女嗣的排斥成果．实际上，当时有不少封建主在同时使用这两种法律手段。
2 S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No.1 (1992), p.59; Michael A. Hicks, ed., Who is Who in Late Medieval England, 1272-1485, London: Shepheard-Walwyn Ltd, 1991, pp.174-5.
3 S. M. Wright, The Derbyshire Gentry in the Fifteenth Century, Chesterfield, 1983, pp.36-7 转引自S. J. Payling, "Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England", Economic Hiatory Review, Vol.45, No. 1 (1992), p.58.
4 Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1 (Apr., 1972), p.98.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.107; Pearl Hogrefe, "Lagal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No.1 (Apr., 1972), p.99.
2 资料来源于Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880, Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press, 1984, table3.8.
3 Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880, table4.2.
4 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.22.
1 这组数据不包括国王的子嗣和兄弟缔结的婚姻。
2 根据人口学家里格利(E．A．Wrigley)的统计，在人口静止的状态下有20％的封建主死后无嗣，有20％的封建主死后只有女嗣，有60％的封建主死后有一个，或一个以上的子嗣。同时，Wrigley通过比较发现，在人口变化状态下，上述比例也基本不变．因此，利用里格利得出的比例，我们完全可以计算出家庭中长子与余子的比例．为了方便计算，假设100位封建主生有100个儿子和100个女儿。根据Wrigley的数据，这100位封建主中有60个有一个或一个以上的儿子，换言之，这100位封建主生有60个长子。那么，余子的数量显然为40个。因此封建主家庭中长子与余子的比例为3：2，封建主家庭中的长子比余子多20％．
3 S. J. Payling, "The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), pp.424, 428.
4 Ibid., p.417.
1 S.J. Payling, "The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), p.418.
2 Ibid.,p.420.
3 如果有其他女嗣存在，则由其他女嗣分割继承；如果没有其他女嗣，则由家族中的旁系男性继承。详见S.J.Payling,"The Economics of Marriage in Late Medieval England: the Marriage of Heiress", Economic History Review, Vol.54, No.3 (2001), p.420.
1 参见本章第一节。
2 相关案例见本章第一节。
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.92-3; Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.38.
4 见本文第二章第四节．
5 G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, p.558.
6 Joel T. Rosenthal, "Fifteenth Century Widows and Widowhood: Bereavement, Integration, and Life Choices", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1995, p.42.
7 Ibid., pp.36-7.
8 Conor McCarthy, Marriage in Medieval England: Law, Literature and Practice, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2004, p.149.
9 学者的研究表明，贵族寡妇的再婚受到诸多因素的制约：有的丈夫会在遗嘱中要求寡妇守寡，否则寡妇将得不到任何财产：有的继承人会阻止父亲的寡妇再婚；有时，国王会控制封臣寡妇的再婚。详见Jennifer C.Wark,English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, pp.39-43; Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1998, pp.94-103.
10 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.42-3; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 3, p.196.
1 Barbara A. Hanawalt, "Remarriage as An Option for Urban and Rural Widows in Late Medieval England ", In Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England, p.151.
1 Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp.200-1.
2 S. M. Wright, The Derbyshire Gentry in the Fifteenth Century, p.70; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.43.
3 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, pp. 130-1.
4 Ibid., p.130.
5 Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.66.
6 Ibid., p.71.
7 关于此法令，下文将有详细解释。
1 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History:. Private Law to 1750, p.114; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 3, p.196; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.47-8; Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, p.83.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.50.
3 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women 1450-1550, p.45.
4 Barbara J.Harris,English Aristocratic Women 1450-1550,p.45,另外，了解更多关于夫妻共同占有财产和嫁妆的比例的论述，请参阅关于嫁妆(dowry)和夫妻共同占有财产(jointure)的比例，请参阅H.J.Habakkuk,"Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 32 (1950); Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, p.291, FIG 15。
5 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England. p.88.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.201.
2 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.144.
3 Mavis E. Mate, Daughters, Wives and Widows after the Black Death: Women in Sussex, 1350-1535, pp.97-8.
4 Ibid., p.98.
5 Ibid., p.97.
6 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.133.
1 Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, p.131.
2 Ibid., p.255.
3 参见本章第一节。
4 包括监护权(wardship)、婚姻权(marriage)、继承金(relief)、收回权(escheat)、没收权(forfeiture)等．参见本文第一章第二节．
5 S. F. C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.211; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.214.
1 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p. 183.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120; G. A. Holmes, The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century England, p.51.
3 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.213.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.181.
5 Ibid., pp.183-5.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.189-190.
2 Ibid., p187-93.
3 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.149; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.195.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.195.
5 Ibid., pp.195-6.
6 Ibid., p.197.
7 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p. 104; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.234.
8 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.150.
1 数据来源于J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.199, table V.
2 Peter Fleming,Family and Household in Medieval England,p. 104; Margaret E. Avery,"The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research,42 (Nov., 1969), p.143; E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.674; T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.521;
3 J. M. W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.120, table Ⅳ.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.135-6.
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.40; E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.674.
3 事实上，封建主使用托管的动机是很复杂的：上文有述，有的封建主是为了重新安排家庭成员地产继承；有的封建主是为了规避上级封君的附属权益；有的则是为了获得自由处置地产的自由，例如，变卖地产来偿还债务；还有的封建主是为了欺诈债权人，利用托管给债权人造成自己不占有地产的假象。除此之外，还有一部分封建主(特别是总封臣)是因害怕获叛国罪后地产被没收而将地产托管给受托人。1398年，理查德二世的相关政策出台后，持有这种动机的人就很少了．详见J.M.W. Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,pp.138-141.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.238-39.
1 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.150; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.197-98.
2 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.103; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England p.77; Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, pp. 150, 153.
3 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.146-47, 240-1; Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.103; Margaret E. Avery, "The History of the Equitable Jurisdiction of Chancery Before 1460", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 42 (Nov., 1969), pp.142-3.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.210-6.
1 Peter Fleming, Femily and Household in Medieval England, p.104.
2 Stanford E. Lehmberg, "Parliamentary Attainder in the Reign of Henry Ⅷ", The Historical Journal, Vol. 18, No.4 (Dec., 1975), p.676.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Henry Ⅶ's Last Years Reconsidered", The Historical Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1959), p. 103; W. C. Richardson, "The Surveyor of the King's Prerogative", The English Historical Review, Vol. 56, No.221.(Jan., 1941), p.53.
4 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.257.
5 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.675; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.257.
6 离婚案是指亨利八世与王后凯瑟琳的离婚案．1527年，亨利八世以无男嗣和感情不和为由提出要与王后凯瑟琳离婚。然而，离婚要由教皇批准．当时的教皇在神圣罗马帝国皇帝查理五世的控制之下，而查理五世正是凯瑟琳的外甥，因此，亨利的离婚请求被教皇婉拒。1527-1529年间，经过无数次交涉，都没有结果。亨利八世开始策划与罗马教会决裂，1531年，亨利自任英格兰教会首脑。1532年，在谋臣克伦威尔的帮助下，召开宗教改革会议，通过了一系列法案，使英国教会摆脱了罗马教廷的束缚．1533年5月，新任坎特伯雷大主教克兰默宣布亨利与凯瑟琳的婚姻无效。亨利最终如愿以偿。次年，议会通过了至尊法案，尊亨利为“英国国教最高领袖”，两年后，议会又通过了一个法案，终止了罗马教廷在英国的一切权力。
7 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.521; K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.77; W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), p.108.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, 1215-1540, pp.242-3; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol.4, pp.448-9.
2 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.215; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, p.449.
3 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, p.449.
4 详见 W. C. Richardson, "The Surveyor of the King's Prerogative", English Historical Review, Vol. 56, No.221 (Jan., 1941),pp.52-75.
1 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, pp.261-2; W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, Vol. 4, pp.450-3.
2 当时有包括大法官托马斯·莫尔(Thomas More)在内的31名上层贵族在国王提出的契约上签了字。这表明国王与上层贵族联盟的策略已经奏效。
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.522.
4 W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), pp.113-4.
5 当时，下议院中，普通法律师占的比例并不大。中小贵族才是下议院的中坚力量，如果中小贵族持反对意见，国王的提案永无通过之日．参见J.M.W.Bean,The Decline of English Feudalism,1215-1540,p.272.
6 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.215; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.273.
7 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.686.
8 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.216.
1 E. W. Ives, "The Genesis of the Statute of Uses", The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), p.689; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.275.
2 J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.276.
3 W. S. Holdsworth, "The Political Causes Which Shaped the Statute of Uses', Harvard Law Review, Vol.26, No.2 (Dec., 1912), p.121.
4 详见J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Milsom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.112.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.217.
6 J. H. Baker, S. F. C. Miisom, Sources of English Legal History: Private Law to 1750, p.114.
7 Percy Bordweee, "The Repeal of the Statute of Uses", Harvard Law Review, Vol. 39, No. 4 (Feb., 1926), p.467.
8 Ibid., p.470.
1 此种地产被马克垚先生称为军役领(knight's service)，详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第131-4页，或参阅本文第一章第二节。
2 此种地产被马克垚先生称为索克领(socage)，详见马克垚：《英国封建社会研究》，第131页，或参阅本文第一章第二节．
3 T. F. T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law, p.525; J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540, p.293; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.218.
1 麦克法兰(K．B．Mcfarlane)在谈到这个问题时，曾援引了11个例子。理查二世统治时期，得到继承并成为大封建主的余子或私生子有：John Fitzalan,Lord Maltravers;William Beauchamp,Lord Bergavenny;Hugh Stafford,Lord Bourchier; John, Lord Devereux; Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester, John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset; Marquess of Dorset。另外，15世纪时的the Nevills; the Percies; the Staffords; the Bourchiers四个家庭各也有余子或私生子成气候的现象．详见K. B. Mc Farlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, pp.71-2, 176-77.
2 K. B. McFarlane, The Nobility of Later Medieval England, p.72.
3 Ibid., p.277.
4 Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages, p.138。或参阅本文第一章第二节，第三节。
1 S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law, p.166.
2 参见本文第二章第一节．
3 参见本文第二章第一节．
4 参见本文第三章第一节．
5 1650年后，家产析分契约开始被封建主广泛使用。1882年地产处分法(Settled Land Act)的通过标志着家产析分契约的终结．详见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, New York:Oxford University Press, 1994, p.1.
1 关于家产析分契约的实施时机，本章下文将有详细论述。
2 这里的“家产”主要指家族世袭地产．
3 虽然有点拗口，但也不难理解。封建主此举实际上是将家产授予长子尚未出生的长子．主要目的在于防止后代挥霍家产．根据这种安排，长子获得的只是终生享有家产收益的权利，无法随意处置家产。长子未来的长子虽然获得了全权处置地产的权力，但他在成年之前也无法实施这项权力，因为他在成年之前都得不到继承。
4 其中有一条是长媳考虑，其余条款皆是为以”长子继承人”为首的第三代人设置。
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.125.
6 Ibid., p.125.
7 Ibid., p.126.
8 未来继承人即提前一代确定的继承人，上文提及的“长子继承人”即为第一代未来继承人。
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.34.
2 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage Settlement, and the Rise of Great Estates: The Demographic Aspect", Economic History Review, Second Series, 32 (1979), pp.490-91.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.29.
4 如果家产析分契约是在长子结婚时签订，长子未婚妻的家长一般也会参与协商．因为长子的自由安排家产继承的权利太大，或太小都对他们不利。如果长子的权利太大，其随意分配家产的行为会损害妻子利益。如果长子没有一点安排家产继承的权利，其妻子便也失去了获得财产的机会。参见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.14.
5 限嗣继承的这种规定完全是一种权力滥用，实施限嗣继承的封建主实际上是用自己拥有的自由权力来剥夺后代的自由权力，他们通过限嗣继承，特别是限男嗣继承，能将自己的意志延续好几代，甚至几十代．参见本文第二章，或参见A.W.B.Simpson,A History of Land Law,pp.208-10.
1 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.237.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.17; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.64-5.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.236; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 11; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.55-56; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp. 139-142.
5 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.229.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142-3.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 16.
2 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.229-30; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.140-1; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.55-56.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.36-7.
4 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle Ages, p.24; Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, pp. 44-5.
1 John Habalkkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 3.
2 本文第三章有对托管的详细论述。
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.42; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.2; Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550, 1450-1550, pp. 22-3.
4 终生受益权人(life tenant)是指有终生享有某地产收益的人，他们虽然能终生享有某地产收益，但没有控制地产的绝对权力。家产析分契约中的“长子”和夫妻共同占有地产中的“新婚夫妇及他们中的幸存者”都属于这类人。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 9.
2 Ibid., p.14.
3 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
4 未来继承人是指提前确定的继承人，例如“长子继承人”(第一代未来继承人)和长子继承人的继承人(第二代未来继承人)都属于这种情况。
5 如果封建主指定了长子之继承人，但出于种种原因(例如，长子之继承人压根就没有出世，或者夭折)，此长子之继承人可能无法继承．这就会导致封建主的家产无人继承，从而导致所谓的中空状态(abeyance)。详见Eileen Spring,Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.133.
6 详见 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.134; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.32-3.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.134.
2 任何人在生前都无权确定其继承人，继承人的地位要到父亲去世时才能得到确认。
3 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
4 科尔瑟斯特讼贝茹辛案 (Colthirst v. Bejushin)。
5 实际上，普通法庭和家产析分契约在“对第二代未来继承人的态度”问题上观点是一致的。普通法庭否定“第二代未来继承人”的地位，家产析分契约也有阻止封建主将自己的意志延伸到“第二代未来继承人”的作用。上文也曾经提到过，家产析分契约的主要目的之一就是权衡上下两代封建主的权力，防止上代封建主利用自己手中的权力剥 夺下代封建主安捧财产继承的权力。因此，家产析分契约决不允许一个封建主控制地产继承达数代之久。所以，普通法庭对“第二代未来继承人”的否定不但对家产析分契约没有负面影响，反而对家产析分契约有帮助．
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.28.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.136; Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.32-3.
3 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.137.
4 Ibid., p.137.
5 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.46-7.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p. 135.
7 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.51
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.49.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p.47.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.137-8.
5 参见本文第一章第三节．
6 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp.47-8.
7 这种情况并不鲜见。根据里格利的人口发展模式，在中世纪和近代早期，有20％的封建主无后嗣而亡，有20％的封建主只有女嗣，有60％的封建主会生有儿子(大于或等于一个)．详见E.A.Wrigley,"Fertility Strategy for the Individual and the Group", In Charles Tilly, ed., Historical Studies in Changing Fertility, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton, 1978, pp.150-1.
8 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.50.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.133.
2 Ibid., p.139.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.229.
4 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.50; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.239-230; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp. 140.
5 本文之所以将strict settlement翻译为“家产析分契约”，而不按照直译的方法，将它译为“更严谨的家产分配方案”， 是因为，后者作为译文太冗长，而且不能全面地体现strict settlement的实质。详见A. B.Simpson,A History of Land Law, p.236; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.141.
1 哈巴卡克(J．H．Habakkuk)曾专门撰文论述英国内战对家产析分契约的促进作用，详见J.H.Habakkuk,"Landowners and the Civil War", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 1, Essays in Economic History Presented to Proffessor M. M. Postan, 1965.
2 J. H. Habakkuk, "Landowners and the Civil War", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 1, Essays in Economic History Presented to Proffessor M. M. Postan, 1965, pp.150-1; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp. 11-14.
3 事实表明，1641年，已经有个别的封建主开始使用“受托人监管”的方法。但大部分封建主是在1650年“受托人监管”被奥尔兰多·布里奇曼和杰弗里·帕莫制度化之后，才开始使用。详见A.W. B.Simpson,A History of Land Law, p.230.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp. 12-13.
5 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.15.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.15-16.
2 Ibid., p.16.
3 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.143; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.16.
4 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.7.37.
5 J. H. Baker, An introduction to English legal history, p.246.
6 A. W. B Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.17.
7 这里的弱势家庭成员并不是固定地指某一家庭成员，它是一个不断变动的群体。在长子继承制盛行时，余子女是弱势家庭成员，寡妇和女嗣都享有稳定的权益．在限嗣继承流行时，余子女权益尚未得到有效改善，女嗣权利遭到消弱，他们称为弱势家庭成员．在托管流行时，寡妇权益遭消弱，堪称弱势家庭成员，而此时余子女享有充分的权益。限嗣继承盛行之后，寡妇、余子女、女嗣权利被消弱，这时这三类家庭成员都是弱势家庭成员。
8 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.142.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.14.
2 Ibid., p.3.
3 明格(G．E．Mingay)也曾谈到抵押贷款的问题，他强调，之前抵押贷款不流行的主要原因是普通法庭控制得太严格，例如，若贷款人晚一天还款，其抵押的地产就会损失掉一部分。后来，大法官法庭弥补了普通法庭的这一缺陷，确立了抵押贷款人自由赎回抵押地产的原则。详见G.E.Mingay,English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, Toronto:University of Toronto Press,1963,p.36.
1 男性年满21岁即成年．
2 如果长子拒绝与父亲续签家产析分契约，根据上一代人签订的家产析分契约，长子在父亲去世时就能获得处置家产的绝对权力．
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.27.
4 A. W. B Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.28.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.14.
2 资料来源于 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements and the Rise of Great Estates: The Demographic Aspect", Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 32, No.4. (Nov., 1979), pp. 490-1.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.29.
4 Ibid., p.34.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.35.
2 Ibid., p.29.
3 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements, 1660-1740: the Adoption of the Strict Settlement in Kent and Northamptonshire", In R. B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage, London: Europa Publication Limited, 1981, p.110, Table I.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.20.
5 只能终生享有家产收益，而不能出售、转让家产的人。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.20-1.
2 Ibid., p.2.
3 Llyod Bonfieid, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.84.
4 Ibid., p.85.
5 John Habakkuk, Marriage. Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.22.
6 芬奇勋爵推荐的方法无外乎两种，一种是由他自己全权决定弱势家庭成员的份额，一种是由丹尼尔全权决定弱势家庭成员的份额。从他的措辞看，他推荐的方法应是后者。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.24.
2 Habakkuk划分的标准是地产年收入。大土地所有者的地产年收入为3，000英镑左右，实力乡绅的地产收入在800英镑-2000英镑之间，低等乡绅的收入则低于800。详见H.J.Habakkuk,"English Landownership,1680-1740",Economic History Review, Vol. 10, No. 1(Feb., 1940), p.3.
3 资料来源于 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage Settlements, 1660-1740: the Adoption of the Strict Settlement in Kent and Northamptonshire", In R. B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage, London: Europa Publication Limited, 1981, p.110, Table I.
1 资料来源于Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.88, Table 3.
2 Ibid., p.91, Table 5.
1 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.15; G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1963, p.32.
2 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, New York: Academic Press, 1978, p.74.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
4 Ibid., p.91.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.90.
2 Ibid., p.91.
3 Ibid., p.92.
4 Ibid., p.93.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.94.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p.90.
4 Ibid., p.95.
5 Lawrence Stone, Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984,p.l12.
6 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
1 G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.32; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.125.
2 A.W.B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, p.239; J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.247.
3 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.79.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid., p.80.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.93.
7 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.80.
8 Lloyd Bonfield, "Affective Families, Open Elites and Strict Family Settlements in Early Modern England ", Economic History Review, New series, Vol. 39, No.3(Aug., 1986), p.347.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.77.
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp. 105-6.
2 Ibid., p.107.
3 Joan Thirsk, "Younger Sons in the Seventeenth Century", History 54 (1969), p.359.
1 H.J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
2 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.35.
3 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, pp.89-90.
4 13、14世纪盛行的限男嗣继承，以及限男嗣继承的变种中有一部分残留到16、17世纪，具体参见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.7-8.
5 参见上文第二章。
6 Eileen Spring, "The Family, Strict Settlement, and Historian", Canadian Journal of History, Vol.18, No.3 (Dec., 1983), p.394.
7 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.77-8.
2 Ibid., p.136; H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
3 A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
4 John Habakkuk,Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.65.
5 J. H. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, p.246; A. W. B. Simpson, A History of Land Law, pp.237-8.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.118-121.
7 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.37.
1 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p. 113; H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, 32 (1950), p.20.
2 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p. 109.
3 这一阶段，共有29位封建主使用家产析分契约，在这29份家产析分契约中，有23份对余子女的继承份额进行了详细规定．详见Llyod Bonfield,Marriage Settlements,1601-1740:The Adoption of the Strict Settlement,p.111.
4 这一阶段，共有26位封建主使用家产析分契约，在这26份家产析分契约中，有19份对余子女的继承份额进行了详细规定。详见Llyod Bonfield,Marriage Settlements,1601-1740:The Adoption of the Strict Settlement,p.113.
5 Lloyd Bonfield, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Different View", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), p.464.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.3-4.
7 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.212.
1 Jennifer C. Ward, English Noblewomen in the Late Middle,Ages, p.25.
2 这种形式的操作方法如下：封建主将某块地产出租给他人，出租所得供余子终生享受，有的封建主还允许该余子的第一代继承人也终生享有该租金收入。表面上．余子获得的是金钱收入，但实质上，这种形式仍是地产资助形式的一种。区别是余子不能再代代享受该地产，而只能享受一代至两代。
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.212.
4 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.99.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.220.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.101.
7 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.100; J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.216.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.100-1.
2 Ibid., pp. 102-3.
3 Ibid., p.103.
4 Ibid., p. 104.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.102.
2 资料来源于J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.321-24; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.101.
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.104
2 Joan Thirsk, "Younger Sons in the Seventeenth Century", History 54 (1969), p.363.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 114.
4 委任状即政府对军官职务的任命文书。在1660-1871年的这段时间里，为缓解维持军队带来的经济压力，英国政府制定了出售委任状的政策。此政策出台后，凡欲从军并在军队中任职之人，必先花重金购买委任状。这一政策的弊端是明显的，因有能力购买委任状的人不一定胜任，因此这一政策必然会消弱军队的战斗力。19世纪中后期，英国政府财政压力得以缓解后便废除了这一政策。详见Douglas W. Allen,"Compatible Incentives and the Purchase of Military Commmissions", The Journal of Legal Studies, Vol.27, No.1,(Jan., 1998), pp.45-66; John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.112。在此问题上，感谢厦门大学历史系许二斌副教授为我解惑。
1 John Habakkuk, Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.106.
2 信息来源于J.P.Cooper,"Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries",pp.325-27;John HabakkuknMarriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.105.
3 自18世纪初始，封建主已经开始同时使用年金和一次性付清金额为余子提供资助，即在提供年金的同时，还提供一笔一次性支付的金钱。此处的数据是将一次性付清金额(capital sum)折入年金后的数额。折算的原则职下：根据Habakkuk的统计，一次性付清金额一般是十年年金总额(详见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.105)。由此推算，取一次性付清金额10％即可得出相对应年金的数额。下同．
4 余子有资格接受一次性付清金额的时间一般为成年之时，余女一般为成婚时，有的余女也在21岁，或18岁时接受过一次性付清金额．详见John Habakkuk,Marriage,Debt,and the Estates System:English Landownership 1650-1950,p.121.
1 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p .325.
2 Ibid., p.237.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 105.
4 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.326.
5 一般情况下，年金是一次性付清金额的10％，那么2，000英镑的一次性付清金额可折算成200英镑的年金，再加上200英镑，可得出混合方式的总额与400英镑的年金数额相当。
6 J. p. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.327.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, pp.88-9.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.119-110.
3 Ibid., p.110.
4 Ibid., p.111.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.95.
6 Ibid., p.94.
7 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, pp.115-116.
8 Ibid., p. 116.
1 Paul Lucas, "A Collective Biography of Students and Barristers of Lincoln's Inn, 1680-1804: A Study in the Aristocratic Resurgence of the Eighteenth Century", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 46, No. 2. (Jun., 1974), p. 233.
2 William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), 英国政治领导人，曾作为自由党人四次担任首相。
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 116.
4 Ibid., p.119.
1 G. E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.36.
2 Ibid., p.37.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.237.
1 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.88.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 129.
3 库珀和斯通二人是在完全独立的状态下对贵族余女的继承份额进行了统计，他们的数据采样并不相同，但二人选取的部分案例可能重复。
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, New York: Oxford University Press, 1967, p.290.
2 Llyod Bonfield, "Affective Families, Open Elites and Strict Family Settlements in Early Modem England", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.39, No.3 (1986), p.352; Llyod Bonfield, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Differing View ", Economic History Review, 2nd series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), p.464.
3 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt. and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950,p. 136,斯通也曾谈到这个问题，他的数据显示，到17世纪早期，父亲为余女提供资助的数额已经与家产一年的收入相当了．详见Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641,p.291.
4 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.307.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, p.310.
2 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement By Great Landowners form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.318-27.
1 数据来源于J.P. Cooper, "Pattens of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.321-22.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 128.
3 Ibid.,pp. 131-32.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, pp.290-91.
2 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteeth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.222.
3 关于这一点，笔者在“余子女份额的确定性”一节已有详细论述，此处不赘．
4 关于嫁妆(portion)和夫妻共同占有财产(jointure)的比例，请参阅H.J.Habakkuk,"Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 32 (1950), p.23; Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, pp.291, FIG 15.
5 H.J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlement in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the royal historical society, 32 (1950), p.24.
6 Mingay也曾提到“富商女”对贵族婚姻市场的影响，G.E.Mingay,Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century,London:Routledge,1963,p.36;斯通也曾就此问题有深入论述，参阅Lawrence Stone,The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641,pp.292-93.
1 Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641, p.292.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.104.
5 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", pp.208-210.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.106.
7 J.P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.211; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp105-6.
1 J. P. Cooper, "The Counting of Manors", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 8, No.3 (1956), pp.379-380.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.107; Pearl Hogrefe, "Legal Rights of Tudor Women and the Circumvention by Men and Women", Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 3, No. 1(Apr., 1972), p.99; Barbara K. Lewalski, "Re-Writing Patriarchy and Patronage: Margaret Clifford, Anne Clifford, and Aemilia Lanyer", The Yearbook of English Studies, Vol. 21, Politics, Patronage and Literature in England 1558-1658 Special Number (1991), pp.87-90; J. P. Cooper, "The Counting of Manors", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 8, No.3 (1956), p.380.
3 J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of Inheritance and Settlement by Great Landowners Form the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries", p.210.
1 详见本文第三章．
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p. 107.
3 Ibid., pp.34-5.
4 所谓“旁系”是指与封建主具有血缘关系的旁系亲属，简称“旁系血亲”。“旁系血亲”与“直系血亲”相对应。“直系血亲”是指有直系血缘关系的亲属，从自身往上数的父、祖父、曾祖父等均为长辈直系血亲，从自身往下数的亲生子女、孙子女、曾孙子女皆为晚辈直系血亲。由此可见，查找直系血亲的关键是从自身为起点，然后向前向后直线溯求．所谓“旁系”，系指那些有着共同祖先，但彼此并无直接血缘关系的亲属。就像一棵树的众多树枝，虽然同根却彼此并不相干。例如约翰·斯蒂尔斯(John Stiles)有二子，二子的后代瓜瓞绵绵，这些后代皆以约翰·斯蒂尔斯为共同祖先，但他们之间是旁系关系。如果同样以自身为起点，自己的兄弟姐妹、伯伯、叔叔、姨母和侄、甥等这些平辈、长辈、晚辈，都是旁系血亲。旁系血亲呈水平分布．参阅William Blackstone,Commentaries on the Laws of England, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott company, 1859, Vol. 1. p. 202.
5 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, p.109.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300-1800, p.95.
2 Lawrence Stone 和 Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone
3 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, p. 112.
4 Ibid.,附录表4.5.
5 图中数据来源于 Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, 附录表4.2。
1 图中数据来源于Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone., An Open Elite? England 1540-1880, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, 附录表4.2.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990, p .98.
2 H. J. Habakkuk, "Marriage Settlements in the Eighteenth Century", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th Series, 32 (1950), p.21.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p.117.
2 Ibid., p.118.
3 Ibid.
4 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.50-1; Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.82.
5 Randolph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family, p.82, note44.
6 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.51.
7 Ibid.
8 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, p.118; Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.52.
1 关于平均利率,请参见John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p. 17,或者Christopher Clay, "Marriage, Inheritance, and the Rise of Large Estates in England, 1660-1815", Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 21, No. 3. (Dec., 1968), p. 508;关于夫妻婚姻平均延续年限,请参加Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, pp.55, 57.
2 1000*4%+900*4%+800*4%+700*4%+600*4%+500*4%+400*4%+300*4%+200*4%+100*4%=180
3 13000*25*4%=13000
4 13000**4%+11400*4%+9800*4%+8200*4%+6600*4%+5000*4%+3400*4%+1800*4%+200*4%=2376
5 Llyod Bonfield, Marriage Settlements, 1601-1740: The Adoption of the Strict Settlement, pp. 116-7.
1 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family:. Aristocratic Inheritance in England, pp.54-5.
2 Ibid., p.56.
3 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p.115.
4 Ibid., p.115.
5 Maria L. Cioni,"The Elizabethan Chancery and Women's Rights", In D. J. Guth and J. M. Mckenna, eds., Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G. R. Elton From His American Friends, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982, p.176.
6 Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England 1550-1720, New York: Oxford University Press, 1998, p.177.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, London: Routledge, 1993, p.178.
2 Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, p.64; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.185.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, pp. 185-6.
4 例如，1729年的一个家产析分契约明确规定，妻子的零用钱不受丈夫控制，也不对丈夫的债务负责。而且，零用钱掌握在受托人手中，其开销在受托人的保护之下进行，受托人只有见到妻子的收据或签名时才同意从零用钱中支付。详见Susan Staves,Married Women's Separate Property in England,1660-1833,pp.138-9.
1 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, p.131.
2 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.79.
3 Susan Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in England, 1660-1833, p. 136.
4 参见本文第一章第三节．
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, Routledge, 1997, p.26; Susan Moller Okin, "Patriarchy and Married Women's Property in England: Questions on Some Current Views", Eighteen-Century Studies, Vol. 17, No.2 (Winter, 1983-1984), p. 136.
6 John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership 1650-1950, p.80.
7 Susan Staves, "Pin Money", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, 14 (1985), pp.54-5.
1 Susan Staves, "Pin Money", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, 14 (1985), pp.55-6.
2 可以是从父母那里继承的财产，也可是未婚夫授予的财产，或者是自己积累的财产。
3 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp.26-7.
4 Michel H. Robert, "English Attitudes Towards Women 1640-1700", Canadian Joumal of History, 1 (1978), pp.52-3.
5 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modem England, p.108.
6 Ibid., p.214.
7 Ibid., p.124.
1 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Properly in Early Modern England, p.123.
2 Janelle Greenberg, "The Legal Status of the English Women in Early Eighteenth-Century Common Law and Equity", Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 4 (1975), pp. 176-7.
3 Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England, p.106.
4 Ibid., p. 123.
5 Ibid., p.106.
6 Ibid., p. 123.
1 Llyod Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), pp.297-312; Llyod Bonfieid, "Strict Settlement and the Family: A Different View", Economic History Review, Second Series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), pp.461-466. Eileen Spring, "The Strict Settlement: Its Role in Family History", Economic History Review, Second Series, Vol.41, No.3 (1988), pp. 454-60.
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, New York: Longman, 1995, pp.237-8,
3 G. E. Mingay, Eglish Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century, p.34.
1 F．R．艾略特 著，何世念等译：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，中国人民大学出版社，1992年版，第4-5页．
1 详见导言部分．
2 Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, pp. 117.
3 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.20.
4 P. J. p. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 13-4.
5 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage, p.28; P. J. P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, p. 13; Peter Laslett, ed., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972, p.26; F. R.艾略特著，何世念等译：《家庭：变革还是继续?》，第5页．
6 P. J. P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, p.13.
7 E. Hallam," Some Thirteenth Century Censuses, Economic History Review 2nd Series, 10 (1958), pp.349-55.
8 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.66.
9 Zvi Razi, "The Myth of the Immutable English Family", Past and Present, No.140 (Aug.1993), p.42.
10 Peter Lasllet, "Mean Household Size in England Since the Sixteenth Century ", In Peter Lasllet and R. Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time, Cambridge University Press, 1972, pp.153, 149; P. J.P. Goldberg, Medieval England : A Social History, 1250-1550, pp.16-20.
11 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, p.77.
1 洗礼和坚振礼都是天主教会的七大圣礼之一。洗礼即加入教会的仪式，亦称圣洗。基督教认为洗礼是耶稣基督亲自设立的圣事，不仅是信徒正式入教的仪式，而且象征着入教者的原罪和本罪得到赦免，为其接受圣灵和思典的证明，洗礼的施行主要有洒水(或称为点水礼)和受浸(或称浸礼)两种方式。洒水礼的意思就是牧师在主持洗礼时，用一点水洒在接受洗礼的信徒头上．浸礼的意思就是接受洗礼的信徒全人浸在水中。主礼的牧师扶持受漫礼的信徒向后仰全身浸入水中。信徒在接受了神父的洗礼一段时间后，还要接受主教的坚振礼。施礼时，主教将手按在信徒的头上，同时划十字，敷以圣油，同时念：“某某请借此印记，领受天恩圣神。”坚振礼可使“圣灵”降于受礼人之身，以坚定信仰，振奋心灵．使领受者的生命更为圆满，信仰更为坚强，做耶稣的勇兵，为耶稣作见证，传天国的福音。
2 Will Coster, Family and Kinship in England 1450-1800, London: Longman, 2001, p.40; Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.39.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.76-7.
1 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol. 1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p .297.
2 Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, Translated from French by Robert Baldick, New York:Vintage Books, A Division of Random House, 1962, pp.33, 37, 50-61,128-9, 130-3, 411.
3 Ibid.,p.10.
1 Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, London: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp.153-4.
2 Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family, New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, p.5.
3 Ibid., pp.5-6.
4 Ibid., pp.11-13.
5 Joan W. Scott, Review "The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, Signs, Vol.2, No.3 (Spring, 1977), p.692.
6 Hugh G. J. Aitken, Review 'The Making of the Modem Family' by Edward Shorter, in Journal of Economic History, Vol.38, No.2 (Jun., 1978), p.606.
7 Joan W. Scott, Review "The Making of the Modem Family" By Edward Shorter, Signs, Vol.2, No.3 (Spring, 1977), p.692-6.
8 Mary Matossian, Review "The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, The American Historical Review, Vol.81, No.4 (Oct., 1976), pp. 822-3.
1 Patricia Branca, Review" The Making of the Modern Family" By Edward Shorter, The Journal of Modern History, Vol.49, No.1 (1977), p.119.
2 Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, New York: Happer TorchBooks, 1979, pp.22-5.
3 Alan MacFarlane, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, History and Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Feb., 1979), p. 106.
4 Ibid., p.113, 116.
5 Ibid., pp.117-8.
6 David S. Berkowitz, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, Renaissance Quarterly, Vol.32, No.3 (Autumn, 1979), pp.400-1.
1 John R. Gillis, "Affective Individualism and the English Poor", Journal of Interdisciplinary, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Summer, 1979), p.124.
2 Keith Wrightson, English Society 1580-1680, p.92, 118.
3 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.297.
4 庄园法庭记录是研究家庭及家庭内部关系的绝好史料，例如，学者兹维·拉兹(Zvi Razi)通过研究英国赫尔佐温(Halesowen)地区的庄园法庭卷宗而取得了丰硕成果。详见Zvi Razi,"The Myth of the Immutable English Family",Past and Present,No.140(Aug.,1993,),p.5.
5 Lloyd Bonfield, "Marriage, Property & the Affective Family", Law and History Review, Vol.1, No.2 (Autumn, 1983), p.298.
6 Alan MacFarlane, Review "The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800" By Lawrence Stone, History and Theory, Vol.18, No.1 (Feb., 1979), p.118.
1 S.F.C. Milsom, "Inheritance by Women in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries", In S. F. C. Milsom, Studies in the History of the Common Law, London and New York: The Hambledon Press, 1985, pp.223-230; J. C. Holt, "Feudal Society and the Family in Early Medieval England: The Heiress and Alien", Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th Series, 35 (1985), pp.1-28.
1 Tim Stretton, Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England, pp.22-3, 129-35.
2 Ibid., p.23.
1 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.96.
2 Ibid., p.97.
3 Ibid., pp.97-8.
4 普通法规定，寡妇的寡妇产是丈夫占有地产数量的1╱3，如果丈夫将其占有的地产的一部分限定由某子嗣继承，则该地产仍包括在寡妇产的基数里面。
1 详见本文第四章。
2 Ralph A. Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p.100.
3 Peter Fleming, Family and Household in Medieval England, pp.56, 84; Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in early Modern England, pp.71,221.
4 Keith Wrightson, English Society 1580-1680, p.102.
1 Keith Wrightson, English Sciety 1580-1680, p.102.
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