土耳其正义与发展党及其执政实践研究
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摘要
本文以土耳其正义与发展党为研究对象,以政党学理论和文明交往自觉论为指导,以社会科学中的结构—行为体问题作为串联全文的核心问题,在研究过程中始终贯穿结构与行为体之间、行为体之间、行为体内部的多维复杂交往互动思想,以分析和呈现正义与发展党的崛起与执政实践,并尝试得出以下几点结论。
第一,作为三重危机的结果,即合法性危机、经济危机和整合危机；土耳其政治伊斯兰的改革派成功组建了正义与发展党。之后,通过三次选举和两次地方选举,该党得以执政和成为土耳其政治体系中的主导政党。从历史角度看,正义与发展党的崛起是全球化、自由化、民主化背景下土耳其现代化、民主化、欧洲化进程的产物,是土耳其国家、经济、社会长期变迁的结果。
第二,就正义与发展党的自身发展而言,在历史环境和现实选举环境的共同作用下,该党面临着在政党制度化的两个维度——自主性和系统性之间的两难选择。就组织结构而言,正义与发展党由中央、省级、区和市政机构以及议会党团机构、纪律委员会等组成；就其组织原则而言,民主制、民主集中制、领袖魅力是其组织方面的重要特征；就其性质而言,正义与发展党已经不同于土耳其历史上出现过的伊斯兰主义政党,具有保守中右政党和全能型政党的混合型特征。
第三,就正义与发展党的执政理念和执政实践而言,可总结为如下四个方面。政治上,在“保守民主”理念指导下实施政治改革,试图实现土耳其政治(民主)的欧洲化、温和化、正常化、民主化；经济上,在修正的新自由主义思想指导下,实施经济稳定与调整政策,在实现经济稳定和增长的同时,推进土耳其经济的市场化、自由化和私有化；在社会政策方面,以“社会参与”等理念为指导,实施教育、医疗、住房、社会保险等方面的改革；在民族宗教政策方面,以“民主开放”理念为指导,尝试以民主方式处理困扰土耳其多年的库尔德问题、阿莱维派问题、头巾之争；在对外政策方面,以“战略纵深主义”为指导,实行欧亚并重的对外政策和“与邻国零问题”政策的同时,并因应地区形势的变化,试图输出“土耳其模式”,展现该国的“软实力”,力图实现对外政策领域欧洲化、中东化和奥斯曼化的“三化”并举；在取得部分成功的同时,亦面临着来自国际、地区和国内三个层次的不小挑战。
最后,总体上来看,伊斯兰主义政党在中东、北非、东南亚、中亚、南亚、巴尔干国家的影响力渐强。在考察土耳其伊斯兰主义政党的历史演变和正义与发展党的执政理念和执政经验之后,本文认为伊斯兰主义政党是伊斯兰国家政治现代化进程和自身历史发展进程的产物,不能一概而论,必须逐个进行个案研究。伊斯兰主义政党,不论是执政党或反对党,都必须谨慎处理所在国现代化进程中的各种遗产。以土耳其正义与发展党为例,该党必须处理土耳其现代化进程中的各种遗产,如凯末尔主义遗产、新自由主义遗产(厄扎尔遗产)、伊斯兰主义遗产、奥斯曼遗产。
总之,土耳其正义与发展党的崛起开启了土耳其政治现代化进程的新时代,本世纪前十年的土耳其国家呈现出民主巩固、经济增长、社会相对稳定的新局面。在肯定该党执政成就的同时,我们必须正视影响土耳其内政外交的关键变量,这些因素都束缚着正义与发展党的手脚,成为其继续推进改革、拓展纵深的制约因素。在土耳其内外交往问题上,正义与发展党如何处理挑战与应战、传统与现代、全球与本土、有序与无序等环节之间的关系是该党能否取得成功的关键所在。然而,文明自觉的实现不单取决于该党自身的努力,而是取决于土耳其所有力量的共同努力,即“集体的文明自觉”。
This dissertation is about the Justice and Development Party of Turkey as well as its political visions and practices in the political, economical and foreign policy areas. In this dissertation, by using theories of western politics and the theory of the exchange of civilizations put forward by Pro. Peng, the author tries to show the interplays and intercations between the state, societies and political parties in turkey, to give deep insights to the devopments of Turkey in all areas under AKP's ruling. The conclusions will be the following.
First, as a result of triangle crsis, namely, the legalitimal crisis, the economic crisis and the intigrational crisis; the reformist in Turkey's political Islam successfully established AKP. Then, through three nationl elections and two local elections, this party came to the power and became the dominant party in the country's party system. Historically, the rise of AKP is the result of turkey's modernization, democraction, and Europeanization under the context of globalization, liberalization, and democraction. In other word, which is the result of long evolution of turkey's state, economy and society.
Second, under the historial context and the real electional environment, there would be a difficult choice between antomy and systemness for AKP. As to its organizations, it is comprised of central and local organizations as well as parimental groups and displinal assembles. As the principals of the organiazations, it signifies the mixed charicteriscs of the cenralised democracy, the democratic regime, charismatic leadership and intra-party democracy. As to its party family, we cann't classify AKP into the Islamic Party, since the party shows the charicteristics of the central-right party and the catch-all party at the same time.
Third, as to its ideology and practices, we can conclude the following. Politically, under the guidance of the "Conservative Democracy" idea, the AKP government has carried a number of EU reforms in legal areas and the civilian-millitary relationshiop, in order to further Turkey's democratization process and to meet the Copenhagen Critiea of the EU. Economically, under the guidance of the "Revised Neo-Liberalism" idea, the AKP government has taken several mersures to gain the stability and the growth, while furthered Turkey economy's golabalization, liberalization, markertation and privitization. As to the party's social policy, under the guidance of "Social Participation" idea, the AKP government has carried a number of reforms in the areas of education, health, social security and housing. As to the national-religious policy, under the "Democaratic Openings" idea and the principal of "Negative Securalism", the AKP government has tried to resolve the long-lagged questions troubling Turkey namely the Kurdish question, the Alevi question, the veiling dispute, etc. In the area of foreign policy, under the doctrine of "Stratagic Depth", the AKP government has dealt with the European and Asia equally and carried out the "No Problems with Neighbours" policy in order to advance the Ottomanization, Middle-Easternizition and Europeanization. The AKP government has to adapt to the devolpments of the sitituations, tries to promote the Turkish Model to the region and exert its soft power. While gaining triunphs partly, it is faced challegences from the international, regional and domestic levels.
Finally, in general, it is growing influence that the Islamist parties has emerged in the Muslim courtries from the Middle East to South Asia to Central Asia to Balkan to North Afria recently. After analyzing the AKP's ideology and its practices, this dissertation concludes that the Islamist parties were the results of the Muslim courtries'modernization process and the historial process, which cann't be analysed simply. It is necessary for the Islamist party to cautiously deal with the legacies of the modernization process exprienced by the host courtries. In the case of AKP, it is necessary for AKP to deal with the legacies of the modernization process exprienced by Turkey namely the Kemalist legacy, the Ozal legacy, the Islamism legacy and the Ottoman legacy.
In short, the rise of AKP has created the new period of Turkey's modernization process. In the first decade of21th century, there were relatively political stability, economic prosperity and social solidarity in Turkey. Despite confirming the triumphs of the AKP government,we must recognize the factors constraining the party to continually further the reforms and expand the depth of the foreign interactions. As to internal exchanges in Turkey, it is critical for AKP how to deal with the relations between the chanllege and the reaction, the tradition and modernity, the global and the local, the order and the disorder, etc. Moreover, the relizations of the counciousness of civilization are not just relying on AKP, but on the mutual efforts of all forces in turkey, namely the collective counciousness.
第一,作为三重危机的结果,即合法性危机、经济危机和整合危机；土耳其政治伊斯兰的改革派成功组建了正义与发展党。之后,通过三次选举和两次地方选举,该党得以执政和成为土耳其政治体系中的主导政党。从历史角度看,正义与发展党的崛起是全球化、自由化、民主化背景下土耳其现代化、民主化、欧洲化进程的产物,是土耳其国家、经济、社会长期变迁的结果。
第二,就正义与发展党的自身发展而言,在历史环境和现实选举环境的共同作用下,该党面临着在政党制度化的两个维度——自主性和系统性之间的两难选择。就组织结构而言,正义与发展党由中央、省级、区和市政机构以及议会党团机构、纪律委员会等组成；就其组织原则而言,民主制、民主集中制、领袖魅力是其组织方面的重要特征；就其性质而言,正义与发展党已经不同于土耳其历史上出现过的伊斯兰主义政党,具有保守中右政党和全能型政党的混合型特征。
第三,就正义与发展党的执政理念和执政实践而言,可总结为如下四个方面。政治上,在“保守民主”理念指导下实施政治改革,试图实现土耳其政治(民主)的欧洲化、温和化、正常化、民主化；经济上,在修正的新自由主义思想指导下,实施经济稳定与调整政策,在实现经济稳定和增长的同时,推进土耳其经济的市场化、自由化和私有化；在社会政策方面,以“社会参与”等理念为指导,实施教育、医疗、住房、社会保险等方面的改革；在民族宗教政策方面,以“民主开放”理念为指导,尝试以民主方式处理困扰土耳其多年的库尔德问题、阿莱维派问题、头巾之争；在对外政策方面,以“战略纵深主义”为指导,实行欧亚并重的对外政策和“与邻国零问题”政策的同时,并因应地区形势的变化,试图输出“土耳其模式”,展现该国的“软实力”,力图实现对外政策领域欧洲化、中东化和奥斯曼化的“三化”并举；在取得部分成功的同时,亦面临着来自国际、地区和国内三个层次的不小挑战。
最后,总体上来看,伊斯兰主义政党在中东、北非、东南亚、中亚、南亚、巴尔干国家的影响力渐强。在考察土耳其伊斯兰主义政党的历史演变和正义与发展党的执政理念和执政经验之后,本文认为伊斯兰主义政党是伊斯兰国家政治现代化进程和自身历史发展进程的产物,不能一概而论,必须逐个进行个案研究。伊斯兰主义政党,不论是执政党或反对党,都必须谨慎处理所在国现代化进程中的各种遗产。以土耳其正义与发展党为例,该党必须处理土耳其现代化进程中的各种遗产,如凯末尔主义遗产、新自由主义遗产(厄扎尔遗产)、伊斯兰主义遗产、奥斯曼遗产。
总之,土耳其正义与发展党的崛起开启了土耳其政治现代化进程的新时代,本世纪前十年的土耳其国家呈现出民主巩固、经济增长、社会相对稳定的新局面。在肯定该党执政成就的同时,我们必须正视影响土耳其内政外交的关键变量,这些因素都束缚着正义与发展党的手脚,成为其继续推进改革、拓展纵深的制约因素。在土耳其内外交往问题上,正义与发展党如何处理挑战与应战、传统与现代、全球与本土、有序与无序等环节之间的关系是该党能否取得成功的关键所在。然而,文明自觉的实现不单取决于该党自身的努力,而是取决于土耳其所有力量的共同努力,即“集体的文明自觉”。
This dissertation is about the Justice and Development Party of Turkey as well as its political visions and practices in the political, economical and foreign policy areas. In this dissertation, by using theories of western politics and the theory of the exchange of civilizations put forward by Pro. Peng, the author tries to show the interplays and intercations between the state, societies and political parties in turkey, to give deep insights to the devopments of Turkey in all areas under AKP's ruling. The conclusions will be the following.
First, as a result of triangle crsis, namely, the legalitimal crisis, the economic crisis and the intigrational crisis; the reformist in Turkey's political Islam successfully established AKP. Then, through three nationl elections and two local elections, this party came to the power and became the dominant party in the country's party system. Historically, the rise of AKP is the result of turkey's modernization, democraction, and Europeanization under the context of globalization, liberalization, and democraction. In other word, which is the result of long evolution of turkey's state, economy and society.
Second, under the historial context and the real electional environment, there would be a difficult choice between antomy and systemness for AKP. As to its organizations, it is comprised of central and local organizations as well as parimental groups and displinal assembles. As the principals of the organiazations, it signifies the mixed charicteriscs of the cenralised democracy, the democratic regime, charismatic leadership and intra-party democracy. As to its party family, we cann't classify AKP into the Islamic Party, since the party shows the charicteristics of the central-right party and the catch-all party at the same time.
Third, as to its ideology and practices, we can conclude the following. Politically, under the guidance of the "Conservative Democracy" idea, the AKP government has carried a number of EU reforms in legal areas and the civilian-millitary relationshiop, in order to further Turkey's democratization process and to meet the Copenhagen Critiea of the EU. Economically, under the guidance of the "Revised Neo-Liberalism" idea, the AKP government has taken several mersures to gain the stability and the growth, while furthered Turkey economy's golabalization, liberalization, markertation and privitization. As to the party's social policy, under the guidance of "Social Participation" idea, the AKP government has carried a number of reforms in the areas of education, health, social security and housing. As to the national-religious policy, under the "Democaratic Openings" idea and the principal of "Negative Securalism", the AKP government has tried to resolve the long-lagged questions troubling Turkey namely the Kurdish question, the Alevi question, the veiling dispute, etc. In the area of foreign policy, under the doctrine of "Stratagic Depth", the AKP government has dealt with the European and Asia equally and carried out the "No Problems with Neighbours" policy in order to advance the Ottomanization, Middle-Easternizition and Europeanization. The AKP government has to adapt to the devolpments of the sitituations, tries to promote the Turkish Model to the region and exert its soft power. While gaining triunphs partly, it is faced challegences from the international, regional and domestic levels.
Finally, in general, it is growing influence that the Islamist parties has emerged in the Muslim courtries from the Middle East to South Asia to Central Asia to Balkan to North Afria recently. After analyzing the AKP's ideology and its practices, this dissertation concludes that the Islamist parties were the results of the Muslim courtries'modernization process and the historial process, which cann't be analysed simply. It is necessary for the Islamist party to cautiously deal with the legacies of the modernization process exprienced by the host courtries. In the case of AKP, it is necessary for AKP to deal with the legacies of the modernization process exprienced by Turkey namely the Kemalist legacy, the Ozal legacy, the Islamism legacy and the Ottoman legacy.
In short, the rise of AKP has created the new period of Turkey's modernization process. In the first decade of21th century, there were relatively political stability, economic prosperity and social solidarity in Turkey. Despite confirming the triumphs of the AKP government,we must recognize the factors constraining the party to continually further the reforms and expand the depth of the foreign interactions. As to internal exchanges in Turkey, it is critical for AKP how to deal with the relations between the chanllege and the reaction, the tradition and modernity, the global and the local, the order and the disorder, etc. Moreover, the relizations of the counciousness of civilization are not just relying on AKP, but on the mutual efforts of all forces in turkey, namely the collective counciousness.
引文
① Juris Pupcenoks, "Democratic Islamization in Pakistan and Turkey:Lessons for the Post-Arab Spring Muslim World", Middle East Journal, Vol.66, No.2, Spring 2012, pp.273-289.
① 转引自张广智主编：《史学之魂——当代西方马克思主义史学研究》,复旦大学出版社2011年,第19页。
② 彭树智主编：《阿富汗史》,陕西旅游出版社1993年,序言第2页。
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,西北大学出版社2013年,第487页。
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第538页。
⑤ “长远时间”是一个大时段的历史概念。它包括对过去的继承,对现代的重视和对未来的向往这三个时间段的“无穷无尽的和不会完成的对话”。转引自彭树智：《我的文明观》,第523页。
① Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.3,22.
M. Hakan.Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003. M. Hakan.Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge University Press,2009.
④ Jenny White, Islamist mobilization in Turkey:a study in vernacular politics, Seattle:University of Washington Press,2002. Jenny White, Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks, Princeton:Princeton University Press,2012.
⑤ Birol A. Yesilada, "The Refah Party Phenomenon in Turkey," in Birol A. Yesilada ed., Comparative Political Parties and
Party Elites:Essays in Honor of Samuel J. Eldersveld, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1999, pp.123-50. Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds., Political Parties in Turkey, Portland:Frank Cass,2002, pp.62-81. Haldun Giilalp, "Political Islam in Turkey:The Rise and Fall of the Welfare Party," The Muslim World, Vol.89, No.l, January 1999, pp.22-55. Metin Heper and Jacob Landau eds., Political Parties and Democracy in Turkey, New York: I.B. Tauris,1991. William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge,2010.
① 黄维民：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年；刘云：《土耳其政治现代化：观察与思考》,甘肃人民出版社2002年；陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论与历史实践的双重探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年；李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》(博士论文),南开大学2009年。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge, 2010.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.1-78.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.78.
⑤ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2009; Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, Turkish Democracy Today:Elections, Prost and Stability in an Islamic Society, London and New York:I.B.Tauris,2007; Ali Carkoglu, "Turkey's November 2002. Elections:A New Beginning?", Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol.6, No.3, pp.30-41.
① Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Issues for U.S. Policy", CRS Report RL31429, May 22,2002. Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey: Financial Crises in Context", CRS Report RS20842, March 13,2001. Bulent Aliriza, "Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core", CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge,2010. M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.
③ 敏敬：《土耳其正发党与繁荣党的差异比较研究》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第26-32页。
④ 王林聪：《论正义与发展党执政下的“土耳其民主模式”》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第20-25页。
⑤ 李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》(博士论文),南开大学2009年。
⑥ 李艳枝：《土耳其正义与发展党三连胜原因分析》,《国际资料信息》2011年第10期,第1--6,14页。
① 李艳枝：《中东剧变与穆斯林民主政党的兴起》,《国际论坛》2013年第3期,第73-78页。
② Metin Heper,'The Justice and Development Party Government and the Military in Turkey', Turkish Studies, Vol.6, No.2, 2005, pp.215-231; Gareth Jenkins,'Symbols and Shadow Play:Military-JDP Relations', in Hakan Yavuz ed., The Emergence of a New Turkey:Democracy and the AK Party, Salt Lake, University of Utah Press,2006, pp.185-206; Umit Cizre,'The Justice and Development Party and the Military:Recreating the Past after Reforming it?', in Omit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The Making of the Justice and Development Party, London, Routledge,2008, pp.132-171. Akin Unver,'Turkey's Deep State and the Ergenekon Conundrum', Middle East Institute Policy Brief, No.23, 29 April 2009; Gareth H. Jenkins,'Between Fact and Fantasy:Turkey's Ergenekon Investigation', Silk Road Paper, August 2009, http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/docs/silkroadpapers/0908Ergenekon.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日).
③ Ziya Onis and Barry Rubin, The Turkish economy in crisis, London:Frank Cass,2003. Ziya Onis and F.Senses, Turkey and the Global Economy:Neo-liberal Restructuring and Integration in the Post-Crisis Era, London:Routledge,2009.
④ Seubidey Togan ed., Economic Liberalization and Turkey, Routledge,2010.
⑤ T.Qetin and Fuat Oguz eds., The Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, Springer,2011.
① Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age ofAKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012.
② Republic of Turkey Prime Ministry, the Silent Revolution:Turkey's Democratic Change and Transformation Inventory (2002-2012),Undersecretariat of Public Order and Security Publications,3rd Edition, November 2013.http://www.akparti.org.tr/upload/documents/ingilizce.pdf
③ 米切尔·刚特、格拉汉姆·福勒、罗伯特·奥尔森等是治库尔德问题研究的专家,他们的专著和论文是值得参考的重要资料。
① Paul J. White and Joost Jongerden eds., Turkey's Alevi enigma:a comprehensive overview, Boston:Brill,2003. Tord Olsson, Elisabeth Ozdalga and Catharina Raudvere eds., Alevi identity:cultural, religious and social perspectives:papers read at a conference held at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, November 25-27,1996, Stockholm:Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul,1998.
② 相关文献有Marvine Howe, "Turkey Today:Headscarves and Women's Rights", Middle East Policy,Vol. XX, No.3, Fall 2013, pp.121-133; Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2, April 2005; pp.147-165.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, New York:Cambridge Press,2012.
④ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,社会科学文献出版社2013年。
⑤ 汪波：《中东库尔德问题研究》,时事出版社2014年。
⑥ 李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴对女权运动的影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第5期,第132-142页。
⑦ 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年。
① Yucel Bozdaglioglu, Turkish foreign policy and Turkish identity: a constructivist approach, New York: Routledge, 2003. Martina Warning, Identity and foreign policy: Turkey's external relations under culturalist influence, Saarbriicken: VDM Verlag Dr. Muller, 2011.
② 土耳其外交部下属的战略研究所,发布了多份研究报告,论及当前土耳其外交政策的主要指导思想,具有重要的参考价值。
③ 根据笔者的统计,以土耳其与欧盟为主题的专著约有20部之多,而且多为土耳其国内学者的文章；以土耳其与美国关系为主题的专著约有四部,主要研究土美关系所面临的挑战；以土耳其与中东国家关系为主题的专著有五部,主要论及土耳其的中东政策,土耳其与伊朗、叙利亚和以色列的关系；如Robert W. Olson,Turkey-Iran Relations, 1979-2004: Revolution, Ideology, War, Coups, and Geopolitics, Mazda Pub, 2003 Suleyman Elik, Iran-Turkey Relations 1979-2011: Conceptualising the Dynamics of Politics, Religion and Security in Middle-Power States, Routledge, 20ll.以土耳其与高加索国家关系为主题的专著有一部,主要论述凯末尔主义对土耳其高加索政策的影响。Umut Uzer, Identity and Turkish foreign policy: the Kemalist influence in Cyprus and the Caucasus, London: I.B. Tauris, 2011.
④ 田文林：《土耳其战略转型及其局限》,《现代国际关系》2010年第9期,第14-20页；邓红英：《土耳其外交转型析论》,《现代国际关系》2010年第10期,第21-25页；郑东超：《土耳其新中东政策辨析》,《现代国际关系》2011年第1期,第37-42页；胡少聪：《土耳其外交新思维及其影响》,《国际问题研究》2011年第4期,第40-44页；郑东超：《土耳其外交的战略深度主义》,《国际资料信息》2011年第1期,第5-8页；李秉忠：《“中东波”以来土耳其中东政策的调整》《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第51-55页。中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所主办的《西亚非洲》杂志2011年第9期,刊登了五篇关于土耳其外交政策文章,主要涉及土耳其的西巴尔干政策、非洲政策、认同对土耳其政策的影响等；《阿拉伯世界研究》杂志2012年第5期发表了三篇土耳其对外政策的文章；郑东超、高岚、徐维、邹占伟等人的学位论文亦论及土耳其与美国、欧盟、中东国家的关系。
⑤ 李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页；Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State: The Politics of Engagement, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007.
① M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. Ahmet T. Kuru, "Changing Perspectives on Islamism and Secularism in Turkey:the Gulen Movement and the AK Party", Muslim World in Transition:Contributions of the Gulen Movement, Conference Proceedings, London:Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007, pp.140-151. Ahmet Kuru, "Passive and Assertive Secularism:Historical Conditions, Ideological Struggles, and State Policies toward Religion," World Politics, Vol.59, No.4, July 2007, pp.568-594.
② Stefano Maria Torelli, "The'AKP Model'and Tunisia's al-Nahda:From Convergence to Competition?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012, pp.65-83. Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012, pp.85-108.
③ 详见本文结论部分
④ 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第2期,第82-97页。⑤ 李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页。⑥ 咎涛：《“土耳其模式”：历史与现实》,《新疆师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)2012年第2期,第10-22页。
① Bora Kanra. Islam. Democracy, and Dialogue in Turkev:Deliberating in Divided Society. Asheate Publishing Limited. 2009.
② Ali Qarkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,20
③ Ergun Ozbudun, Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey, London:Lynne Rienner,2013.
④ Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State:The Politics of Engagement, Stanford:Stanford University Press,2007.
⑤ Ergun Ozbudun, Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey, London:Lynne Rienner,2013.
① 在中文里,“制度”一词在政治学意义上运用时实际上有两种含义：第一,它指的是一种政治统治形式。我们平常所说的资本主义制度、社会主义制度等,均属此含义；第二,它指的是一套成系统的法规会规定,如选举制度、法律制度直至议会制度、学习制度等。转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,中共中央党校出版社2009年,第162-163页。
② [英]艾伦·韦尔著：《政党与政党制度》,谢峰译,北京大学出版社2011年,第85页。
③ Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties:Organization and Power, translated by Marc Silver, Cambridge University Press, 1988. pp.55-58.
④ 叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,《教学与研究》2011年第12期,第81-87页。
① 转引自叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,第85页。
② 叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,第85页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,姚洋、邢予青、赖平耀译,上海世纪出版集团2005年,第88页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第84页。
① [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第95页。
⑤ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第99页。
⑥ 本文认为《文明交往论》(陕西人民出版社2002年)、《书路鸿踪录》(三秦出版社2004年)、《松榆斋百记——人类文明交往散论》(西北大学出版社2005年)《两斋文明自觉论随笔》(中国社会科学出版社2012年)、《我的文明观》(西北大学出版社2013年)是先生治人类文明交往史的五部曲。
⑦ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第7-12页。
⑧ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第546页。
⑨ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,陕西人民出版社2002年,第387页。
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第39页。
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第36页。
③ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第39页。
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第387页。
① 伊斯兰政党(Islamic Party)、伊斯兰主义政党(Islamist Party)、亲伊斯兰政党(pro-Islamic party)、穆斯林民主党(Muslim Democratic Party)是对中东国家有着浓厚伊斯兰背景或直接源于伊斯兰运动(组织)的政党的四种不同称谓。国外学者对此进行了某些区分,在此为行文方便,一律采用伊斯兰主义政党称谓。
② 这里有两点说明,第一点,民族拯救党,亦有学者翻译为救国党,但从该党的土耳其语名称来看,准确地讲应该译为民族拯救党；繁荣党,亦可以翻译为福利党；此外,正义与发展党的政党性质问题是国内外学界讨论的焦点话题,本文并不认为该党是伊斯兰主义政党,但为描述该党的“前史”,故这样行文。第二点,民族观点(Milli Gorus),英译为National View或National Outlook。前一个词组翻译为民族观点,后后一个词组中outlook在中文中有多个意思,如见解、前景、展望等。因此,也可以译为民族前途政党。为了行为方便,本文统一翻译为民族观点。
③ 丹克沃特·A.拉斯托认为民族党成立于1949年,该党是宗教上保守的组织,在安纳托利亚中部的某些地区和大城市中较贫穷的街区有着坚定的地方追随者。参见：[美]丹克沃特·A.拉斯托：《近东的政治——西南亚和北非》,载[美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第354页。
④ 转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,载王铁铮主编：《全球化与当代中东社会思潮》,人民出版社2013年,第134页。
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010. pp.52-53.
① 1954年奥斯曼·伯吕克巴舍重建为共和民族党。1962年,因共和农民民族党分裂,民族党再次在土耳其政坛出现。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.161.Note.1. or Birol A.Yeilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds., Political Parties in Turkey, Portland:Frank Cass, 2002, p.63.
③ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.63.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第135页。
⑤ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, Dissertation of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, February 2012. p.55.
⑥ 有资料认为是1969年；也有学者认为该党的成立时间是1970年1月26日。
⑦ 埃尔巴坎(1926-2011),土耳其著名政治家,曾是多个政党的领导人,是土耳其民族观点运动的创立者和领导人。关于埃尔巴坎的思想可以参见：陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论与历史实践的双重探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年,第170-176页；刘云：《从救国党到繁荣党看土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁》；《西亚非洲》1999年第4期,第23-27页。
① Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics ofReligiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, Dissertation of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, February 2012. p.56.
② 这些人包括Hasan Aksay, Mustafa Yazgan, Arslan Topcubasi, Osman Yuksel Serdengecti, Ismail Hakki Yilanogluo
③ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", pp.64-65.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.3.
⑤ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.65.
⑥ 转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
① Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics ofReligiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.62.
② Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, pp.62-63.
③ Mehmet Yasar Giyikdagi, Political Party in Turkey, New York,1984, p.112转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
① Mehmet Yasar Giyikdagi, Political Party in Turkey, New York,1984, pp.123-133转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
② Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", in Barry Rubin and Ali Carkoglu eds., Religion and Politics in Turkey,Routledge,2005, pp.46-57.
③ Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", p.46.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第141页。
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.12.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.3.
Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Modera Turkey, pp.66-67.
④ 1973年,民族拯救党与共和人民党组建联合政府,结果导致该党内部Naksi和Nurcu之间的分裂。努尔库集团反对民族拯救党并开始退出联盟。
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010.p.69.
⑥ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.67.
⑦ Banu Eligur,The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey,pp.69-70.
① 埃尔巴坎和其他政党领导人一样被禁止从政十年。而哈坎·雅乌兹书中重建者为阿里·图尔克曼。将军们严格限制伊斯兰在公共生活中的作用,禁止27名创始党员参与政治。结果,该党不能参与全国选举M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
② 有资料显示得票率为4.8%。
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
④ 在支持公决的演讲中,埃尔巴坎强调“法治、人权、突破禁令枷锁”,并批评“厄扎尔的独裁体制”,为伊斯兰主义政党掌权开路。
⑤ 哈坎·雅乌兹的数据为7.16%。M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4.
① M.Hakan Yavuz,Islamic Political Identity in Turkey,p.215.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.214也有学者认为,1992年的部分地方选举是繁荣党崛起的起点。该党赢得了27%的选票,赢得了伊斯坦布尔的四个区。
③ 威廉·哈勒和奥兹布敦的数据为19.1%,而哈坎·雅乌兹的数据为19.7%。参见William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4. M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
④ 威廉·哈勒和奥兹布敦的数据为29个。参见William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4六个大城市分别是伊斯坦布尔、安卡拉、科尼亚、开塞利、埃尔祖鲁姆和迪亚巴克尔。
⑤ Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", Third World Quarterly, Vol.18, No.4, Sep.1997, p.743.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.219.
① Cengiz Dinc, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol. 5, No.3, Fall 2006, p.l.
② 转引自Cengiz Dine, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", p.2.
③ Cengiz Dine, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", p.8.
④ 有学者认为,公正秩序是埃尔巴坎和苏莱曼?卡拉乌勒(Suleytnan Karagulle)的独创观点。
⑤ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities: The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.25, No.2, Nov. 1998, p288.
① Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", pp.288-289.
② Banu Eligiir, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.153.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", pp.289-290.
④ Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", p.46.
① Cengiz Dinc, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", pp.11-12.
② Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty' p.290.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.293.
④ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.191.
① Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.295.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.183.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty" p.296.
④ Jenny White, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey:a Study of Vernacular Politics, p.19.
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.193.
⑥ Ergun Ozbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics:Challenges to Democratic Consolidation, Colorado:Lynne Reiner Publishers Inc.,2000. p.92.
⑦ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.31-32.
① 穆斯林的念珠共有33颗,言外之意该党的这一组织有33个人组成。
② Jenny White, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey:a Study of Vernacular Politics, University of Washington Press,2002, pp.180,198.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
① 繁荣党的整个组织结构图可参见Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.186. Diagram5.1
② Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.757.
① 该协会的网站资料显示,截至2013年,其共由5560个会员,15000家公司,其占土耳其GDP的15%,雇佣1,200,000名工人。在土耳其国内总计有38个分支机构和代表处,在全球47个国家拥有联系点。参见该组织网站：http://www.musiadfair.com/en/musiadnedir.php
② Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.759.
③ 机会空间或环境机遇是研究土耳其政党政治的学者经常使用的概念。有关这两个概念的相关论述可以参见帕内比昂科等人的著作。
④ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.295.
⑤ 组织机构、民众主义意识形态前文亦有论述,在这里主要论述繁荣党的组织动员能力。
① Metin Heper, "Islam and Democracy in Turkey:Towards a Reconciliation?", Middle East Journal, Vol.51, No.1, Winter1997, p.36.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.14.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun. Islamism. Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, (?).14-15.
④ Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.744.
⑤ Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", Contemporary Politics, Volume 7, Issue 4,2001. pp.289-290.
⑥ Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", p.282.
① 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.15.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.18.
③ 但有的外国学者的著作中是18点计划。
M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.65.
⑤ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第145页。
① 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第146-147页。
② 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.68.
① 艾莉君书中的时间为1997年12月17日。Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.234-235.
② Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
③ Birol Yejilada, "the Virtue Party", p.69.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第146页。
⑤ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.236.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.236. Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
③ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.237. ④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkis Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
⑤ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.237.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.237-238.
⑦ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
⑧ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.67-68.
① Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", p.291.
② 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.69.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.75.
④ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
⑤ Gareth Jenkins, "Muslim Democrats in Turkey", p.51.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.240.
⑦ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.19.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.69.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.70.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.70.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.141.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.142.
① 转引自 M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.142.
② Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.63.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
④ Ali Carkoglu, "Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. p.4.
⑤ 努曼·卡拉库鲁姆什是伊斯坦布尔大学经济学博士和美国康奈尔大学荣誉博士,他强调“社会中精神价值”的重要性,关注土耳其世俗主义的问题本质。
⑥ 维基百科幸福党条http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felicity_Party(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of theAKP, p.l1.
② "Mustafa Kamalak Criticized Erdogan on Syria", 7 December 2011. http://www.rohama.org/en/news/7013/mustafa-kamalak-criticized-erdogan-on-syria (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ "Turkish Felicity Party protests Egypt coup in Istanbul", 15 July 2013. http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=113117 (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
④ Umit Cizre and Menderes Cinar, "Turkey 2002: Turkey 2002: Kemalism, Islamism, and Politics in the Light of the February 28 Process", the South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 102, No. 2/3, Spring/Summer2003, p.326.
⑤ Murat Somer, "Muslim Damocrats in the Making? Explaining Turkey's AKP", Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, March 17-20,2004.p.ll. http://intercoll.net/bdf/docs/isa_paper5.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① Murat Somer, "Muslim Damocrats in the Making? Explaining Turkey's AKP", p.12.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.6.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.7.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.7.
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第130页。
① [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第109页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第108-109页。
③ [美]B.盖伊·彼得斯：《政治科学中的制度理论：“新制度主义”》(第二版),王向民、段红伟译,上海世纪出版集团,上海人民出版社2011年,第130,131页。
① 周淑真：《政党与比较政治制度研究》,人民出版社2001年第1版,第43-45页；王长江：《政党政治原理》,第43-46页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第43-46页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第173-175页。
④ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.111,114.
① Ziya Onis and Barry Rubin, The Turkish economy in crisis, London:Frank Cass,2003. pp.14-15.
① Bulent Aliriza, Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core, CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001, p.3.
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第175-176页。
③ Bulent Aliriza, Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core, CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001, p.1.
① Ahmet Insel:"The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlanti Quarterly, Volume.102, Number.2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.301.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.27.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, pp.248-249,263.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.92.
① 转引自 William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28. ii William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28.
② 转引自 William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28. ii William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28.
③ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006.p.l.
④ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, p. 1.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, p. 1.
⑥ 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, pp.28-29..
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", pp.76-77.
② Omit Cizre and Menderes Qmar, "Turkey 2002:Turkey 2002:Kemalism, Islamism, and Politics in the Light of the February 28 Process", the South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume 102, Number 2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.326.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.19.
④ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.69.
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.70.
② [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：《选举制度》(我知道什么丛书),张新木译,商务印书馆1996年,第95页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第247页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第240页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第246页。
⑥ 潘伟杰：《宪法的理念与制度》,上海人民出版社2004年,第496页。
① [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第24-38页。
② [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第8页。
③ [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第38-39页。
④ [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第9页。
⑤ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第109页。
⑥ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第119页。
⑦ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第120页。
① [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第7页。
② 潘伟杰：前引书,第515-518页。
③ 潘伟杰：前引书,第515页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第169页。
① Arda Can Kumbaracibasi, Turkish Politics and the Rise of the AKP:dilemmas of institutionalization and leadership strategy, London and New York:Routledge,2009. p.97.
② Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.141.
③ Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", pp.131-133.
① Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.136.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.108.
② 转引自Murat Sevencan, "Ideological Self-placement and Turkish Electorate Party Choice", European Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 21, Number 3,2011, pp.381-391. ③ Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15,
No.4,2013,p.115.
④ Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume.102, Number. 2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, pp.293-308.
⑤ Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", p.298.
① Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.151.
② Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.154.
③ Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.153.
④ Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.421.
⑤ Soner Cagaptay and H. Akin Unver, "July 2007 Turkish Elections:Winners and Fault Lines", Research Notes, Number 14, the Washtington Institute for Near East Policy, July 2007. p.1.
① Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.422.
② Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.422.
① 德尼兹·巴伊卡尔于1992年成为共和人民党主席,1999年辞去党主席职务,由阿勒坦·奥尔曼短暂掌权,2000年再次成为共和人民党主席,直至2010年5月由凯末尔·科勒迟达奥卢接任。
① Novelties await voters in June 12 elections with new law,17 February 2011, http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?load=detay&newsId=235779&link=235779(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 与2007年相比,2011选举是历届土耳其议会选举中参选政党数量最多的一年,有27个政党有资格参加议会选举。这27个政党是正义与发展党(AKP)、共和人民党(CHP)、Alternative Party (AP)、土耳其共产党(TKP)、民主党(DP)、民主左派党(DSP)、平等与民主党(EDP)、幸福党(SP)、自由与团结党(ODP)大统一党(BBP)、国家党(YURT-P)、工党(EMEP)、自由民主党(LDP)、独立土耳其党(BTP)、国家党(MP)、民族主义与保守党(MMP)、民族行动党(MHP)、新党(YP)、民主和平党(BDP)、人民进步党(HYP)、人民呼声党(HAS)、权利与平等党(HEPAR)、权利与自由党(HAKPAR)、正确道路党(DYP)、土耳其党(TP)、工人党(IP)、青年党(GP)等。
③ 由于自由团结党、新党未能提交候选人名单被取消了参选资格。加之先前有9个小党宣布改变选举战略,参选举政党个数降为15个。
④ Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011, http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ World Leaders Congratulate Turkey's Erdogan, http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=75016(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 各政党中未能获得提名的上届议会议员人数如下：正义与发展党167人,共和人民党64人,民族行动党27人,亲库尔德政党民主和平党8人。值得一提的是,执政党正义与发展党的两位部长也不在候选人之列。See:Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② See:Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① See:Numbers indicate highs, lows, lasts, firsts in new Parliament,13 June 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?load=detay&newsId=247172&link=247172上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 2014年3月30日,土耳其举行了新的地方选举,正义与发展党再次获得了选举胜利。因写作时间问题,暂时未涉及这次选举,留待以后补充。
① Ali Carkoglu,"Turkish Local Election of March 28,2004:a Prospective Evaluation", tusid, April 9,2004.
② Ali Carkoglu,"Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. p.2.
③ Ali Carkoglu,"Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. pp.2-3.
① 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.229.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.96.
③ Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.p.69.
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
① Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
④ Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, "The Rise of'Muslim Democracy'", Journal of Democracy, Volume 16, Number 2, April 2005, pp.23-24.
⑤ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.118.
⑥ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.270.
⑦ Giiliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderati Turkey, p.270.
⑧ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.271.
① Guliz Dmc Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, pp.271-272.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.258.
③ [英]S.H.里格比：《马克思主义与历史学：一种批判性的研究》,吴英译,译林出版社2012年,中译本序言第6页。
① Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.45.
② Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.78.
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第103-104页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第83页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第83页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第114页。
① 周淑真：《政党和政治制度比较研究》,第64页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第120页。
③ [美]罗伯特·A.达尔：《现代政治分析》,王沪宁、陈峰译,上海译文出版社1987年,第79-80页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第120页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第121页。
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第121页。
⑦ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第122页。
⑧ 潘伟杰：前引书,第529页。
① 限于篇幅问题,这里主要论述政治领域的保守民主。
② 目前中文的保守主义文献主要有：刘军宁：《保守主义》,中国社会科学出版社1998年；杨明伟：《保守主义：种审慎的政治哲学》,中国书籍出版社2013年；[德]卡尔·曼海姆：《保守主义》,李朝辉、牟建君译,译林出版社2002年；[英]塞西尔：《保守主义》,杜汝楫译,商务印书馆1986年；[英]罗杰·斯科拉顿：《保守主义的含义》,王皖强译,中央编译出版社2005年；[美]马勒编著：《保守主义》,刘曙辉、张容南译,译林出版社2010年。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第107页。
④ 刘军宁：《保守主义》,中国社会科学出版社1998年,第23-26页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第108页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第109页。
② Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.pp.75-96.
③ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.94.
④ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.96.
⑤ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.141.
⑥ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.149.
⑦ Alyssia T. Maluda, An Analysis of the Justice and Development Party and the Impact of Social Conservatism on Women in Contemporary Turkey, A Senior Honors Thesis written in fulfillment of the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts in International Studies, University of Michigan, April 2013.p.10.
⑧ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", Middle East Technial University Thesis, December 2006.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.83,84.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.83-84.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.87.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
⑥ Mustafa Sen, "Tranformation of Turkish Islamism and the Rise of the Justice and Development Party", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011. pp.57-82.
① William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.66.
② Yalcin Akdogan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi, [AK Party and Conservative Democracy], Istanbul:Alfa Yayinlan,2004.很遗憾,笔者未能找到该书,论文中所有引用该书处皆为转引。
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", in M. Hakan Yavuz, ed., The Emergence of a New Turkey:Democracy and the AK Parti, the University of Utah Press,2006.pp.49-63.
④ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.121.
① 正义与发展党党纲之公共行政部分。
② 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.239.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.239.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.82.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.83.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.25.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.134.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.135.
① 转引自William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.78.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.91.
③ 《2023远景》文件
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.51.
① Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.51.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.52.
① 燕继荣主编：《发展政治学：政治发展研究的概念与理论》,北京大学出版社2006年版,第32-33页。在一般的政治学教科书中,政治被归纳为四种概念或观点,即：作为政治艺术的政治；作为公共事务的政治；作为妥协和同意的政治；作为权利和资源分配的政治。这四种定义反映了认识政治的四个不同角度或思路,也规定了不同的政治发展观念。从妥协和同意的角度认识政治,政治又可以被看做是解决争端的特别手段。在这种定义下,冲突或争端不是通过强力和赤裸裸的权力来解决,而是通过妥协、安抚和谈判来加以解决。政治就是选择妥协而不是选择暴力和强迫来安排秩序问题的解决方案。
② Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.18.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.52.
④ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press.2006.pp.2-3.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.3.
⑥ Giiliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.240.
⑦ Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", pp.240-241.
① 正义与发展党党纲(以下简称党纲)前言部分。
② 党纲前言部分。
③ 正义与发展党《2023远景》,p.9.
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.21.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.21.
③ Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.23.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.100.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.100.
⑦ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.100-101.
① 该党党纲第一部分。
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.159.
③ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.95. or William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.78.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.95-96.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.161.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.96.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.96.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.160.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.79.
① Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
③ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.96.
⑤ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.50.
① Ahmet Insel,The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey,The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume.102, Number.2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.298.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.168.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.109-100.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.25.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.56;or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.74.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.56;or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.74.
④ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.89.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.85.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.116.
⑦ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.57.
① Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.57.
② Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.55.
③ 转引自Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.58.or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.75-76.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.10.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.10.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.88.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.89.
① Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.121-122.
② Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.122.
③ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.122.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.89-90.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.85.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.94.
① Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.78.
② Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlanti Quarterly, vol.102, no.2/3,2003, pp.293-308.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.284-285.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.285.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.285-286.
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第72页。
① [英]戴维·米勒、韦农·波格丹诺编辑：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,中国政法大学出版社1992年,第526页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第80页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第136页。
④ 正义与发展党党章第6条。
① Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", pp.253-254.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey,p.246.
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第76,77页。
④ Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.251.
① Sultan Tepe, a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party, in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.117. ② Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.254.
③ 本部分的撰写除使用正义与发展党的党章外,还参考了Arda Can Kumbaracibasi, Turkish Politics and the Rise of the AKP:dilemmas of institutionalization and leadership strategy, London and New York:Routledge,2009.pp.126.-134的相关论述。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第61条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第62条。
① 党章第73-74条规定了中央决策与执行委员会的构成和原则、职责和权限。
① 党章第79-82条规定了中央执行委员会的组成和运行原则、职责和权限、委员会副主席的分工、委员会成员的职责和权限、负责资金和管理事务的副主席以及总书记。
② 正义与发展党党章第80条。
③ 正义与发展党章程英文版第81条。
④ 党章第35条规定,选举产生的代表数量不超过600名；每个区可产生五名代表。2009年10月3日创始委员会的决定写入党章,该省议员、担任省长和大城市的市长的该党党员、省执行委员会和纪律委员会的主席和正式成员是省大会的当然代表。
① 正义与发展党党章第36条。
② 党章第29和30条对区大会的代表及其选举作出了具体规定。
③ 正义与发展党党章英文版第31条。而党章第22和23条对镇大会的代表作出了具体规定。
④ 正义与发展党党章英文版第32条。
⑤ 正义与发展党党章英文版第33条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第21条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第24条。
③ 正义与发展党党章英文版第25条。
④ 正义与发展党党章英文版第26条。
⑤ 正义与发展党党章英文版第27条。
① Ak Party Development and Democratization Program, Section 5.7 Women.
② Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.257.
③ Giiliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",pp.257-258
① 必须指出的是,正义与发展党的党章规定了多种附属机构,有的是单列的如海外办事处,有的则是在其他地方的规定中附加的,如第十二章的杂项规定部分。为行文方便,这里统一归入其他附属机构。
① 正义与发展党党章第107条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第111条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第141条。
② 正义与发展党党章第142条。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第79页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第80页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第81-82页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第82-87页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第84页。
⑥ 正义与发展党党章英文版第24、31、36、75条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第98、99条。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第85页。
① 本部分的多数内容笔者已经以《土耳其现任总理埃尔多安》为题,发表于《国际资料信息》杂志2012年第12期。特此说明。
② [美]詹姆斯·麦格雷戈·伯恩斯：《领袖论》,刘李胜等译,中国社会科学出版社1996年,第372页。
③ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, "Islam, Modernity, and Democracy in Contemporary Turkey:The Case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan", The Muslim World, Volume93, Issue2, April 2003, p.163.
① Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.161.
② 诗歌大意是：“宣礼塔是我们的尖刀,圆形穹顶是我们的头盔,清真寺是我们的营垒,信士是我们的战士。”这些诗歌被解释为,要在土耳其实行伊斯兰教法,试图把土耳其人分为信道的人和不信道的人。批评者认为埃尔多安是“一人、一票、一次”制度的支持者。
③ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.164.
④ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.161.
⑤ 李艳枝：《土耳其新总统阿卜杜拉·居尔》,《国际资料信息》2007年第11期,第27-30,35页。
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.204.
① 伊斯兰教禁止偶像崇拜和以物配主,报纸上的照片等同于偶像。
② Turan Yilmaz, Tayyip:Kasimpasa'dan Siyasetin On Saflanna, Ankara:Umit,2001. p.229.
② 《埃尔多安：传统的西行者》,《世界知识》2007年第16期,第13页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.127.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.131.
③ 《埃尔多安：传统的西行者》,《世界知识》2007年第16期,第13页。
① Gokhan Bacik, "The Nationalist Action Party in the 2011 Elections:The Limits of Oscillating between State and Society", Insight Turkey, Vol.13, No.4,2011, pp.178-179.
② Gokhan Bacik, op.cit., p.180.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.120.
④ Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.278.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.18.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.99.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.99.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第81页。
⑨ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第136页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第140,141页。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.48.
③ Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.243.
④ 《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,第347页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第142页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第142页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第152-153页。
④ 正义与发展党党章第136条。
① 正义与发展党纲领第二部分第2、3小节。
② 2001年8月14日-2003年2月2日间实施的章程为其代表提供了控制中央执行委员会的广泛权力。土耳其政党第一次限制党主席的任期。同时,该党成为土耳其第一个建立党内民主仲裁机构的政党。
③ 正义与发展党纲领第二部分第3小节政治架构。
④ Sultan Tepe, a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party, in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.116.
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第60-61页。
② [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第36-38页。
③ [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第39页。
④ 转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,第62-63页。
⑤ 转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,第,63-64页。
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第60页。
⑦ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第64页。
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第65-67页。必须指出的是,作者并没有将宗教政党列为一种单独的类型,或许这印证了作者所言的“政党的分类实际上并无一定之规,关键在于使分类本身与要达到的目标相适应”。而周淑真在《政党与比较政治制度研究》一书中,则总结了宗教政党的七种类型。
① [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第36页。
② Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.2.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.1.
④ The Economist, November27,2004.
① The Economist, August2,2007.
② Senem Aydin and Rusen Cakir, "Political Islam in Turkey", CEPS Working Document, No.265, April 2007.
③ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010, p.11.
④ Emmanuel Sivan, "the Clash within Islam", Survival, vol.45, no.l, Spring2003, p.30.
⑤ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008. p.76.
⑥ Graham E. Fuller, "Turkey's Stragetic Model:Myths and Realties", Washington Quarterly, vol.27, no.3,2004, p.52.or M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.1.
⑦ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.2.
⑧ Bora Kanra, Islam, Democracy, and Dialogue in Turkey:Deliberating in Divided Society, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009, p.35.
⑨ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, p.1283.
⑩ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.78.
11 Hasan Under, "Consructivism and the Curriculum Reform of the AKP", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. pp.33-34.
12 Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", in M.A.Mohamed Salih ed., Interpreting Islamic Political Parties, New York:Palgrave Macmillam,2009. p.208.
13 Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", pp.209,214.
① Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", p.224.
② Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge,2008. p.2.
③ Olivier Roy, Globalized Islam:the search for a new Ummah, New York:Columbia University Press,2004.p.61.
④ Omer Taspinar, "Turkey:The New Model?", http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2012/04/24-turkey-new-model-taspinar
⑤ 转引自Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.11.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.9.
⑦ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.29.
⑧ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.148.
⑨ Kristin Fabbe, "Doing more with less:the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Turkish elections, and the uncertain future of Turkish politics", Nationalities Papers, Vol.39, No.5, September 2011, p.659.
⑩ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, pp.1271-1289.
① Kemal Inal and Giiliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. p.xii.
② Yildiz Atasoy, Islam's Marriage with Neo-liberalism:State Transformation in Turkey, New York:Palgrave,2009, p.9.
③ Ziya Onis and Emin Fuat Keyman, "A new path emerges", Journal of Democracy,Vol.14, No.2, April 2003, pp.95-107. ④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.71.
⑤ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Volume 29, Number 3,2009, pp.438-449.
⑥ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", p.442.
⑦ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", pp.442-443.
⑧ Cihan Tugal, "Islamism in Turkey:Beyond Instrument and Meaning," Economy and Society, vol.31 no.1, February 2002, pp.85-111.
⑨ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", p.443.
① T. W. Smith, "Between Allah and Ataturk:Liberal Islam in Turkey." The International Journal of Human Rights, vol.9, no.3,2005, p.322.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.210.
③ Ihsan D. Dagi, "Rethinking Human Rights, Democracy and the West:Post-Islamist Intellectuals in Turkey", Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.13, No.2,2004, pp.135-151.
④ Ihsan Yilmaz, "Influence of Pluralism and Electoral Participation on the Transformation of Turkish Islamism", Journal of Economic and Social Research, vol.10, no.2,2008, p.56.
⑤ Medres Cinar, "Turkey's Transformation Under the AKP Rule." The Muslim World, vol.96, issue,2006, p.475.
⑥ Yavuz,2005, pp.107-111.
⑦ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008.p.34.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.115-116.
⑨ Gareth Jenkins, "Muslim Democrats in Turkey?", Survival, vol.45, no.l, Spring2003. pp.45-66.
① Oliver Roy, Globalized Islam, Columbia University Press,2004.
② Kemal Inal, "the Educational Politics of the AKP:Collapse of Public Education in Turkey", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. pp.19-20.
③ Sultan Tepe, "Turkey's AKP:A Model'Muslim-Democratic'Party?", Journal of Democracy, Volume 16, Number 3, July 2005, pp.69-82.
④ 转引自Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State:The Politics of Engagement, Stanford:Stanford University Press, 2007.p.139.
⑤ William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.66-67.
⑥ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.8.
① 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.82.
② 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.83.
③ 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.27.
④ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008. p.47.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.1.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.3.
⑦ 转引自William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.82.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.154.
⑨ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑩ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.89.
11 Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.71-72.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.88.
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第二小节中央政府。
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第二小节中央政府。
② 土耳其国家计划部网站：ttp://www.mod.gov.tr/en/SitePages/mod aboutus.aspx
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.61.
① 土耳其投资与支持促进局中文网站http://www.invest.gov.tr/zh-CN/investmentguide/Pages/10Reasons.aspx
② 土耳其欧盟事务部网站：http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?1=2
③ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Politics of Identity and Power," CRS Report R41368, September 21,2010. p.11.
④ 士耳其总理改组内阁,新华网,2013年01月25日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/2013-01/25/c 124276096.htm
⑤ 土耳其总理自称是贪腐调查对象,新华网,2013年12月28日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2013-12/28/c 125926401.htm
⑥ 参见1982年宪法第123、127条对政府的规定。
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第三节地方行政。
① 关于土耳其司法体系的构成可以参见土耳其司法部出版的《土耳其司法体系》英文电子版。
② 2006年6月28日,第九个发展计划(2007-2013)(第877号)是最重要的文件,决定土耳其未来7年的发展战略,在5.6.5“改善司法体系”部分,在展现近年来的发展和不足之后,强调当前司法的需要。据此,在第9个发展计划框架下,研究成立由大学、司法机构、公民社会和司法部参加的“司法机关特别专家委员会”(Special Expertise Commission of Judicial Service)准备报告以决定具体措施。参见第九个发展计划英文本。Ismail Aksel, Turkish Judicial System, The Ministry of Justice of Turkey The Department for Strategy Development, Ankara, 2013. http://vww.justice.gov.tr/judicialsystem.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ 本部分论及的司法改革不包括修宪中涵盖的司法改革,特此说明。
④ Turkish Ministry of Justice: Judicial Reform Strategy, Ankara, 2009. p.11. or Nairn Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages: An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, November 2013. p.8. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/06122013161517.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
⑤ Ministry of Justice Strategic Plan (2010-2014) , pp.32-35.
① Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, November 2013. p.9.
② 该行政命令的全称为(KHK No.44 on the Amendment of Several Laws and KHKs by Amending the KHK on the Organization and Duties of the Justice Ministry)
③ Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, pp.9-10.
④ Serap Yazici, ed., A Judicial Conundrum:pinions and Recommendations on Constitutional Reform in Turkey, Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation, July 2010. p.25. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/EngYargilWEB.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, p.11.
② Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, pp.11-12.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009. Appendix2, pp.128-134.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009. pp.73-79.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.59.
① 《土耳其刑法典》,陈志军译,中国人民公安大学出版社2009年,前言第2页。
② 《土耳其刑法典》,陈志军译,中国人民公安大学出版社2009年,前言第2-8页。
① 土耳其外国直接投资法,第1条。
② 必须指出的是,第3条第4款“进军房地产”被土耳其宪法法院在2003年(B.2003/71)和2008年两次(R：2008/79decision)否决。同时,外籍人士的就业应符合2003年2月27日生效的《外籍人士工作许可法》(第4817号法案)。
③ 本文主要参考了PKF世界税收指南(WWTG)之《土耳其税收指南2013》。
① 2012 Legal Alert:Tax, pp.6-7.http://www.legal500.com/assets/images/stories/firmdevs/pekin pekin augl2.pdf
② 2012 Legal Alert:Tax, p.7.
③ 该法律经过多次修改后,共由19个正式条款和23个临时条款组成。同时,该法律第18条规定了各条款并非同时生效,第5条、第6条第1、3、4段、第8条第3、4段、第9条第2段、第13条、第14条第5、6、13、16段于2003年1月1日生效。而第6条第2段则于2004年2月1日生效。
④ 必须指出的是土耳其宪法法院也否决了其中的部分条款,参见宪法法院(the Decision of the Constitutional Court dated 28/01/2004 no.E.2003/86, k.2004/6).
① 国外主要研究成果有Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Central European University Press, Budapest and New York,2009; Ergun Ozbudun, The Constitutional System of Turkey:1876 to the Present, Plagrave Macmillan,2011; Ergun Ozbudun, The constitutional system of Turkey:a contextual analysis, Oxford,2010; Ali Resul Usul, Democracy in Turkey:The Impact of EU Political Conditionality, Routledge,2009; Levent Gonenc, "the 2001 Amendments to the 1982 Constitution of Turkey", Ankara Law Review, Vol.1, No.1, Summer2004, pp.89-109国内相关研究成果有：魏本立：《土耳其1982年宪法与1961年宪法的比较研究》,《西亚非洲》1985年第6期；张胜松：《土耳其宪法法院制度》,载胡建淼主编：《世界宪法法院制度研究》,浙江大学出版社2007年版,第248-268；刘云：《土耳其政治现代化思考》,甘肃人民出版社2002年版；陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论和现实的历史探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年版；王彤主编：《中东国家政治制度》,中国社会科学出版社2005年。
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009, p.64.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.64.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.65.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.67.
③ 修正案涉及的10个宪法条款分别是第10、15、17、30、38、87、90、131、145、160条。
① 《世界宪法大全》(上卷),第438页。
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit.,p.98.
③ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.256.
④ 这一僵局迫使议会必须进行新的选举。之后,土耳其议会定于当年7月22日重新进行总统选举。
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.241.
⑥ Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.99.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.99.
② 这里与合宪性有关的条款就是第148条和第175条。
③ 在二读中,第一条以395票对104票,第二条以391票对101票,第三条以396票对91票,整个法案以386票对87票获得通过。
④ 长时间的关于总统的宪法之争看上去似乎结束了,但远未平静。共和人民党于10月16日把最后修正案提交给宪法法院,法院再次否决因为诉讼与宪法规定不合程序无关。同时,共和人民党关于取消10月21日公投的请求也被最高选举委员会驳回。
⑤ 正义与发展党2007年选举宣言——《走向更光明的年代：在信任与稳定中永不停歇》,第12页。转引自Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.104.
① 依据草案,土耳其大国民议会有权选举选举宪法法院17名组成人员中的8名,选举最高法官和检察官委员会17名成员中的5名。
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., pp.104-105.
① 转引自Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya,op.cit.,p.106.
② 据调查显示,超过70%的受访者赞同女大学生佩戴头巾；1999年和2006年这一数据分别为76.1%和71.1%。
③ 提案由278名正义与发展党议员和70名民族行动党议员签名支持。第10条加入“使用所有公共服务”表述；第42条加入“任何人不应因具体法律未明确规定的原因而被剥夺受教育的权利。权利行使的限制由法律规定”。
④ Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F.Genckaya,op.cit,p.108.
⑤ 这次修宪涉及1982年宪法的第10、20、23、41、51、54、74、84、94、125、128、129、144、145、146、147、149、166条；废除临时条款第15条,并增加第18和第19条临时条款。
① 这里引用的宪法修正案的相关条文和内容均来自土耳其欧盟事务部翻译的第5982号法案英文文本参见：Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. See: http://www.abgs.gov.tr/files/Bas%C4%B1nMusavirlik/haberler/constituional_amendments.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Tugrul Ansay and Don Wallace, Jr. eds., Introduction to Turkish Law, Kluwer Law International,2011. p.49.
② Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.27.
③ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. pp.34-39.
④ Tugrul Ansay and Don Wallace, Jr. eds., Introduction to Turkish Law, Kluwer Law International,2011. p.49.
① Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010.
② Levent Gonenc, "2010 Proposed Constitutional Amendments to the 1982 Constitution of Turkey", TEPAV Evaluation Note, September 2010. p.1. see: http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/1284468699-0.2010_Proposed_Constitutional Amendments to the 1982 Constitution_of_Turkey.pdf(上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 A mending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.21.
④ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.28.
① "Western powers back Turkish referendum results",13 September 2010. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/default.aspx?pageid=438&n=western-powers-back-turkish-referendum-results-2010-09-1
3(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② "Western powers back Turkish referendum results",13 September 2010. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/default.aspx?pageid=438&n=western-powers-back-turkish-referendum-results-2010-09-1
3(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ Hatem Ete, Nuh Yilmaz and Kadir Ustun, "Turkey's Constitutional Referendum of 2010 and Insights for the General Elections of 2011", SETA Policy Report,No.5, February 2011.p.5. see: http://setadc.org/pdfs/SETA_Policy_Report_05_Constitutional_Referendum_H_Ete N_Yilmaz_K_Ustun.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ Hatem Ete, Nuh YIlmaz and Kadir Ustun, "Turkey's Constitutional Referendum of 2010 and Insights for the General Elections of 2011", SETA Policy Report, No.5, February 2011.p.6.
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Gene, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.5. see: http://tesev.org.tr/Upload/Publication/f100d8f6-928b-4c32-8ala-428305e0755e/12366ENGanayasaizleme1_10_07_12.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.12.
② Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.12.
Gozde Burcu Ege, "A Chronology of the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission:01-31 December 2012", January 14, 2013.
http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org/index.php/a-chronology-of-the-constitutional-conciliation-commission-01-31-december-2 012-gozde-burcu-ege/(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Rights and Freedoms Party (HAK-PAR), "Recommendations for A Democratic Constitution that Will Recognize the Rights of the Kurdish People", December2011.see: http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HAK-PAR-Anayasa-Onerileri-Ingilizce.pdf(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.20.
② Ergun Ozbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics:Challenges to Democratic Consolidation, Lynne Riener Press, 2000.pp.141-45.
① 1960年和1980年采取直接方式,而1971年和1997年采取间接方式。
② 国内学界已经对土耳其军人政变有着深入论述,在此不再赘述。关于1997年的“软政变”及其影响,本文在第一章第二节繁荣党部分和第二章正义与发展党崛起原因部分已经详细论述。
③ 电子备忘录发表于2007年4月27日,2011年8月29日被删除。
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds, Political Parties in Turkey, London and Portland: Frank Cass,2002, p.62.
② 宪法和法律改革部分,已经在前两节作了详细论述,在此不再赘述。
③ 也有学者认为,文官统制军队是入盟的前提。M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.185.
① EC, Regular Report 2001, Brussels:Commission of the European Community,2001. p.97.
② EC, Regular Report 2000, Brussels:Commission of the European Community,2000. p.12.
③ 原为五名军官、总理、内政部长、外交部长、国防部长。
④ Begum Burak, "The Role of the Military in Turkish Politics:To Guard Whom and From What?", European Journal of Economic and Political Studies,Vol.4 No.1,2011, p.161.
⑤ Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege StratejikArasturmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, pp.21-38.
① Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, pp.134.
② Metin Heper, "The Justice and Development Party Government and the Military in Turkey", Turkish Studies, vol.6, no.2, June2005. p.222.
③ Ersel Aydinli, "Ergenekon, New Pacts, and the Decline of the Turkish'Inner State'", p.3. http://ersel.bilkent.edu.tr/Makaleler/ergenekon_new_pacts_and_the_decline_of_%20the_turkish_inner_state.pdf (上网时间: 2014年2月14日)
④ Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.588.
① Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.589.
② Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.589.
③ Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", the Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.590.
④ Frsel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", the Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.594.
⑤ 有学者认为,艾尔盖内孔调查始于2008年1月,而2007年6月开始的警察行动是调查开始的前奏。本文认为从警察行动开始就标志着调查的开始。
① Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, pp.29-40.
② Turkey Guide to Ergenekon,Open Source Center Report,19 March 2010. pp.3-6.
① 四位负责人分别是阿依库特·杰金兹·埃尼津(Aykut Cengiz Engin)泽科里亚·奥兹(Zekeriya Oz)、迈哈迈特·阿里·佩克古泽勒(Mehmet Ali Pekguzel)和尼哈特·塔斯金(Nihat Taskin)
② Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.29.
① Today's Zaman,22 September 2008.
② Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.29.
① Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.40.
② H. Akin Onver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009
③ Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.55.
④ Turkey Guide to Ergenekon,Open Source Center Report,19 March 2010. p.2.
⑤ Ersel Aydinli,Ergenekon, New Pacts, and the Decline of the Turkish "Inner State",p.5.
⑥ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009.p.1
⑦ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum",p.21.
① Today's Zaman,27 February 2010.
② Today's Zaman,21 October 2008.
③ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008. p.7. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34646.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
④ Hurriyet Daily News,4 July 2009.
⑤ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009.p.12.
⑥ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008.
⑦ Today's Zaman,30 October 2009.
⑧ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.15.
① H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.21.
② H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.23.
③ Gareth Jenkins, "Continuity and change:prospects for civil-military relations in Turkey", International Affairs, Vol.83, No.2,2007, p.353.
④ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008.
① Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege Stratejik Arastrmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, pp.33-34.
② 在集体辞职前,将军们要求埃尔多安延长这些军官们的任期,被埃尔多安拒绝。
③ Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege StratejikAra Arastirmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, p.34.
④ Dietrich Jung,"The Turkish Revolution":changing civil-military relations in Turkey, http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/D/A/0/%7BDA0B0720-64CB-4336-899E-D951382A7F9D%7DDJ1110.pdf(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ Aliye Pekin Celik and Laura Elizabeth Celik, "Turkey:Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends", June2012. p.3.
http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/Turkey%20Current%20and%20Future%20Political,%20Economic%20and%20Security%20Trend sb.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第204页。
① Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.16.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.3.
① Umit Cizre and Erinc Yeldan, "The Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism:Economics and Politics in the 2000/2001 Crises", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.12, No.3 August2005, p.396.
② Simon Hristov, "the Crisis in Turkey", IRIS Report, May 2001.
③ Umit Cizre and Erinc Yeldan, "The Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism:Economics and Politics in the 2000/2001 Crises", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.12, No.3 August2005, pp.387-408.
Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, pp.71-85.
① Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, pp.71-85.
② 凯末尔·德尔维什,1973-1976年曾担任埃杰维特政府的经济顾问；1978年进入世界银行工作,后担任世界银行行长。
③ Simon Hristov, "the Crisis in Turkey", IRIS Report, May 2001.
① Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.12, No.3, Fall2013. p.70.
② Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.120.
① Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.119.
② Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, pp.120-121.
③ Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.121.
④ Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, p.74.
⑤ The Banks Association of Turkey, The Financial System and Banking Sector in Turkey, October 2009. p.2. www.tbb.org
① Suleyman Degirmen, "the Effects of Foreign Bank Participation on the Turkish Banking System and Crisis", American Sociological Association, Volume XVII, Number 2,2011, p.516.
① T.R Prime Ministry State Planning Organization (SPO), Industrial Policy For Turkey, Towards EU Membership, August 2003, p.29.
② Screening report Turkey Chapter 20-Enterprise and industrial policy,18 September 2006.
③ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.11文件共由七部分组成,分别是土耳其经济的当前形式、土耳其的工业前景、战略的基本内容、核心和水平工业政策、部门工业政策、执行、监督和协调机制。
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.12.
② Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.12.
③ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.13.
④ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. pp.13-14.
⑤ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. pp.14-15.
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.30.Tablel.2.
② 百度百科制造业指数
③ 魏敏：《土耳其旅游业浅析》,《西亚非洲》2012年第3期,第142,146页。2011年和2012年,土耳其的游客人数分别为3150万人和3180万人。
① The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
② The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
③ 下文的政策分类借鉴了前引魏敏的文章,特此说明。
④ 魏敏：《土耳其旅游业浅析》,《西亚非洲》2012年第3期,第145页。
⑤ The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
① The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, March 2011.
② The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, March 2011.
① A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",in Baris Karapinar, Fikret Adaman and Gokhan Ozertan eds., Rethinking Structural Rrform in Turkish Agriculture:Beyond the Word Bank Strategy, New York:Nova Science Publisher, Inc.2010. p.47.
② A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.56.
③ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.51.
④ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
⑤ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
① A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.56.
② A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",pp.54-55.
③ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
④ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.58.
⑤ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.58.
⑥ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.55.
⑦ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.55.
① High Planning Council, Electricity Sector Reform and Privatization Strstegy Paper, March 17,2004. http://www.oib.gov.tr/program/2004_program/2004 electricity strategy_paper.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 土耳其私有化管理局网站http://www.oib.gov.tr/program/uygulamalar/kaynak-kullanim-eng.htm
③ T. tin and Fuat Oguz eds., The Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, Springer,2011. p.125.
① T. Cetin and Fuat Oguz eds., The-Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, p.186.
② 魏伯乐等编,《私有化的局限》,王小卫、周缨译,上海人民出版社2006年,第4页。
③ 而2004年的交易次数为35次。所有数据来自土耳其私有化管理局网站。
④ Erkan Akdemir and Erdem Bascl, "Liberalization of Tele-communications Services", in Subidey Togan ed., Economic Liberalization and Turkey, London:Routledge,2010. p.84.
⑤ 魏伯乐等编,《私有化的局限》,王小卫、周缨译,上海人民出版社2006年,第4页。
① Adem Yavuz Elveren. Social Security Reform in Turkev:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.42.
② EU, Screening report Turkey Chapter 20- Enterprise and industrial policy,18 September 2006.
① 土耳其三大保险机构覆盖的情况一览表可以参见：Dem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.44;
② Adem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.43.
③ Eugene Gurenko, Rodney Lester, Olivier Mahul, Serap Oguz Gonulal,Earthquake Insurance in Turkey, History of the Turkish Catastrophe Insurance Pool, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank,2006据统计,土耳其自1903年以来发生过28次大地震,总共有8万余人在这些地震中丧生。凡省2011年10月23日发生的地震是自1903年以来土耳其大地震中第11次7级以上地震。
① 2006年5月10日,塞泽尔总统把第5489号法案驳回议会重新审议法律第3、28、29、31、40、46、55、63、80、82条和临时条款第1、2、4、6、9条。
① Asuman Ozgur, "Pension Reform:the Turkish Case in the European Context", A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University, September2008.pp.64,65.
② Asuman Ozgur, "Pension Reform:the Turkish Case in the European Context", p.67.
① Burcu Yakut-Cakar, "Turkey", in Bob Deacon and Paul Stubbs, eds., Social policy and International Interventions in South East Europe, Cheltenham:Edward Elgar Publishing,2007. p.106.
② 经济与社会理事会成立于1995年,直到2001年改组,其组成呈现出社会对话机构的特征。经济与社会理事会包括来自经济与社会合作机构的代表和政府代表,总理或一名内阁部长是主席。
① 转引自Gamze Yucesan Ozdemir, "The Emperor's New Clothes:Social Policy Reforms during AKP's Rule", p.34.
② Adem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008. p.46.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, MoH Publication No.749, January 2009. p.9
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 201-2017, December2012.p.20.
① Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.14; Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.pp.20-21.
② Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.15.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, pp.15-16.
④ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.16.
⑤ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.16.
⑥ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.24.
① 1980年的修改,则再次允许公立医院医生开办私人业务。Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.24.
② 姜士林：《世界宪法全书》(上卷),第433页。
③ 姜士林：《世界宪法全书》(上卷),第432页。
④ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.19.
⑤ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.19.
⑥ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.20.
① Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.20.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.33.
③ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.33.
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.28.
① OECD, OECD Reviews of Health Systems, Recent Health Reforms in Turkey,2008.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December20I2.pp.28-30.
① Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.37.Table.l.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.27.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, pp.44-45.
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.42.
⑤ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.44.
⑥ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.44.
⑦ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.46.
⑧ Ministry of Health of Turkey. Strategic Plan 2013-2017. December2012.D.50.
⑨ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.51.
⑩ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.52.
① Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.27.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.pp.48-49公共支出一览表可以参见该战略文件第49页。
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4,2013, pp.162-163.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.153.
① Zafer Qelik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.155-156.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", pp.164-165.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.165.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.166.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.167.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.168.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",pp.168-169.
① 关于土耳其的库尔德人口数量的各种统计数据可参见唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,中国社会科学出版社2013年,第50-51页。
② 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第51页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第55-101页。
④ 转引自唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第53页。
① 土耳其政府认为,库尔德问题是国家安全问题,恐怖主义问题；库尔德人的民族主义诉求是民族分离主义、恐怖主义。
② 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第55页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第71页。
④ Kenm Yildiz, "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict:Pathways to Progress", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4,2012, pp.151-174.
① 王建娥：《族际政治：20世纪的理论与实践》,社会科学文献出版社2011年,第151页。
② 转引自唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第88页。
③ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.12.
④ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第87-88页。
⑤ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第89-90页。
① Kerim Yildiz, "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict:Pathways to Progress", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4,2012, p.154.
② 李艳枝：《土耳其库尔德问题的历史变迁》,《国际资料信息》2008年第1期,第7页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第95页。
④ Ekrem Eddy Guzeldere, "Turkey:Regional Elections and the Kurdish Question", Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Vol.3, No.3, Summer2009. p.295.
⑤ Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, No.18, July2008, p.4.
⑥ Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, No.18, July2008, pp.4-5..
① Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, N0.18, July2008, p.5.
② Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, N0.18, July2008, p.2.
③ 库尔德倡议是最初的提法,后来变成了“民主开放”政策；这一政策包括对阿莱维派、非穆斯林少数派、罗姆人的“开放”。《透视土耳其》杂志2009和2010年还出版了有关“民主开放”政策的专刊,文中多次引用这一杂志的文章。
④ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.12.
⑤ Rusen Cakir, "Kurdish Political Movement and the'Democratic Opening'", Insight Turkey Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp. 179-192.
⑥ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第88页。
① Cuma Cicek, "Elimination or Integration of Pro-Kurdish Politics:Limits of the AKP's Democratic Initiative", Turkish Studies, Vol.12, No.1, March 2011.pp.17-18.
② Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.12.
① 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第90页。
② E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp.102-103,103.
① Rusen Cakir, "Kurdish Political Movement and the'Democratic Opening'", p.180.
② Odul Celep, "Turkey's Radical Right and the Kurdish Issue:the MHP's Reaction to the'Democratic Opening'", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp.136-137.
③ E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", p.92.
④ E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", p.93.
⑤ Cuma Cicek, "Elimination or Integration of Pro-Kurdish Politics:Limits of the AKP's Democratic Initiative", Turkish Studies, Vol.12, No.1, March 2011.p.22.
① Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.14.
① Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.15.
② 维基百科和平进程条
③ 一说为4月15日。
④ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.16.
① 土耳其国家情报机构与厄贾兰和库工党的谈判被称为奥斯陆进程。奥斯陆和平是土耳其首次与厄贾兰和库工党进行直接谈判。奥斯陆进程的重要贡献是其消除了国家与库工党直接谈判是奇怪行为的认知,为双方提供了互相了解和真正诉求的机遇。
① 阿莱维派自称约占土耳其总人口的30-40%。2010年,学者的统计数字约为500-2500万之间。也有学者认为,阿莱维人占土耳其人口的1/5-1/3。
② 贝克塔什教团是什叶派苏非教团,由哈吉·贝克塔什·瓦利于13世纪创立,是一位由中亚来到塞尔柱克寻求避难的德尔维什。
③ 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第60页。
④ 阿拉维派和努塞里派实为一个教派的不同称谓而已。但有学者认为,两者都是有着相似教义和实践的极端什叶派社团,但有着不同的发展史。
① 这些讨论会是阿莱维派与国家以及阿莱维派与逊尼派“和解”的历史起点。Necdet Subasi,“the Alevi Opening：Concept, Strategy and Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.165; Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4,2012. p.118.
② Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012. p.118.
③ Necdet Subasi, "The Alevi Opening:Concept, Strategy and Process", p.166.
④ Necdet Subasi,, "The Alevi Opening:Concept, Strategy and Process", p.167.
⑤ Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.148.
⑥ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012. p.124.
① Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.162.
② Alevilik (Alevism)-词的翻译问题一直困扰着笔者,在不同语境下这个词有不同的含义。该词既可以表示族群意义上的阿莱维属性(Aleviness),也可以指宗教意义上的阿莱维派和阿莱维人(Alevi),也还可以指哲学意义上的阿莱维思想,这又与贝克塔什主义的含义相同。
③ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.120.
④ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Qorbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.123.
⑤ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.124.
⑥ Rabasa and Larrabee, The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey, Santa Monica, California:RAND Corporation,2008. pp.22-23.
① Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.157.
② Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.143.
③ Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.148.
④ Dilek Cindoglu, "Headscarf Ban and Discrimination:Professional Headscarved Women in the Labor Market", TESEV Publications, March 2011. pp.33-34.
① Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic", Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies, Vol.8,2009. p.125-126.
② Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies, Vol.8,2009. p.114.
③ Dilek Cindoglu, "Headscarf Ban and Discrimination:Professional Headscarved Women in the Labor Market", TESEV Publications, March 2011. p.7. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/headscarf-book.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月 14日)
④ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.147.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, pp.71-72.
② Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, "Islam, Modernity, and Democracy in Contemporary Turkey:The Case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan", The Muslim World, Volume93, Issue2, April 2003, p.12
③ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.135.注释39.
④ Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic", p.127.
⑤ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, p.1274.
⑥ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", p.1277.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP,p.73.也可参见本论文第四章第三节土耳其修宪政治与制宪政治部分的论述。
① Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2,2005, p.148.
② Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2,2005, pp.158-159.
③ 有关论述可参见孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第116-127页。
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, New York:Cambridge Press 2012, pp.26-63由于第五个阶段与正义与发展党执政时期重合,这里主要论述前四个阶段。
① 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第18页。
② Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age ofAKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. p.166.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.34-35.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.35.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.35-36.
⑥ 1946年年底,土大国民议会针对伊斯兰宗教教育问题也曾进行过激烈的讨论。引自孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,第25页。
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.36.
⑧ M. Hakan.Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003.p.123.
① 转引自Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
④ 有的数据为每周两个小时,参见孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第113页。
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.38.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.38.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑧ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑨ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑩ 1951-1952学年和1955-1956学年,此类学校的学制只有四年。1955-1956学年,学制才增至七年,即初中四年,高中三年。学生可以多上一年初中,以补偿职业课程的时间。Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey,pp.39-40.Note.76.
11 Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.40.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.40.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.41.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.42.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.43.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.43.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.45.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.44.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.47.
③ Iren Ozgur. Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, n.50.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.50.
⑧ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.126.
⑨ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.46.
① Tren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.50. or M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.151.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.54-55.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.56.
① Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.167.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.62.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.126.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.132.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.132.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.131.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.137.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.164.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.139.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.138.
③ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.170.
④ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.169.
⑤ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.171.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.148.
① Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.165.
② 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,第113页。
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.131.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.156-157.
⑤ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", pp.165,170.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.164.
① 关于艾哈迈特·达乌特奥卢的介绍均来自土耳其外交部网站：http://www.mfa.gov.tr/ahmet-davutoglu.en.mfa[上网时间：2014年2月14日]
① 奥卢的主要著作有：《替代范式：伊斯兰和西方对政治理论的影响》(美国大学出版社,1993年)、《文明转型与穆斯林世界》(Quill,1994年)、《战略纵深：土耳其的国际地位》(世界出版社,2001年)、《奥斯曼文明：政治、经济、艺术》(精品出版社,2005年)、《全球危机》(世界出版社,2002年)、《阿拉伯民族主义的危机》。其中《战略纵深：土耳其的国际地位》一书已经在土耳其国内出版达数百次之多。
② 感谢中东研究所的硕士研究生丁彦平学弟为我提供此书。
③ Soner Cagaptay, Secularism and Foreign Policy, New Elections, Troubling Trend, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, April 2007; Angel Rabasa and F. Stephen Larrabee, The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey, RAND Corporation,2008.
④ Ahmet Davutoglu,"Turkey's Foreign Policy Vision:An Assessment of 2007," Insight Turkey, Vol.10, No.1,2008, pp.77-96.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?", Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XLII, No.3, Spring2013, pp.92-102.
② Alexander Murinson, "the Strategic Depth Doctrine in Turkish Foreign Policy," Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.42, No.6, November 2006, pp.945-964.
③ 《Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?", p.94.
④ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",pp.94-95.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
② Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.203.
④ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
⑤ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.96.
⑥ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",pp.96-97.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.97.
② KeysGencer Ozcan, "Policy of Zero Problems with the Neighbours", Turkey:a New Power in the Mediterranean, Med.2012,pp.59-63.or Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.pp.101-121.
③ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", p.116.
④ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", p.108.
① William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.80.
② Gul Gives Interview to Foreign Affairs Magazine,02.01.2013. http://www.tccb.gov.tr/news/397/84848/gul-gives-interview-to-foreign-affairs-magazine.html (上网时间:2014年2月14 日)
③ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", pp.116-117.
① Kemal Kirisci, "The Transformation of Turkish Foreign Policy:The Rise of the Trading State", New Perspectives on Turkey, No.40,2009, p.43.
② 奈对软权力的论述,可以参见奈的主要著作如《硬权力与软权力》、《注定领导》、《软权力》、《权力大未来》、《灵巧领导力》等著作。
③ 于永达编著：《国际组织学》,清华大学出版社2006年,前言第1页。
① 转引自[美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——权力斗争与和平》,徐昕等译,北京大学出版社2006年,第10页。
② Kadir Ustun and Kilic Bugra Kanat, "US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade", Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Brief No.62. January,2013. p.12. www.setav.org
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.233.
① [美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——权力斗争与和平》,徐听等译,北京大学出版社2006年,第11页。
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.28.
② Ali Resul Usul, "The Justice and Development Party and the European union:form euro-skepticism to euro-entusiasm and euro-fatigue", inUmit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The Making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge,2008. pp.175-199.
③ Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. pp.415-422.
① Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28, 2010.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34642.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
② Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28, 2010.p.26.
③ Keys Gencer Ozcan, "Policy of Zero Problems with the Neighbours".Turkey:a New Power in the Mediterranean, Med.2012,p.62.
④ Ilias I. Kouskouvelis, "The Problem with Turkey's 'Zero Problems'," Middle East Quarterly, winter 2013, pp.47-56.
⑤ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28,2010. pp.29-30.
① 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第463页。
② Armagan Emre Cakir ed., Fifty Years of EU-Turkey Relations:A Sisyphean Story, Routledge,2010.
③ 有关冷战时期土美关系的情况可参见肖宪、伍庆玲、吴磊著：《美国与土耳其关系研究》,时事出版社2006年。
④ 美军逮捕土耳其士兵后给他们戴上了头套,所以又称“头套事件”。
⑤ Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012. p.4.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.236.
① Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012.p.8.
② 耐用消费品不包括汽车,汽车包括配件和发动机。US International Trade Commission
② 资本货不包括汽车,消费品是指非食品,不包括汽车。US International Trade Commission
④ Kadir Ustun, Kilic Bugra Kanat, "US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade", Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Brief No:62. January,2013. pp.6-7.
① Bulent Aliriza and Bulent Aras, "U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decadeof the post-cold war era", Center for Strategic and International Studies, November 2012. p.6.
② Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012.p.5.
③ Bulent Aliriza and Bulent Aras, "U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decadeof the post-cold war era", Center for Strategic and International Studies, November 2012.p.14.
① 张来仪：《21世纪以来的俄罗斯与土耳其关系》,《西亚非洲》2008年第8期,第38页。
② Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", Insight Turkey, Vol.8, No.2, April-June 2006, p.16.
③ Zvi Magen and Gallia Lindenstrauss,Russian-Turkish Relations:Contemporary Dilemmas of Past Empires, Strategic Assessment, Volumel6, No.2, July 2013.p.62.
④ Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", Insight Turkey, Vol.8, No.2, April-June 2006, p.16.
⑤ Richard Sakwa, "Russia and Turkey:Rethinking Europe to Contest Outsider Status", IFRI Russia/NIS Center, May2010, p.20.
① Fatih Ozbay, "The Relations between Turkey and Russia in the 2000s", Perceptions, Volume XVI, Number 3, Autumn 2011, pp.69-92.
② Duygu Bazoglu Sezer, "Turkish-Russian Relations:The Challenges of Reconciling Geopolitical Competition with Economic Partnership", Turkish Studies, Vol.1, No.1,2000, p.62.
① 张来仪：前引文,第38页。
② Sener Akturk, "A Realist Reassessment of Turkish-Russian Relations,2002-2012:From the Peak to the Dip?", Caspian Strategy Institute, January 2013.p.13.
③ Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", p.9.
④ Serhan Unal, "Potential Effects of An Energy Transition on Turkish-Russian Relations", Uluslararasi Hukukve Politika, Cilt.9, Sayi.36,2013, pp.73-94.
① James W. Warhola and Egemen B. Bezci, "The Return of President Putin and Russian-Turkish Relations:Where Are They Headed?", SAGE Open, July-September 2013:1-15.
② 有关中国和土耳其关系的历史发展,可参见肖宪：《构建中国与土耳其新型战略合作关系》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第14-28页；彭树智主编,黄维民著：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年,第；咎涛：《中土关系及土耳其对中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
③ 肖宪：前引文,第17页。
④ 肖宪：前引文,第17-18页。
① 中土文化年网站http://gb.cri.cn/2012turkey/about.htm
② 记习近平出席中土经贸合作论坛,新浪网,2012年2月23日。http://finance.sina.com.cn/china/bwdt/20120223/210811441175.shtml (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ 文化部举办"2013中国土耳其文化年”新闻发布会,2013年3月12日。http://art.china.cn/huihua/2013-03/12/content 5793831.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 肖宪：前引文,第17,18-23页。
⑤ Turkey's Erdogan slams Russia, China, Iran over Syria,Sep 27,2012. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/27/us-syria-crisis-turkey-idUSBRE88Q1L020120927(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑥ 详见咎涛：《中土关系及土耳其对中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
① 土耳其与西巴尔干国家、非洲国家的关系可参见《西亚非洲》杂志的专刊。
② Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, pp.113-132.
③ 这些国家包括埃及、伊朗、约旦、沙特和叙利亚,并发表了“伊斯坦布尔宣言”。
④ Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, p.116.
① Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.113-114.
② Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, p.116.
③ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.lll.
④ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, Nb.3,2012. p.116.
⑤ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.120.
⑥ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.113.
① Turkish PM recieves Iraqi Turkmen Front officials,06 December 2013. http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=124404 (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
Raymond Hinnebusch将上世纪80年代中期以来的土叙关系分为四个阶段——关系恶化、接近战争阶段(80年代中期-1998年)；关系逐渐正常化阶段(1998-2003年)；快速向亲密和联盟转变阶段(2003-2010)；关系退化阶段(2011年3月～)。Raymond Hinnebusch and Ozlem Tur eds., Turkey-Syria relations:between enmity and amity, Farnham:Ashgate, 2013. Introduction, pp.1-3.
① Sami Moubayed, Turkish-Syrian Relations:The Erdogan Legacy,
② Aqeel Mahfudh, "Syria and Turkey:a turning point or a historical bet?", February2012. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, p.3.
③ Banu Eligun, "Crisis in Turkey-Israeli Relations (December2008-June2011):From Partnership to Enmity", Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.48, No.3, May2012, pp.429-459.
① Omer Taspinar, "Turkey's Middle East Policies:Between Neo-Ottomanism and Kemalism", Carnegie Middle East Center Paper, no.10, Washington, D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, September 2008, 24-25.http://carnegieendowment.org/files/cmeclO taspinar final.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
② Erol Cebeci and Kadir Ustun, "The Syrian Quagmire:What's Holding Turkey Back?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.2,2012. pp.13-21
③ Christopher Phillips, "Into the Quagmire:Turkey's Frustrated Syria Policy", Middle East and North Africa Programme, December 2012. MENAP BP 2012/04. The Royal Institute of International Affairs,2012.
① Erol Cebeci and Kadir Ustun, "The Syrian Quagmire:What's Holding Turkey Back?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.2,2012. pp.13-21.
② Aqeel Mahfudh, "Syria and Turkey:a turning point or a historical bet?", Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, February2012. p.35.
③ 叙利亚难民不断涌入土耳其境内,中国日报网,2014年2月9日。http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/hqsj/hqlw/2014-02-09/content_11171060.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 国内关于上世纪90年代土耳其以色列关系的研究可以参见：李立：《影响以色列和土耳其关系的因素分析》,上海外国语大学硕士论文,2010年：严庭国：《中东政治格局中的以土军事联盟》,《阿拉伯世界》1998年第3期,第4-7页；邹占伟：《试析20世纪90年代以色列和土耳其军事联盟》,上海社会科学院硕士论文,2008年；孔令涛：《以土军事联盟的背景和影响》,《国际观察》1999年第2期,第11-14,54页；关于土以关系危机的研究可以参见：王波：《土耳其与以色列当前关系危机的原因分析》,《国际观察》2011年第4期,第47-52页；李秉忠：《土耳其与以色列关系恶化的原因及其启示》,《现代国际关系》2011年第12期,第28-32页：郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年i2期,第93-132页。
② 《世界知识》2009年第4期,第50-51页。
③ Hasan Kosebalaban, "The Crisis in Turkish-Israeli Relations:What is its Strategic Significance?", Middle East Policy, Fall 2010, Volume XVII, Number 3, p.36.
④ Banu Eligun, "Crisis in Turkey-Israeli Relations (December2008-June2011):From Partnership to Enmity", Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.48, No.3, May2012, pp.429-459.
① 郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年第2期,第93-132页。
① 土而其总理为躲调查出访伊朗贸易外交两不误,网易财经,2014年1月30日。http://money.163.com/14/0130/10/9JR5O9AE00254TI5.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 此处主要参考了朱传忠、张金生：《2010年伊朗核问题综述》,载肖石忠主编：《世界军事发展年度报告2011年》,军事科学出版社2011年,第283-285页。
③ 土耳其总统表示伊朗拥有和平利用核能的权利,新华网,2007年11月13日。http://www.ce.cn/cysc/ny/heneng/200711/13/t20071113_13580063.shtml上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 土耳其总理表示支持伊朗和平利用核能权利,新华网,2009年10月29日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-10/29/content_12352171.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ 土耳其总理公开支持伊朗称其有权和平利用核能2010年09月17日。http://news.ifeng.com/mil/3/detail_2010_09/17/2545826_0.shtml (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Suleyman Elik, "Iran-Turkey Relations at Hasan Rouhani Era:A Special Reference to Iran-US Nuclear Negotiations", BILGESAM Analysis/Middle East No.1111,20 December2013.
① 土耳其外交部英文网站：Istanbul Statement On Friendship and Cooperation In The "Heart Of Asia" http://www.mfa.gov.tr/istanbul-statement-on-friendship-and-cooperation-in-the-_heart-of-asia_.en.mfa (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 土耳其拟部署北约反导雷达,新华网,2011年9月3日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2011-09/03/c_121958891.htm(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ 北约决定在土耳其部署“爱国者”导弹,新华网,2012年12月5日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/2012-12/05/c_124047410.htm(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 土耳其首个北约爱国者导弹连开始运作,人民网,2013年1月26日。http://military.people.com.en/n/2013/0126/cl011-20335918.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ 土耳其不满以色列加沙军事行动拒绝以参加北约军演,环球网,2009年12月12日。
http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-10/600356.html(上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① 艾哈迈特·索赞(Ahmet Sozen)则从概念、微观背景、国内宏观背景、外部宏观背景四个方面分析了影响土耳其对外政策决策的因素。Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.pp.101-121.
① 倪世雄：《当代西方国际关系理论》,复旦大学出版社2001年,第252页。
② 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第499页。
③ 转引自倪世雄：前引书,第252页。
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第466页。
① 谢立忱：《认同视角下的土耳其对外政策》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第29-40页。
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.300.
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第579页。
② 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第526页。
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.12-13.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.15.
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第37页。
① 在人权标准是否内化问题上,学者是存在争议的。土耳其学者伊赫桑·达厄认为,为寻求制度合法性和安全,正义与发展党是实现了人权的工具化而非内化,通过承认人权以自保的工具化,也有可能导致人权的制度化。转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.89.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.47.
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第502页。
④ Meltem Muftuler-Bac and E. Fuat Keyman, "The Era of Dominant-Party Politics", Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 1, January 2012, pp.85-99.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.41-42.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.12.
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第42页。
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第500页。
① 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第464页。
② 彭树智：《东方民族主义思潮》,西北大学出版社1992年。
③ Halim Rane and Bridget Minogue, "Turkey's Role in the Diffusion of Democracy in the MENA Region", NCEIS Research Papers, Volume 5, No.8,2013. p.6.
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第463页。
⑤ 敏敬：《文明的多维交往：土耳其的现代化、民族主义与伊斯兰教》(博士论文),西北大学2006年。
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.45.
② 王林聪：《“土耳其模式的”新变化及其影响》,第93页。
③ 转引自彭树智：《文明交往论》,第371-372页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.11,12.
① Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.12, No.3, Fall2013.p.67.
② Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", p.67.
③ Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", p.67.
④ Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.85-108.
⑤ Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)",Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.85-108.
① Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.92.
② Halim Rane, "An Alternative to the'Turkish Model'for the Emerging Arab Democracies", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4, 2012, pp.50-51.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.115.
④ 王林聪：《论正义与发展党执政下的土耳其“民主模式”》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第20-25页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.117.
⑥ 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,第96页。
① 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,第96页。
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第373页。
③ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第374页。
正义与发展党的党章共计165条,主要涉及党的基本宗旨、党员、党的组织、党的纪律等。在正文第三章党的“硬件”部分已经对部分具体规定作了详述,本附录只列该党党章的基本框架。本附录节译自正义与发展党党章英文版,同时参照土耳其文版。感谢洛阳外国语学院土耳其语专业的学员在土耳其文版翻译过程中对笔者的莫大帮助。
*2013年12月17日,土耳其发生了严重的政府危机,埃尔多安更换了多名政府部长。
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6.哈全安、周术情：《土耳其民主化进程研究》,三联书店2009年。
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8.胡建淼主编：《世界宪法法院制度研究》,浙江大学出版社2007年。
9.黄维民：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年。
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15.彭树智主编：《阿富汗史》,陕西旅游出版社1993年。
16.彭树智主编：《伊斯兰教与中东现代化进程》,西北大学出版社1997年。
17.彭树智：《文明交往论》,陕西人民出版社2002年。
18.彭树智：《书路鸿踪录》,三秦出版社2004年。
19.彭树智：《松榆斋百记——人类文明交往散论》,西北大学出版社2005年。
20.彭树智主编：《中东史》,人民出版社2010年。
21.彭树智：《两斋文明自觉论随笔》,中国社会科学出版社2012年。
22.彭树智：《我的文明观》,西北大学出版社2013年。
23.孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年。
24.唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,社会科学文献出版社2013年。
25.汪波：《中东库尔德问题研究》,时事出版社2014年。
26.王长江主编：《政党政治原理》,中央党校出版社2009年。
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37.张广智主编：《史学之魂——当代西方马克思主义史学研究》,复旦大学出版社2011年。
38.周淑真：《政党和政治制度比较研究》,人民出版社2001年第1版。
39.杨灏城、朱克柔主编：《当地中东热点问题的历史探索：宗教与世俗》,人民出版社2000年。
1.邓红英：《土耳其外交转型析论》,《现代国际关系》2010年第10期,第21-25页。
2.丁工：《土耳其中等强国外交的现实性和可能性》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第85-96页。
3.董漫远：《中国与土耳其关系的历史与未来》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第53-58页。
4.冯基华：《美国中东政策的战略支点——土耳其》,《亚非纵横》2012年第4期,第42-49页。
5.李秉忠：《“中东波”以来土耳其中东政策的调整》,《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第51-55页。
6.李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页。
7.李秉忠：《土耳其与以色列关系恶化的原因及其启示》,《现代国际关系》2011年第12期,第28-32页。
8.李艳枝：《土耳其正义与发展党三连胜原因分析》,《国际资料信息》2011年第10期, 第1-6,14页。
9.李艳枝：《土耳其新总统阿卜杜拉·居尔》,《国际资料信息》2007年第11期,第27-30,35页。
10.李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴对女权运动的影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第5期,第132-142页。
11.李艳枝：《中东剧变与穆斯林民主政党的兴起》,《国际论坛》2013年第3期,第73-78页。
12.李智育：《土耳其正义与发展党政权的外交政策成因分析》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第55-70页。
13.刘云：《当代土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁——从救国党到繁荣党》,《西北师大学报》(社会科学版)2000年第3期,第118-123页。
14.刘云：《从救国党到繁荣党看土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁》,《西亚非洲》1999年第4期,第23-27页。
15.刘云：《当代土耳其的政治伊斯兰的发展》,《宁夏社会科学》2002年第11期,第64-69页。
16.胡少聪：《土耳其外交新思维及其影响》,《国际问题研究》2011年第4期,第40-44页。
17.孔令涛：《以土军事联盟的背景和影响》,《国际观察》1999年第2期,第11-14,54页。
18.田文林：《土耳其战略转型及其局限》,《现代国际关系》2010年第9期,第14-20页。
19.王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第2期,第82-97页。
20.汪波：《土耳其与以色列当前关系危机的原因分析》,《国际观察》2011年第4期,第47-52页；
21.肖宪：《构建中国与土耳其新型战略合作关系》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第14-28页。
22.谢立忱：《认同视角下的土耳其对外政策》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第29-40页。
23.严庭国：《中东政治格局中的以土军事联盟》,《阿拉伯世界》1998年第3期,第4-7 页。
24.咎涛：《“土耳其模式”：历史与现实》,《新疆师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)2012年第2期,第10-22页。
25.昝涛：《中土关系及土耳其队中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
26.张春：《土耳其对非洲地区的经贸合作》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第2期,第86-99页。
27.郑东超：《土耳其新中东政策辨析》,《现代国际关系》2011年第1期,第37-42页。
28.郑东超：《土耳其外交的战略深度主义》,《国际资料信息》2011年第1期,第5-8页。
29.郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年第2期,第93-132页。
30.郑东超：《论土耳其埃尔多安政府的外交政策》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第71-84页。
1.李立：《影响以色列和土耳其关系的因素分析》硕士论文,上海外国语大学2010年。
2.李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》博士论文,南开大学2009年。
3.敏敬：《文明的多维交往：土耳其的现代化、民族主义与伊斯兰教》博士论文,西北大学2006年。
4.邹占伟：《试析20世纪90年代以色列和土耳其军事联盟》硕士论文,上海社会科学院2008年。
1.土耳其大国民议会网站：http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/
2.土耳其私有化管理局英文网站：http://www.oib.gov.tr/index_eng.htm
3.土耳其国家计划部英文网站：http://www.dpt.gov.tr/ing/
4.土耳其总理办公室英文网站：http://www.toki.gov.tr/english/hda.asp
5.土耳其宪法法院英文网站：http://www.anayasa.gov.tr/index.php?lang=1&c=1
6.土耳其总统府网站：]http://www.tccb.gov.tr/pages/
7.土耳其外交部网站：http://www.mfa.gov.tr/default.en.mfa
8.土耳其投资与支持促进局中文网：http://www.invest.gov.tr/zh-CN/investmentguide/Pages/10Reasons.aspx
9.土耳其欧盟事务部网站：http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?1=2
1.正义与发展党英文网站：http://eng.akparti.org.tr/english/index.html
2.正义与发展党土耳其语网站：ttp://www.akparti.org.tr/site
3.民族行动党土耳其语网站：http://www.mhp.org.tr/mhp_index.php
4.共和人民党英文网站：ttp://www.chp.org.tr/en/
5.共和人民党土耳其语网站：http://www.chp.org.tr/
1.自由报网站：Lttp://www.hurriyetdailynews.com
2.今日晨报网站：http://www.todayszaman.com/home
3.土耳其宪法观察网站：http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org
4.土耳其经济政策研究基金会：http://www.tepav.org.tr
5.土耳其经济与社会研究基金会：http://tesev.org.tr
6.土耳其政治、经济与社会研究基金会：http://setadc.org
7.土耳其外交政策研究所：http://www.foreignpolicy.org.tr/
8.土耳其外交部战略研究中心(SAM):http://sam.gov.tr/
9.贤人战略研究中心：www.bilgesam.org
10.土耳其亚洲战略研究中心：http://www.tasam.org/en
新华网、人民网、国际在线、凤凰网、国际能源网、共识网等
① 转引自张广智主编：《史学之魂——当代西方马克思主义史学研究》,复旦大学出版社2011年,第19页。
② 彭树智主编：《阿富汗史》,陕西旅游出版社1993年,序言第2页。
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,西北大学出版社2013年,第487页。
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第538页。
⑤ “长远时间”是一个大时段的历史概念。它包括对过去的继承,对现代的重视和对未来的向往这三个时间段的“无穷无尽的和不会完成的对话”。转引自彭树智：《我的文明观》,第523页。
① Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.3,22.
M. Hakan.Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003. M. Hakan.Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge University Press,2009.
④ Jenny White, Islamist mobilization in Turkey:a study in vernacular politics, Seattle:University of Washington Press,2002. Jenny White, Muslim Nationalism and the New Turks, Princeton:Princeton University Press,2012.
⑤ Birol A. Yesilada, "The Refah Party Phenomenon in Turkey," in Birol A. Yesilada ed., Comparative Political Parties and
Party Elites:Essays in Honor of Samuel J. Eldersveld, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1999, pp.123-50. Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds., Political Parties in Turkey, Portland:Frank Cass,2002, pp.62-81. Haldun Giilalp, "Political Islam in Turkey:The Rise and Fall of the Welfare Party," The Muslim World, Vol.89, No.l, January 1999, pp.22-55. Metin Heper and Jacob Landau eds., Political Parties and Democracy in Turkey, New York: I.B. Tauris,1991. William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge,2010.
① 黄维民：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年；刘云：《土耳其政治现代化：观察与思考》,甘肃人民出版社2002年；陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论与历史实践的双重探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年；李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》(博士论文),南开大学2009年。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge, 2010.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.1-78.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.78.
⑤ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2009; Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, Turkish Democracy Today:Elections, Prost and Stability in an Islamic Society, London and New York:I.B.Tauris,2007; Ali Carkoglu, "Turkey's November 2002. Elections:A New Beginning?", Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol.6, No.3, pp.30-41.
① Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Issues for U.S. Policy", CRS Report RL31429, May 22,2002. Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey: Financial Crises in Context", CRS Report RS20842, March 13,2001. Bulent Aliriza, "Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core", CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, Routledge,2010. M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.
③ 敏敬：《土耳其正发党与繁荣党的差异比较研究》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第26-32页。
④ 王林聪：《论正义与发展党执政下的“土耳其民主模式”》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第20-25页。
⑤ 李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》(博士论文),南开大学2009年。
⑥ 李艳枝：《土耳其正义与发展党三连胜原因分析》,《国际资料信息》2011年第10期,第1--6,14页。
① 李艳枝：《中东剧变与穆斯林民主政党的兴起》,《国际论坛》2013年第3期,第73-78页。
② Metin Heper,'The Justice and Development Party Government and the Military in Turkey', Turkish Studies, Vol.6, No.2, 2005, pp.215-231; Gareth Jenkins,'Symbols and Shadow Play:Military-JDP Relations', in Hakan Yavuz ed., The Emergence of a New Turkey:Democracy and the AK Party, Salt Lake, University of Utah Press,2006, pp.185-206; Umit Cizre,'The Justice and Development Party and the Military:Recreating the Past after Reforming it?', in Omit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The Making of the Justice and Development Party, London, Routledge,2008, pp.132-171. Akin Unver,'Turkey's Deep State and the Ergenekon Conundrum', Middle East Institute Policy Brief, No.23, 29 April 2009; Gareth H. Jenkins,'Between Fact and Fantasy:Turkey's Ergenekon Investigation', Silk Road Paper, August 2009, http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/docs/silkroadpapers/0908Ergenekon.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日).
③ Ziya Onis and Barry Rubin, The Turkish economy in crisis, London:Frank Cass,2003. Ziya Onis and F.Senses, Turkey and the Global Economy:Neo-liberal Restructuring and Integration in the Post-Crisis Era, London:Routledge,2009.
④ Seubidey Togan ed., Economic Liberalization and Turkey, Routledge,2010.
⑤ T.Qetin and Fuat Oguz eds., The Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, Springer,2011.
① Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age ofAKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012.
② Republic of Turkey Prime Ministry, the Silent Revolution:Turkey's Democratic Change and Transformation Inventory (2002-2012),Undersecretariat of Public Order and Security Publications,3rd Edition, November 2013.http://www.akparti.org.tr/upload/documents/ingilizce.pdf
③ 米切尔·刚特、格拉汉姆·福勒、罗伯特·奥尔森等是治库尔德问题研究的专家,他们的专著和论文是值得参考的重要资料。
① Paul J. White and Joost Jongerden eds., Turkey's Alevi enigma:a comprehensive overview, Boston:Brill,2003. Tord Olsson, Elisabeth Ozdalga and Catharina Raudvere eds., Alevi identity:cultural, religious and social perspectives:papers read at a conference held at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, November 25-27,1996, Stockholm:Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul,1998.
② 相关文献有Marvine Howe, "Turkey Today:Headscarves and Women's Rights", Middle East Policy,Vol. XX, No.3, Fall 2013, pp.121-133; Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2, April 2005; pp.147-165.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, New York:Cambridge Press,2012.
④ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,社会科学文献出版社2013年。
⑤ 汪波：《中东库尔德问题研究》,时事出版社2014年。
⑥ 李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴对女权运动的影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第5期,第132-142页。
⑦ 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年。
① Yucel Bozdaglioglu, Turkish foreign policy and Turkish identity: a constructivist approach, New York: Routledge, 2003. Martina Warning, Identity and foreign policy: Turkey's external relations under culturalist influence, Saarbriicken: VDM Verlag Dr. Muller, 2011.
② 土耳其外交部下属的战略研究所,发布了多份研究报告,论及当前土耳其外交政策的主要指导思想,具有重要的参考价值。
③ 根据笔者的统计,以土耳其与欧盟为主题的专著约有20部之多,而且多为土耳其国内学者的文章；以土耳其与美国关系为主题的专著约有四部,主要研究土美关系所面临的挑战；以土耳其与中东国家关系为主题的专著有五部,主要论及土耳其的中东政策,土耳其与伊朗、叙利亚和以色列的关系；如Robert W. Olson,Turkey-Iran Relations, 1979-2004: Revolution, Ideology, War, Coups, and Geopolitics, Mazda Pub, 2003 Suleyman Elik, Iran-Turkey Relations 1979-2011: Conceptualising the Dynamics of Politics, Religion and Security in Middle-Power States, Routledge, 20ll.以土耳其与高加索国家关系为主题的专著有一部,主要论述凯末尔主义对土耳其高加索政策的影响。Umut Uzer, Identity and Turkish foreign policy: the Kemalist influence in Cyprus and the Caucasus, London: I.B. Tauris, 2011.
④ 田文林：《土耳其战略转型及其局限》,《现代国际关系》2010年第9期,第14-20页；邓红英：《土耳其外交转型析论》,《现代国际关系》2010年第10期,第21-25页；郑东超：《土耳其新中东政策辨析》,《现代国际关系》2011年第1期,第37-42页；胡少聪：《土耳其外交新思维及其影响》,《国际问题研究》2011年第4期,第40-44页；郑东超：《土耳其外交的战略深度主义》,《国际资料信息》2011年第1期,第5-8页；李秉忠：《“中东波”以来土耳其中东政策的调整》《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第51-55页。中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所主办的《西亚非洲》杂志2011年第9期,刊登了五篇关于土耳其外交政策文章,主要涉及土耳其的西巴尔干政策、非洲政策、认同对土耳其政策的影响等；《阿拉伯世界研究》杂志2012年第5期发表了三篇土耳其对外政策的文章；郑东超、高岚、徐维、邹占伟等人的学位论文亦论及土耳其与美国、欧盟、中东国家的关系。
⑤ 李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页；Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State: The Politics of Engagement, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007.
① M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. Ahmet T. Kuru, "Changing Perspectives on Islamism and Secularism in Turkey:the Gulen Movement and the AK Party", Muslim World in Transition:Contributions of the Gulen Movement, Conference Proceedings, London:Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007, pp.140-151. Ahmet Kuru, "Passive and Assertive Secularism:Historical Conditions, Ideological Struggles, and State Policies toward Religion," World Politics, Vol.59, No.4, July 2007, pp.568-594.
② Stefano Maria Torelli, "The'AKP Model'and Tunisia's al-Nahda:From Convergence to Competition?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012, pp.65-83. Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012, pp.85-108.
③ 详见本文结论部分
④ 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第2期,第82-97页。⑤ 李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页。⑥ 咎涛：《“土耳其模式”：历史与现实》,《新疆师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)2012年第2期,第10-22页。
① Bora Kanra. Islam. Democracy, and Dialogue in Turkev:Deliberating in Divided Society. Asheate Publishing Limited. 2009.
② Ali Qarkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,20
③ Ergun Ozbudun, Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey, London:Lynne Rienner,2013.
④ Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State:The Politics of Engagement, Stanford:Stanford University Press,2007.
⑤ Ergun Ozbudun, Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey, London:Lynne Rienner,2013.
① 在中文里,“制度”一词在政治学意义上运用时实际上有两种含义：第一,它指的是一种政治统治形式。我们平常所说的资本主义制度、社会主义制度等,均属此含义；第二,它指的是一套成系统的法规会规定,如选举制度、法律制度直至议会制度、学习制度等。转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,中共中央党校出版社2009年,第162-163页。
② [英]艾伦·韦尔著：《政党与政党制度》,谢峰译,北京大学出版社2011年,第85页。
③ Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties:Organization and Power, translated by Marc Silver, Cambridge University Press, 1988. pp.55-58.
④ 叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,《教学与研究》2011年第12期,第81-87页。
① 转引自叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,第85页。
② 叶麒麟：《从类型到制度化——西方民主政治场域中政党体制研究的视角转移》,第85页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,姚洋、邢予青、赖平耀译,上海世纪出版集团2005年,第88页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第84页。
① [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第94页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第95页。
⑤ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第99页。
⑥ 本文认为《文明交往论》(陕西人民出版社2002年)、《书路鸿踪录》(三秦出版社2004年)、《松榆斋百记——人类文明交往散论》(西北大学出版社2005年)《两斋文明自觉论随笔》(中国社会科学出版社2012年)、《我的文明观》(西北大学出版社2013年)是先生治人类文明交往史的五部曲。
⑦ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第7-12页。
⑧ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第546页。
⑨ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,陕西人民出版社2002年,第387页。
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第39页。
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第36页。
③ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第39页。
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第387页。
① 伊斯兰政党(Islamic Party)、伊斯兰主义政党(Islamist Party)、亲伊斯兰政党(pro-Islamic party)、穆斯林民主党(Muslim Democratic Party)是对中东国家有着浓厚伊斯兰背景或直接源于伊斯兰运动(组织)的政党的四种不同称谓。国外学者对此进行了某些区分,在此为行文方便,一律采用伊斯兰主义政党称谓。
② 这里有两点说明,第一点,民族拯救党,亦有学者翻译为救国党,但从该党的土耳其语名称来看,准确地讲应该译为民族拯救党；繁荣党,亦可以翻译为福利党；此外,正义与发展党的政党性质问题是国内外学界讨论的焦点话题,本文并不认为该党是伊斯兰主义政党,但为描述该党的“前史”,故这样行文。第二点,民族观点(Milli Gorus),英译为National View或National Outlook。前一个词组翻译为民族观点,后后一个词组中outlook在中文中有多个意思,如见解、前景、展望等。因此,也可以译为民族前途政党。为了行为方便,本文统一翻译为民族观点。
③ 丹克沃特·A.拉斯托认为民族党成立于1949年,该党是宗教上保守的组织,在安纳托利亚中部的某些地区和大城市中较贫穷的街区有着坚定的地方追随者。参见：[美]丹克沃特·A.拉斯托：《近东的政治——西南亚和北非》,载[美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第354页。
④ 转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,载王铁铮主编：《全球化与当代中东社会思潮》,人民出版社2013年,第134页。
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010. pp.52-53.
① 1954年奥斯曼·伯吕克巴舍重建为共和民族党。1962年,因共和农民民族党分裂,民族党再次在土耳其政坛出现。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.161.Note.1. or Birol A.Yeilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds., Political Parties in Turkey, Portland:Frank Cass, 2002, p.63.
③ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.63.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第135页。
⑤ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, Dissertation of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, February 2012. p.55.
⑥ 有资料认为是1969年；也有学者认为该党的成立时间是1970年1月26日。
⑦ 埃尔巴坎(1926-2011),土耳其著名政治家,曾是多个政党的领导人,是土耳其民族观点运动的创立者和领导人。关于埃尔巴坎的思想可以参见：陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论与历史实践的双重探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年,第170-176页；刘云：《从救国党到繁荣党看土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁》；《西亚非洲》1999年第4期,第23-27页。
① Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics ofReligiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, Dissertation of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, February 2012. p.56.
② 这些人包括Hasan Aksay, Mustafa Yazgan, Arslan Topcubasi, Osman Yuksel Serdengecti, Ismail Hakki Yilanogluo
③ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", pp.64-65.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.3.
⑤ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.65.
⑥ 转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
① Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics ofReligiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.62.
② Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, pp.62-63.
③ Mehmet Yasar Giyikdagi, Political Party in Turkey, New York,1984, p.112转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
① Mehmet Yasar Giyikdagi, Political Party in Turkey, New York,1984, pp.123-133转引自刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第140页。
② Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", in Barry Rubin and Ali Carkoglu eds., Religion and Politics in Turkey,Routledge,2005, pp.46-57.
③ Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", p.46.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第141页。
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.12.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.3.
Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Modera Turkey, pp.66-67.
④ 1973年,民族拯救党与共和人民党组建联合政府,结果导致该党内部Naksi和Nurcu之间的分裂。努尔库集团反对民族拯救党并开始退出联盟。
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010.p.69.
⑥ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.67.
⑦ Banu Eligur,The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey,pp.69-70.
① 埃尔巴坎和其他政党领导人一样被禁止从政十年。而哈坎·雅乌兹书中重建者为阿里·图尔克曼。将军们严格限制伊斯兰在公共生活中的作用,禁止27名创始党员参与政治。结果,该党不能参与全国选举M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
② 有资料显示得票率为4.8%。
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
④ 在支持公决的演讲中,埃尔巴坎强调“法治、人权、突破禁令枷锁”,并批评“厄扎尔的独裁体制”,为伊斯兰主义政党掌权开路。
⑤ 哈坎·雅乌兹的数据为7.16%。M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4.
① M.Hakan Yavuz,Islamic Political Identity in Turkey,p.215.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.214也有学者认为,1992年的部分地方选举是繁荣党崛起的起点。该党赢得了27%的选票,赢得了伊斯坦布尔的四个区。
③ 威廉·哈勒和奥兹布敦的数据为19.1%,而哈坎·雅乌兹的数据为19.7%。参见William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4. M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.218.
④ 威廉·哈勒和奥兹布敦的数据为29个。参见William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.4六个大城市分别是伊斯坦布尔、安卡拉、科尼亚、开塞利、埃尔祖鲁姆和迪亚巴克尔。
⑤ Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", Third World Quarterly, Vol.18, No.4, Sep.1997, p.743.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.219.
① Cengiz Dinc, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol. 5, No.3, Fall 2006, p.l.
② 转引自Cengiz Dine, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", p.2.
③ Cengiz Dine, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", p.8.
④ 有学者认为,公正秩序是埃尔巴坎和苏莱曼?卡拉乌勒(Suleytnan Karagulle)的独创观点。
⑤ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities: The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.25, No.2, Nov. 1998, p288.
① Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", pp.288-289.
② Banu Eligiir, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.153.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", pp.289-290.
④ Fulya Atacan, "Explaining Religious Politics at Crossroad:AKP-SP", p.46.
① Cengiz Dinc, "The Welfare Party, Turkish Nationalism and Its Vision of a New World Order", pp.11-12.
② Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty' p.290.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.293.
④ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.191.
① Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.295.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.183.
③ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty" p.296.
④ Jenny White, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey:a Study of Vernacular Politics, p.19.
⑤ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.193.
⑥ Ergun Ozbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics:Challenges to Democratic Consolidation, Colorado:Lynne Reiner Publishers Inc.,2000. p.92.
⑦ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.31-32.
① 穆斯林的念珠共有33颗,言外之意该党的这一组织有33个人组成。
② Jenny White, Islamist Mobilization in Turkey:a Study of Vernacular Politics, University of Washington Press,2002, pp.180,198.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p.228.
① 繁荣党的整个组织结构图可参见Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.186. Diagram5.1
② Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.757.
① 该协会的网站资料显示,截至2013年,其共由5560个会员,15000家公司,其占土耳其GDP的15%,雇佣1,200,000名工人。在土耳其国内总计有38个分支机构和代表处,在全球47个国家拥有联系点。参见该组织网站：http://www.musiadfair.com/en/musiadnedir.php
② Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.759.
③ 机会空间或环境机遇是研究土耳其政党政治的学者经常使用的概念。有关这两个概念的相关论述可以参见帕内比昂科等人的著作。
④ Mehran Kamrava, "Pseudo-Democratic Politics and Populist Possibilities:The Rise and Demise of Turkey's RefahParty", p.295.
⑤ 组织机构、民众主义意识形态前文亦有论述,在这里主要论述繁荣党的组织动员能力。
① Metin Heper, "Islam and Democracy in Turkey:Towards a Reconciliation?", Middle East Journal, Vol.51, No.1, Winter1997, p.36.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.14.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun. Islamism. Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, (?).14-15.
④ Ziya Onis, "The Political Economy of Islamic Resurgence in Turkey:The Rise of the Welfare Party in Perspective", p.744.
⑤ Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", Contemporary Politics, Volume 7, Issue 4,2001. pp.289-290.
⑥ Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", p.282.
① 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.15.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.18.
③ 但有的外国学者的著作中是18点计划。
M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.65.
⑤ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第145页。
① 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第146-147页。
② 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.68.
① 艾莉君书中的时间为1997年12月17日。Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.234-235.
② Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
③ Birol Yejilada, "the Virtue Party", p.69.
④ 刘云：《全球化与当代土耳其伊斯兰主义的发展》,第146页。
⑤ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.236.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.236. Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
③ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.237. ④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkis Center-Right Tradition", p.67.
⑤ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.237.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, pp.237-238.
⑦ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
⑧ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.67-68.
① Ziya Onis, "Political Islam at the Crossroad", p.291.
② 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.69.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.75.
④ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.235.
⑤ Gareth Jenkins, "Muslim Democrats in Turkey", p.51.
⑥ Banu Eligur, Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.240.
⑦ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.19.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.69.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.70.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.70.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.141.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.142.
① 转引自 M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.142.
② Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.63.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
④ Ali Carkoglu, "Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. p.4.
⑤ 努曼·卡拉库鲁姆什是伊斯坦布尔大学经济学博士和美国康奈尔大学荣誉博士,他强调“社会中精神价值”的重要性,关注土耳其世俗主义的问题本质。
⑥ 维基百科幸福党条http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felicity_Party(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of theAKP, p.l1.
② "Mustafa Kamalak Criticized Erdogan on Syria", 7 December 2011. http://www.rohama.org/en/news/7013/mustafa-kamalak-criticized-erdogan-on-syria (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ "Turkish Felicity Party protests Egypt coup in Istanbul", 15 July 2013. http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=113117 (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
④ Umit Cizre and Menderes Cinar, "Turkey 2002: Turkey 2002: Kemalism, Islamism, and Politics in the Light of the February 28 Process", the South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 102, No. 2/3, Spring/Summer2003, p.326.
⑤ Murat Somer, "Muslim Damocrats in the Making? Explaining Turkey's AKP", Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, March 17-20,2004.p.ll. http://intercoll.net/bdf/docs/isa_paper5.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① Murat Somer, "Muslim Damocrats in the Making? Explaining Turkey's AKP", p.12.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.5.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.6.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.7.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.7.
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第130页。
① [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第109页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第108-109页。
③ [美]B.盖伊·彼得斯：《政治科学中的制度理论：“新制度主义”》(第二版),王向民、段红伟译,上海世纪出版集团,上海人民出版社2011年,第130,131页。
① 周淑真：《政党与比较政治制度研究》,人民出版社2001年第1版,第43-45页；王长江：《政党政治原理》,第43-46页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第43-46页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第173-175页。
④ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.111,114.
① Ziya Onis and Barry Rubin, The Turkish economy in crisis, London:Frank Cass,2003. pp.14-15.
① Bulent Aliriza, Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core, CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001, p.3.
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第175-176页。
③ Bulent Aliriza, Turkey's Crisis:Corruption at the Core, CSIS Turkey Update, March 5,2001, p.1.
① Ahmet Insel:"The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlanti Quarterly, Volume.102, Number.2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.301.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.27.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, pp.248-249,263.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.92.
① 转引自 William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28. ii William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28.
② 转引自 William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28. ii William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, p.28.
③ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006.p.l.
④ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, p. 1.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, p. 1.
⑥ 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey: the case of the AKP, pp.28-29..
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", pp.76-77.
② Omit Cizre and Menderes Qmar, "Turkey 2002:Turkey 2002:Kemalism, Islamism, and Politics in the Light of the February 28 Process", the South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume 102, Number 2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.326.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.19.
④ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.69.
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.70.
② [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：《选举制度》(我知道什么丛书),张新木译,商务印书馆1996年,第95页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第247页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第240页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第246页。
⑥ 潘伟杰：《宪法的理念与制度》,上海人民出版社2004年,第496页。
① [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第24-38页。
② [法]让-马里·科特雷、克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第8页。
③ [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第38-39页。
④ [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第9页。
⑤ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第109页。
⑥ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第119页。
⑦ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第120页。
① [法]让-马里·科特雷和克洛德·埃梅里：前引书,第7页。
② 潘伟杰：前引书,第515-518页。
③ 潘伟杰：前引书,第515页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第169页。
① Arda Can Kumbaracibasi, Turkish Politics and the Rise of the AKP:dilemmas of institutionalization and leadership strategy, London and New York:Routledge,2009. p.97.
② Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.141.
③ Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", pp.131-133.
① Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.136.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.108.
② 转引自Murat Sevencan, "Ideological Self-placement and Turkish Electorate Party Choice", European Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 21, Number 3,2011, pp.381-391. ③ Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15,
No.4,2013,p.115.
④ Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume.102, Number. 2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, pp.293-308.
⑤ Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", p.298.
① Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.151.
② Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.154.
③ Ali Carkoglu, "the Rise of New Generation Pro-Islamist in Turkey:the Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Election in Turkey", p.153.
④ Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.421.
⑤ Soner Cagaptay and H. Akin Unver, "July 2007 Turkish Elections:Winners and Fault Lines", Research Notes, Number 14, the Washtington Institute for Near East Policy, July 2007. p.1.
① Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.422.
② Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. p.422.
① 德尼兹·巴伊卡尔于1992年成为共和人民党主席,1999年辞去党主席职务,由阿勒坦·奥尔曼短暂掌权,2000年再次成为共和人民党主席,直至2010年5月由凯末尔·科勒迟达奥卢接任。
① Novelties await voters in June 12 elections with new law,17 February 2011, http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?load=detay&newsId=235779&link=235779(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 与2007年相比,2011选举是历届土耳其议会选举中参选政党数量最多的一年,有27个政党有资格参加议会选举。这27个政党是正义与发展党(AKP)、共和人民党(CHP)、Alternative Party (AP)、土耳其共产党(TKP)、民主党(DP)、民主左派党(DSP)、平等与民主党(EDP)、幸福党(SP)、自由与团结党(ODP)大统一党(BBP)、国家党(YURT-P)、工党(EMEP)、自由民主党(LDP)、独立土耳其党(BTP)、国家党(MP)、民族主义与保守党(MMP)、民族行动党(MHP)、新党(YP)、民主和平党(BDP)、人民进步党(HYP)、人民呼声党(HAS)、权利与平等党(HEPAR)、权利与自由党(HAKPAR)、正确道路党(DYP)、土耳其党(TP)、工人党(IP)、青年党(GP)等。
③ 由于自由团结党、新党未能提交候选人名单被取消了参选资格。加之先前有9个小党宣布改变选举战略,参选举政党个数降为15个。
④ Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011, http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ World Leaders Congratulate Turkey's Erdogan, http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=75016(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 各政党中未能获得提名的上届议会议员人数如下：正义与发展党167人,共和人民党64人,民族行动党27人,亲库尔德政党民主和平党8人。值得一提的是,执政党正义与发展党的两位部长也不在候选人之列。See:Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② See:Change comes out of candidate lists with 267 deputies out,13 April 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/news-240915-change-comes-out-of-candidate-lists-with-267-deputies-out.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① See:Numbers indicate highs, lows, lasts, firsts in new Parliament,13 June 2011. http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?load=detay&newsId=247172&link=247172上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 2014年3月30日,土耳其举行了新的地方选举,正义与发展党再次获得了选举胜利。因写作时间问题,暂时未涉及这次选举,留待以后补充。
① Ali Carkoglu,"Turkish Local Election of March 28,2004:a Prospective Evaluation", tusid, April 9,2004.
② Ali Carkoglu,"Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. p.2.
③ Ali Carkoglu,"Turkey's Local Election of 2009:Winners and Losers", Insight Turkey, Vol.11, No.2,2009. pp.2-3.
① 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.229.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.96.
③ Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.p.69.
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
① Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.54.
④ Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, "The Rise of'Muslim Democracy'", Journal of Democracy, Volume 16, Number 2, April 2005, pp.23-24.
⑤ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.118.
⑥ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.270.
⑦ Giiliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderati Turkey, p.270.
⑧ Guliz Dine Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, p.271.
① Guliz Dmc Belcher, Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey, pp.271-272.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.258.
③ [英]S.H.里格比：《马克思主义与历史学：一种批判性的研究》,吴英译,译林出版社2012年,中译本序言第6页。
① Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.45.
② Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.78.
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第103-104页。
② [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第83页。
③ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第83页。
④ [美]安东尼·唐斯：《民主的经济理论》,第114页。
① 周淑真：《政党和政治制度比较研究》,第64页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第120页。
③ [美]罗伯特·A.达尔：《现代政治分析》,王沪宁、陈峰译,上海译文出版社1987年,第79-80页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第120页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第121页。
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第121页。
⑦ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第122页。
⑧ 潘伟杰：前引书,第529页。
① 限于篇幅问题,这里主要论述政治领域的保守民主。
② 目前中文的保守主义文献主要有：刘军宁：《保守主义》,中国社会科学出版社1998年；杨明伟：《保守主义：种审慎的政治哲学》,中国书籍出版社2013年；[德]卡尔·曼海姆：《保守主义》,李朝辉、牟建君译,译林出版社2002年；[英]塞西尔：《保守主义》,杜汝楫译,商务印书馆1986年；[英]罗杰·斯科拉顿：《保守主义的含义》,王皖强译,中央编译出版社2005年；[美]马勒编著：《保守主义》,刘曙辉、张容南译,译林出版社2010年。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第107页。
④ 刘军宁：《保守主义》,中国社会科学出版社1998年,第23-26页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第108页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第109页。
② Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York:Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.pp.75-96.
③ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.94.
④ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.96.
⑤ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.141.
⑥ Ali Carkoglu and Ersin Kalaycioglu, the Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, p.149.
⑦ Alyssia T. Maluda, An Analysis of the Justice and Development Party and the Impact of Social Conservatism on Women in Contemporary Turkey, A Senior Honors Thesis written in fulfillment of the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts in International Studies, University of Michigan, April 2013.p.10.
⑧ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", Middle East Technial University Thesis, December 2006.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.83,84.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.83-84.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.87.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
⑥ Mustafa Sen, "Tranformation of Turkish Islamism and the Rise of the Justice and Development Party", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011. pp.57-82.
① William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.66.
② Yalcin Akdogan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi, [AK Party and Conservative Democracy], Istanbul:Alfa Yayinlan,2004.很遗憾,笔者未能找到该书,论文中所有引用该书处皆为转引。
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", in M. Hakan Yavuz, ed., The Emergence of a New Turkey:Democracy and the AK Parti, the University of Utah Press,2006.pp.49-63.
④ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.121.
① 正义与发展党党纲之公共行政部分。
② 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.239.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.239.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.82.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.83.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.25.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.134.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.135.
① 转引自William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.78.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.91.
③ 《2023远景》文件
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.51.
① Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.51.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.52.
① 燕继荣主编：《发展政治学：政治发展研究的概念与理论》,北京大学出版社2006年版,第32-33页。在一般的政治学教科书中,政治被归纳为四种概念或观点,即：作为政治艺术的政治；作为公共事务的政治；作为妥协和同意的政治；作为权利和资源分配的政治。这四种定义反映了认识政治的四个不同角度或思路,也规定了不同的政治发展观念。从妥协和同意的角度认识政治,政治又可以被看做是解决争端的特别手段。在这种定义下,冲突或争端不是通过强力和赤裸裸的权力来解决,而是通过妥协、安抚和谈判来加以解决。政治就是选择妥协而不是选择暴力和强迫来安排秩序问题的解决方案。
② Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.18.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.52.
④ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press.2006.pp.2-3.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.3.
⑥ Giiliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.240.
⑦ Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", pp.240-241.
① 正义与发展党党纲(以下简称党纲)前言部分。
② 党纲前言部分。
③ 正义与发展党《2023远景》,p.9.
④ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.21.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.21.
③ Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", pp.50-51.
William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.23.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.100.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.100.
⑦ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.100-101.
① 该党党纲第一部分。
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.159.
③ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.95. or William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.78.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.95-96.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.161.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.96.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.96.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.160.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.79.
① Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
② Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
③ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.80.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.96.
⑤ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.50.
① Ahmet Insel,The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey,The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume.102, Number.2/3, Spring/Summer 2003, p.298.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.168.
③ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.109-100.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.25.
② Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.56;or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.74.
③ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.56;or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.74.
④ 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.89.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.85.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.116.
⑦ Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.57.
① Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.57.
② Yalcm Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.55.
③ 转引自Yalcin Akdogan, "the Meaning of Conservative Democracy Political Identity", p.58.or Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.75-76.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.10.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.10.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.88.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.89.
① Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.121-122.
② Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.122.
③ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.122.
④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.89-90.
⑤ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.85.
⑥ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.94.
① Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.78.
② Ahmet Insel, "The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey", The South Atlanti Quarterly, vol.102, no.2/3,2003, pp.293-308.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.284-285.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.285.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. pp.285-286.
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第72页。
① [英]戴维·米勒、韦农·波格丹诺编辑：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,中国政法大学出版社1992年,第526页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第80页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第136页。
④ 正义与发展党党章第6条。
① Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", pp.253-254.
② Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey,p.246.
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第76,77页。
④ Guliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.251.
① Sultan Tepe, a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party, in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.117. ② Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.254.
③ 本部分的撰写除使用正义与发展党的党章外,还参考了Arda Can Kumbaracibasi, Turkish Politics and the Rise of the AKP:dilemmas of institutionalization and leadership strategy, London and New York:Routledge,2009.pp.126.-134的相关论述。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第61条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第62条。
① 党章第73-74条规定了中央决策与执行委员会的构成和原则、职责和权限。
① 党章第79-82条规定了中央执行委员会的组成和运行原则、职责和权限、委员会副主席的分工、委员会成员的职责和权限、负责资金和管理事务的副主席以及总书记。
② 正义与发展党党章第80条。
③ 正义与发展党章程英文版第81条。
④ 党章第35条规定,选举产生的代表数量不超过600名；每个区可产生五名代表。2009年10月3日创始委员会的决定写入党章,该省议员、担任省长和大城市的市长的该党党员、省执行委员会和纪律委员会的主席和正式成员是省大会的当然代表。
① 正义与发展党党章第36条。
② 党章第29和30条对区大会的代表及其选举作出了具体规定。
③ 正义与发展党党章英文版第31条。而党章第22和23条对镇大会的代表作出了具体规定。
④ 正义与发展党党章英文版第32条。
⑤ 正义与发展党党章英文版第33条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第21条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第24条。
③ 正义与发展党党章英文版第25条。
④ 正义与发展党党章英文版第26条。
⑤ 正义与发展党党章英文版第27条。
① Ak Party Development and Democratization Program, Section 5.7 Women.
② Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.257.
③ Giiliz Dinc Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",pp.257-258
① 必须指出的是,正义与发展党的党章规定了多种附属机构,有的是单列的如海外办事处,有的则是在其他地方的规定中附加的,如第十二章的杂项规定部分。为行文方便,这里统一归入其他附属机构。
① 正义与发展党党章第107条。
② 正义与发展党党章英文版第111条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第141条。
② 正义与发展党党章第142条。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第79页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第80页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第81-82页。
④ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第82-87页。
⑤ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第84页。
⑥ 正义与发展党党章英文版第24、31、36、75条。
① 正义与发展党党章英文版第98、99条。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第85页。
① 本部分的多数内容笔者已经以《土耳其现任总理埃尔多安》为题,发表于《国际资料信息》杂志2012年第12期。特此说明。
② [美]詹姆斯·麦格雷戈·伯恩斯：《领袖论》,刘李胜等译,中国社会科学出版社1996年,第372页。
③ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, "Islam, Modernity, and Democracy in Contemporary Turkey:The Case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan", The Muslim World, Volume93, Issue2, April 2003, p.163.
① Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.161.
② 诗歌大意是：“宣礼塔是我们的尖刀,圆形穹顶是我们的头盔,清真寺是我们的营垒,信士是我们的战士。”这些诗歌被解释为,要在土耳其实行伊斯兰教法,试图把土耳其人分为信道的人和不信道的人。批评者认为埃尔多安是“一人、一票、一次”制度的支持者。
③ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.164.
④ Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, opicit, p.161.
⑤ 李艳枝：《土耳其新总统阿卜杜拉·居尔》,《国际资料信息》2007年第11期,第27-30,35页。
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.204.
① 伊斯兰教禁止偶像崇拜和以物配主,报纸上的照片等同于偶像。
② Turan Yilmaz, Tayyip:Kasimpasa'dan Siyasetin On Saflanna, Ankara:Umit,2001. p.229.
② 《埃尔多安：传统的西行者》,《世界知识》2007年第16期,第13页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.127.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.131.
③ 《埃尔多安：传统的西行者》,《世界知识》2007年第16期,第13页。
① Gokhan Bacik, "The Nationalist Action Party in the 2011 Elections:The Limits of Oscillating between State and Society", Insight Turkey, Vol.13, No.4,2011, pp.178-179.
② Gokhan Bacik, op.cit., p.180.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.120.
④ Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey",p.278.
⑤ Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.18.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.84.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.99.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.99.
④ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.100.
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第81页。
⑨ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第136页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第140,141页。
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.48.
③ Guliz Dine Belcher, "Journey from Islamism to Conservative Democracy:the Politics of Religiuous Party Moderation in Turkey", p.243.
④ 《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,第347页。
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第142页。
② 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第142页。
③ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第152-153页。
④ 正义与发展党党章第136条。
① 正义与发展党纲领第二部分第2、3小节。
② 2001年8月14日-2003年2月2日间实施的章程为其代表提供了控制中央执行委员会的广泛权力。土耳其政党第一次限制党主席的任期。同时,该党成为土耳其第一个建立党内民主仲裁机构的政党。
③ 正义与发展党纲领第二部分第3小节政治架构。
④ Sultan Tepe, a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party, in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.116.
① 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第60-61页。
② [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第36-38页。
③ [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第39页。
④ 转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,第62-63页。
⑤ 转引自王长江：《政党政治原理》,第,63-64页。
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第60页。
⑦ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第64页。
⑧ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第65-67页。必须指出的是,作者并没有将宗教政党列为一种单独的类型,或许这印证了作者所言的“政党的分类实际上并无一定之规,关键在于使分类本身与要达到的目标相适应”。而周淑真在《政党与比较政治制度研究》一书中,则总结了宗教政党的七种类型。
① [美]加布里埃尔·A.阿尔蒙德等著：《发展中地区的政治》,任晓晋、储建国、宋腊梅译,上海人民出版社2012年,第36页。
② Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.2.
③ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.1.
④ The Economist, November27,2004.
① The Economist, August2,2007.
② Senem Aydin and Rusen Cakir, "Political Islam in Turkey", CEPS Working Document, No.265, April 2007.
③ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, New York:Cambridge University Press,2010, p.11.
④ Emmanuel Sivan, "the Clash within Islam", Survival, vol.45, no.l, Spring2003, p.30.
⑤ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008. p.76.
⑥ Graham E. Fuller, "Turkey's Stragetic Model:Myths and Realties", Washington Quarterly, vol.27, no.3,2004, p.52.or M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.1.
⑦ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.2.
⑧ Bora Kanra, Islam, Democracy, and Dialogue in Turkey:Deliberating in Divided Society, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2009, p.35.
⑨ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, p.1283.
⑩ Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", p.78.
11 Hasan Under, "Consructivism and the Curriculum Reform of the AKP", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. pp.33-34.
12 Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", in M.A.Mohamed Salih ed., Interpreting Islamic Political Parties, New York:Palgrave Macmillam,2009. p.208.
13 Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", pp.209,214.
① Nuran Savaskan Akdogan, "Secularism and Islamism in Turkey:Understanding the 2007 Election", p.224.
② Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge,2008. p.2.
③ Olivier Roy, Globalized Islam:the search for a new Ummah, New York:Columbia University Press,2004.p.61.
④ Omer Taspinar, "Turkey:The New Model?", http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2012/04/24-turkey-new-model-taspinar
⑤ 转引自Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.11.
⑥ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.9.
⑦ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.29.
⑧ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.148.
⑨ Kristin Fabbe, "Doing more with less:the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Turkish elections, and the uncertain future of Turkish politics", Nationalities Papers, Vol.39, No.5, September 2011, p.659.
⑩ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, pp.1271-1289.
① Kemal Inal and Giiliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. p.xii.
② Yildiz Atasoy, Islam's Marriage with Neo-liberalism:State Transformation in Turkey, New York:Palgrave,2009, p.9.
③ Ziya Onis and Emin Fuat Keyman, "A new path emerges", Journal of Democracy,Vol.14, No.2, April 2003, pp.95-107. ④ Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the 'Conserative Democracy' Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.71.
⑤ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Volume 29, Number 3,2009, pp.438-449.
⑥ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", p.442.
⑦ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", pp.442-443.
⑧ Cihan Tugal, "Islamism in Turkey:Beyond Instrument and Meaning," Economy and Society, vol.31 no.1, February 2002, pp.85-111.
⑨ Marcie J. Patton, "The Synergy between Neoliberalism and Communitarianism:'Erdogan's Third Way'", p.443.
① T. W. Smith, "Between Allah and Ataturk:Liberal Islam in Turkey." The International Journal of Human Rights, vol.9, no.3,2005, p.322.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.210.
③ Ihsan D. Dagi, "Rethinking Human Rights, Democracy and the West:Post-Islamist Intellectuals in Turkey", Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.13, No.2,2004, pp.135-151.
④ Ihsan Yilmaz, "Influence of Pluralism and Electoral Participation on the Transformation of Turkish Islamism", Journal of Economic and Social Research, vol.10, no.2,2008, p.56.
⑤ Medres Cinar, "Turkey's Transformation Under the AKP Rule." The Muslim World, vol.96, issue,2006, p.475.
⑥ Yavuz,2005, pp.107-111.
⑦ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008.p.34.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.115-116.
⑨ Gareth Jenkins, "Muslim Democrats in Turkey?", Survival, vol.45, no.l, Spring2003. pp.45-66.
① Oliver Roy, Globalized Islam, Columbia University Press,2004.
② Kemal Inal, "the Educational Politics of the AKP:Collapse of Public Education in Turkey", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age of AKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. pp.19-20.
③ Sultan Tepe, "Turkey's AKP:A Model'Muslim-Democratic'Party?", Journal of Democracy, Volume 16, Number 3, July 2005, pp.69-82.
④ 转引自Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State:The Politics of Engagement, Stanford:Stanford University Press, 2007.p.139.
⑤ William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.66-67.
⑥ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑦ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.8.
① 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.82.
② 转引自Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", p.83.
③ 转引自William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.27.
④ 转引自Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge, 2008. p.47.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.1.
⑥ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.3.
⑦ 转引自William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.82.
⑧ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.154.
⑨ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.284.
⑩ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.89.
11 Leman Sinem Topcuoglu, "the'Conserative Democracy'Identity of the Justice and Development Party in the Turkish Center-Right Tradition", pp.71-72.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
② William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
④ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.24.
⑤ 转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.88.
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第二小节中央政府。
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第二小节中央政府。
② 土耳其国家计划部网站：ttp://www.mod.gov.tr/en/SitePages/mod aboutus.aspx
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.61.
① 土耳其投资与支持促进局中文网站http://www.invest.gov.tr/zh-CN/investmentguide/Pages/10Reasons.aspx
② 土耳其欧盟事务部网站：http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?1=2
③ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Politics of Identity and Power," CRS Report R41368, September 21,2010. p.11.
④ 士耳其总理改组内阁,新华网,2013年01月25日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/2013-01/25/c 124276096.htm
⑤ 土耳其总理自称是贪腐调查对象,新华网,2013年12月28日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2013-12/28/c 125926401.htm
⑥ 参见1982年宪法第123、127条对政府的规定。
① 正义与发展党纲领第四部分第三节地方行政。
① 关于土耳其司法体系的构成可以参见土耳其司法部出版的《土耳其司法体系》英文电子版。
② 2006年6月28日,第九个发展计划(2007-2013)(第877号)是最重要的文件,决定土耳其未来7年的发展战略,在5.6.5“改善司法体系”部分,在展现近年来的发展和不足之后,强调当前司法的需要。据此,在第9个发展计划框架下,研究成立由大学、司法机构、公民社会和司法部参加的“司法机关特别专家委员会”(Special Expertise Commission of Judicial Service)准备报告以决定具体措施。参见第九个发展计划英文本。Ismail Aksel, Turkish Judicial System, The Ministry of Justice of Turkey The Department for Strategy Development, Ankara, 2013. http://vww.justice.gov.tr/judicialsystem.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ 本部分论及的司法改革不包括修宪中涵盖的司法改革,特此说明。
④ Turkish Ministry of Justice: Judicial Reform Strategy, Ankara, 2009. p.11. or Nairn Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages: An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, November 2013. p.8. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/06122013161517.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
⑤ Ministry of Justice Strategic Plan (2010-2014) , pp.32-35.
① Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, November 2013. p.9.
② 该行政命令的全称为(KHK No.44 on the Amendment of Several Laws and KHKs by Amending the KHK on the Organization and Duties of the Justice Ministry)
③ Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, pp.9-10.
④ Serap Yazici, ed., A Judicial Conundrum:pinions and Recommendations on Constitutional Reform in Turkey, Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation, July 2010. p.25. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/EngYargilWEB.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, p.11.
② Naim Karakaya Hande Ozhabes, Judicial Packages:An Evaluation With Respect to Rights and Freedoms, pp.11-12.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009. Appendix2, pp.128-134.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009. pp.73-79.
③ William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, p.59.
① 《土耳其刑法典》,陈志军译,中国人民公安大学出版社2009年,前言第2页。
② 《土耳其刑法典》,陈志军译,中国人民公安大学出版社2009年,前言第2-8页。
① 土耳其外国直接投资法,第1条。
② 必须指出的是,第3条第4款“进军房地产”被土耳其宪法法院在2003年(B.2003/71)和2008年两次(R：2008/79decision)否决。同时,外籍人士的就业应符合2003年2月27日生效的《外籍人士工作许可法》(第4817号法案)。
③ 本文主要参考了PKF世界税收指南(WWTG)之《土耳其税收指南2013》。
① 2012 Legal Alert:Tax, pp.6-7.http://www.legal500.com/assets/images/stories/firmdevs/pekin pekin augl2.pdf
② 2012 Legal Alert:Tax, p.7.
③ 该法律经过多次修改后,共由19个正式条款和23个临时条款组成。同时,该法律第18条规定了各条款并非同时生效,第5条、第6条第1、3、4段、第8条第3、4段、第9条第2段、第13条、第14条第5、6、13、16段于2003年1月1日生效。而第6条第2段则于2004年2月1日生效。
④ 必须指出的是土耳其宪法法院也否决了其中的部分条款,参见宪法法院(the Decision of the Constitutional Court dated 28/01/2004 no.E.2003/86, k.2004/6).
① 国外主要研究成果有Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Central European University Press, Budapest and New York,2009; Ergun Ozbudun, The Constitutional System of Turkey:1876 to the Present, Plagrave Macmillan,2011; Ergun Ozbudun, The constitutional system of Turkey:a contextual analysis, Oxford,2010; Ali Resul Usul, Democracy in Turkey:The Impact of EU Political Conditionality, Routledge,2009; Levent Gonenc, "the 2001 Amendments to the 1982 Constitution of Turkey", Ankara Law Review, Vol.1, No.1, Summer2004, pp.89-109国内相关研究成果有：魏本立：《土耳其1982年宪法与1961年宪法的比较研究》,《西亚非洲》1985年第6期；张胜松：《土耳其宪法法院制度》,载胡建淼主编：《世界宪法法院制度研究》,浙江大学出版社2007年版,第248-268；刘云：《土耳其政治现代化思考》,甘肃人民出版社2002年版；陈德成主编：《中东政治现代化——理论和现实的历史探索》,社会科学文献出版社2000年版；王彤主编：《中东国家政治制度》,中国社会科学出版社2005年。
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, Democratization and the politics of constitution-making in Turkey, Budapest and New York:Central European University Press,2009, p.64.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.64.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.65.
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.67.
③ 修正案涉及的10个宪法条款分别是第10、15、17、30、38、87、90、131、145、160条。
① 《世界宪法大全》(上卷),第438页。
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit.,p.98.
③ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.256.
④ 这一僵局迫使议会必须进行新的选举。之后,土耳其议会定于当年7月22日重新进行总统选举。
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.241.
⑥ Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.99.
① Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.99.
② 这里与合宪性有关的条款就是第148条和第175条。
③ 在二读中,第一条以395票对104票,第二条以391票对101票,第三条以396票对91票,整个法案以386票对87票获得通过。
④ 长时间的关于总统的宪法之争看上去似乎结束了,但远未平静。共和人民党于10月16日把最后修正案提交给宪法法院,法院再次否决因为诉讼与宪法规定不合程序无关。同时,共和人民党关于取消10月21日公投的请求也被最高选举委员会驳回。
⑤ 正义与发展党2007年选举宣言——《走向更光明的年代：在信任与稳定中永不停歇》,第12页。转引自Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., p.104.
① 依据草案,土耳其大国民议会有权选举选举宪法法院17名组成人员中的8名,选举最高法官和检察官委员会17名成员中的5名。
② Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya, op. cit., pp.104-105.
① 转引自Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F. Genckaya,op.cit.,p.106.
② 据调查显示,超过70%的受访者赞同女大学生佩戴头巾；1999年和2006年这一数据分别为76.1%和71.1%。
③ 提案由278名正义与发展党议员和70名民族行动党议员签名支持。第10条加入“使用所有公共服务”表述；第42条加入“任何人不应因具体法律未明确规定的原因而被剥夺受教育的权利。权利行使的限制由法律规定”。
④ Ergun Ozbudun and Omer F.Genckaya,op.cit,p.108.
⑤ 这次修宪涉及1982年宪法的第10、20、23、41、51、54、74、84、94、125、128、129、144、145、146、147、149、166条；废除临时条款第15条,并增加第18和第19条临时条款。
① 这里引用的宪法修正案的相关条文和内容均来自土耳其欧盟事务部翻译的第5982号法案英文文本参见：Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. See: http://www.abgs.gov.tr/files/Bas%C4%B1nMusavirlik/haberler/constituional_amendments.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Tugrul Ansay and Don Wallace, Jr. eds., Introduction to Turkish Law, Kluwer Law International,2011. p.49.
② Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.27.
③ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. pp.34-39.
④ Tugrul Ansay and Don Wallace, Jr. eds., Introduction to Turkish Law, Kluwer Law International,2011. p.49.
① Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010.
② Levent Gonenc, "2010 Proposed Constitutional Amendments to the 1982 Constitution of Turkey", TEPAV Evaluation Note, September 2010. p.1. see: http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/1284468699-0.2010_Proposed_Constitutional Amendments to the 1982 Constitution_of_Turkey.pdf(上网时间:2014年2月14日)
③ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 A mending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.21.
④ Government of Turkey, Prime Ministry; translated by Secretariat General for European Union Affairs, Law No 5982 Amending Certain Provisions of the Constitution,19 August 2010. p.28.
① "Western powers back Turkish referendum results",13 September 2010. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/default.aspx?pageid=438&n=western-powers-back-turkish-referendum-results-2010-09-1
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② "Western powers back Turkish referendum results",13 September 2010. http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/default.aspx?pageid=438&n=western-powers-back-turkish-referendum-results-2010-09-1
3(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ Hatem Ete, Nuh Yilmaz and Kadir Ustun, "Turkey's Constitutional Referendum of 2010 and Insights for the General Elections of 2011", SETA Policy Report,No.5, February 2011.p.5. see: http://setadc.org/pdfs/SETA_Policy_Report_05_Constitutional_Referendum_H_Ete N_Yilmaz_K_Ustun.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ Hatem Ete, Nuh YIlmaz and Kadir Ustun, "Turkey's Constitutional Referendum of 2010 and Insights for the General Elections of 2011", SETA Policy Report, No.5, February 2011.p.6.
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Gene, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.5. see: http://tesev.org.tr/Upload/Publication/f100d8f6-928b-4c32-8ala-428305e0755e/12366ENGanayasaizleme1_10_07_12.pdf (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.12.
② Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.12.
Gozde Burcu Ege, "A Chronology of the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission:01-31 December 2012", January 14, 2013.
http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org/index.php/a-chronology-of-the-constitutional-conciliation-commission-01-31-december-2 012-gozde-burcu-ege/(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Rights and Freedoms Party (HAK-PAR), "Recommendations for A Democratic Constitution that Will Recognize the Rights of the Kurdish People", December2011.see: http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HAK-PAR-Anayasa-Onerileri-Ingilizce.pdf(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Ferhat Kentel, Levent Koker and Ozge Genc, "Making of a New Constitution in Turkey Monitoring Report, October 2011-January 2012", TESEV Democratization Program, p.20.
② Ergun Ozbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics:Challenges to Democratic Consolidation, Lynne Riener Press, 2000.pp.141-45.
① 1960年和1980年采取直接方式,而1971年和1997年采取间接方式。
② 国内学界已经对土耳其军人政变有着深入论述,在此不再赘述。关于1997年的“软政变”及其影响,本文在第一章第二节繁荣党部分和第二章正义与发展党崛起原因部分已经详细论述。
③ 电子备忘录发表于2007年4月27日,2011年8月29日被删除。
① Birol Yesilada, "the Virtue Party", in Barry Rubin and Metin Heper eds, Political Parties in Turkey, London and Portland: Frank Cass,2002, p.62.
② 宪法和法律改革部分,已经在前两节作了详细论述,在此不再赘述。
③ 也有学者认为,文官统制军队是入盟的前提。M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.185.
① EC, Regular Report 2001, Brussels:Commission of the European Community,2001. p.97.
② EC, Regular Report 2000, Brussels:Commission of the European Community,2000. p.12.
③ 原为五名军官、总理、内政部长、外交部长、国防部长。
④ Begum Burak, "The Role of the Military in Turkish Politics:To Guard Whom and From What?", European Journal of Economic and Political Studies,Vol.4 No.1,2011, p.161.
⑤ Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege StratejikArasturmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, pp.21-38.
① Umit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The making of Justice and Development Party, pp.134.
② Metin Heper, "The Justice and Development Party Government and the Military in Turkey", Turkish Studies, vol.6, no.2, June2005. p.222.
③ Ersel Aydinli, "Ergenekon, New Pacts, and the Decline of the Turkish'Inner State'", p.3. http://ersel.bilkent.edu.tr/Makaleler/ergenekon_new_pacts_and_the_decline_of_%20the_turkish_inner_state.pdf (上网时间: 2014年2月14日)
④ Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.588.
① Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.589.
② Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.589.
③ Ersel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", the Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.590.
④ Frsel Aydinli, "A Paradigmatic Shift for the Turkish Generals and an End to the Coup Era in Turkey", the Middle East Journal, Volume 63, Number 4,2009, p.594.
⑤ 有学者认为,艾尔盖内孔调查始于2008年1月,而2007年6月开始的警察行动是调查开始的前奏。本文认为从警察行动开始就标志着调查的开始。
① Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, pp.29-40.
② Turkey Guide to Ergenekon,Open Source Center Report,19 March 2010. pp.3-6.
① 四位负责人分别是阿依库特·杰金兹·埃尼津(Aykut Cengiz Engin)泽科里亚·奥兹(Zekeriya Oz)、迈哈迈特·阿里·佩克古泽勒(Mehmet Ali Pekguzel)和尼哈特·塔斯金(Nihat Taskin)
② Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.29.
① Today's Zaman,22 September 2008.
② Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.29.
① Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.40.
② H. Akin Onver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009
③ Markar Esayan, "Ergenekon:An Illegitimate Form of Government", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4, Fall 2013, p.55.
④ Turkey Guide to Ergenekon,Open Source Center Report,19 March 2010. p.2.
⑤ Ersel Aydinli,Ergenekon, New Pacts, and the Decline of the Turkish "Inner State",p.5.
⑥ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009.p.1
⑦ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum",p.21.
① Today's Zaman,27 February 2010.
② Today's Zaman,21 October 2008.
③ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008. p.7. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34646.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
④ Hurriyet Daily News,4 July 2009.
⑤ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009.p.12.
⑥ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008.
⑦ Today's Zaman,30 October 2009.
⑧ H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.15.
① H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.21.
② H. Akin Unver, "Turkey's'Deep-State'and the Ergenekon Conundrum", Policy Brief No.23, April 2009. p.23.
③ Gareth Jenkins, "Continuity and change:prospects for civil-military relations in Turkey", International Affairs, Vol.83, No.2,2007, p.353.
④ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Update on Crisis of Identity and Power", CRS Report RL34646, September 2,2008.
① Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege Stratejik Arastrmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, pp.33-34.
② 在集体辞职前,将军们要求埃尔多安延长这些军官们的任期,被埃尔多安拒绝。
③ Dr. Ugur Burc Yildiz, "Civil-Military Relations During the Perod of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey", Ege StratejikAra Arastirmalar Dergisi,Cilt 3, Sayi 2,2012, p.34.
④ Dietrich Jung,"The Turkish Revolution":changing civil-military relations in Turkey, http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/D/A/0/%7BDA0B0720-64CB-4336-899E-D951382A7F9D%7DDJ1110.pdf(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ Aliye Pekin Celik and Laura Elizabeth Celik, "Turkey:Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends", June2012. p.3.
http://www.cdfai.org/PDF/Turkey%20Current%20and%20Future%20Political,%20Economic%20and%20Security%20Trend sb.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
⑥ 王长江：《政党政治原理》,第204页。
① Yavuz M. Hakan ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.p.16.
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.3.
① Umit Cizre and Erinc Yeldan, "The Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism:Economics and Politics in the 2000/2001 Crises", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.12, No.3 August2005, p.396.
② Simon Hristov, "the Crisis in Turkey", IRIS Report, May 2001.
③ Umit Cizre and Erinc Yeldan, "The Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism:Economics and Politics in the 2000/2001 Crises", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.12, No.3 August2005, pp.387-408.
Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, pp.71-85.
① Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, pp.71-85.
② 凯末尔·德尔维什,1973-1976年曾担任埃杰维特政府的经济顾问；1978年进入世界银行工作,后担任世界银行行长。
③ Simon Hristov, "the Crisis in Turkey", IRIS Report, May 2001.
① Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.12, No.3, Fall2013. p.70.
② Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.120.
① Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.119.
② Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, pp.120-121.
③ Erdal Tanas Karagol, "The Turkish Economy During the Justice and Development Party Decade", Insight Turkey, Vol.15/ No.4,2013, p.121.
④ Caner Bakir, "Wobbling but Still on its Feet:The Turkish Economy in the Global Financial Crisis", South European Society and Politics, vol.14, no.l, March 2009, p.74.
⑤ The Banks Association of Turkey, The Financial System and Banking Sector in Turkey, October 2009. p.2. www.tbb.org
① Suleyman Degirmen, "the Effects of Foreign Bank Participation on the Turkish Banking System and Crisis", American Sociological Association, Volume XVII, Number 2,2011, p.516.
① T.R Prime Ministry State Planning Organization (SPO), Industrial Policy For Turkey, Towards EU Membership, August 2003, p.29.
② Screening report Turkey Chapter 20-Enterprise and industrial policy,18 September 2006.
③ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.11文件共由七部分组成,分别是土耳其经济的当前形式、土耳其的工业前景、战略的基本内容、核心和水平工业政策、部门工业政策、执行、监督和协调机制。
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.12.
② Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.12.
③ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.13.
④ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. pp.13-14.
⑤ Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. pp.14-15.
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.30.Tablel.2.
② 百度百科制造业指数
③ 魏敏：《土耳其旅游业浅析》,《西亚非洲》2012年第3期,第142,146页。2011年和2012年,土耳其的游客人数分别为3150万人和3180万人。
① The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
② The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
③ 下文的政策分类借鉴了前引魏敏的文章,特此说明。
④ 魏敏：《土耳其旅游业浅析》,《西亚非洲》2012年第3期,第145页。
⑤ The Ministry of Culture and Tourism,March 2011.
① The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, March 2011.
② The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, March 2011.
① A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",in Baris Karapinar, Fikret Adaman and Gokhan Ozertan eds., Rethinking Structural Rrform in Turkish Agriculture:Beyond the Word Bank Strategy, New York:Nova Science Publisher, Inc.2010. p.47.
② A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.56.
③ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.51.
④ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
⑤ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
① A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.56.
② A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",pp.54-55.
③ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.59.
④ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.58.
⑤ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.58.
⑥ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.55.
⑦ A.Halis Akder, "How to Dilute an Agricultural Reform:Direct Income Subsidy Experience in Turkey (2001-2008)",p.55.
① High Planning Council, Electricity Sector Reform and Privatization Strstegy Paper, March 17,2004. http://www.oib.gov.tr/program/2004_program/2004 electricity strategy_paper.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 土耳其私有化管理局网站http://www.oib.gov.tr/program/uygulamalar/kaynak-kullanim-eng.htm
③ T. tin and Fuat Oguz eds., The Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, Springer,2011. p.125.
① T. Cetin and Fuat Oguz eds., The-Political Economy of Regulation in Turkey, p.186.
② 魏伯乐等编,《私有化的局限》,王小卫、周缨译,上海人民出版社2006年,第4页。
③ 而2004年的交易次数为35次。所有数据来自土耳其私有化管理局网站。
④ Erkan Akdemir and Erdem Bascl, "Liberalization of Tele-communications Services", in Subidey Togan ed., Economic Liberalization and Turkey, London:Routledge,2010. p.84.
⑤ 魏伯乐等编,《私有化的局限》,王小卫、周缨译,上海人民出版社2006年,第4页。
① Adem Yavuz Elveren. Social Security Reform in Turkev:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.42.
② EU, Screening report Turkey Chapter 20- Enterprise and industrial policy,18 September 2006.
① 土耳其三大保险机构覆盖的情况一览表可以参见：Dem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.44;
② Adem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008.p.43.
③ Eugene Gurenko, Rodney Lester, Olivier Mahul, Serap Oguz Gonulal,Earthquake Insurance in Turkey, History of the Turkish Catastrophe Insurance Pool, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank,2006据统计,土耳其自1903年以来发生过28次大地震,总共有8万余人在这些地震中丧生。凡省2011年10月23日发生的地震是自1903年以来土耳其大地震中第11次7级以上地震。
① 2006年5月10日,塞泽尔总统把第5489号法案驳回议会重新审议法律第3、28、29、31、40、46、55、63、80、82条和临时条款第1、2、4、6、9条。
① Asuman Ozgur, "Pension Reform:the Turkish Case in the European Context", A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University, September2008.pp.64,65.
② Asuman Ozgur, "Pension Reform:the Turkish Case in the European Context", p.67.
① Burcu Yakut-Cakar, "Turkey", in Bob Deacon and Paul Stubbs, eds., Social policy and International Interventions in South East Europe, Cheltenham:Edward Elgar Publishing,2007. p.106.
② 经济与社会理事会成立于1995年,直到2001年改组,其组成呈现出社会对话机构的特征。经济与社会理事会包括来自经济与社会合作机构的代表和政府代表,总理或一名内阁部长是主席。
① 转引自Gamze Yucesan Ozdemir, "The Emperor's New Clothes:Social Policy Reforms during AKP's Rule", p.34.
② Adem Yavuz Elveren, Social Security Reform in Turkey:a Heterodox Approach, A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah, August 2008. p.46.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, MoH Publication No.749, January 2009. p.9
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 201-2017, December2012.p.20.
① Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.14; Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.pp.20-21.
② Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.15.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, pp.15-16.
④ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.16.
⑤ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.16.
⑥ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.24.
① 1980年的修改,则再次允许公立医院医生开办私人业务。Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.24.
② 姜士林：《世界宪法全书》(上卷),第433页。
③ 姜士林：《世界宪法全书》(上卷),第432页。
④ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.19.
⑤ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.19.
⑥ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.20.
① Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.20.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.33.
③ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.33.
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.28.
① OECD, OECD Reviews of Health Systems, Recent Health Reforms in Turkey,2008.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December20I2.pp.28-30.
① Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.37.Table.l.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.27.
③ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, pp.44-45.
④ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.42.
⑤ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.44.
⑥ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.44.
⑦ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.46.
⑧ Ministry of Health of Turkey. Strategic Plan 2013-2017. December2012.D.50.
⑨ Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.51.
⑩ Recep Akdag, ed., Health Transformation Program in Turkey, p.52.
① Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.p.27.
② Ministry of Health of Turkey, Strategic Plan 2013-2017, December2012.pp.48-49公共支出一览表可以参见该战略文件第49页。
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.4,2013, pp.162-163.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.153.
① Zafer Qelik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.155-156.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", pp.164-165.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)", p.165.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.166.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.167.
① Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",p.168.
② Zafer Celik and Berkir S. Gur, "Turkey's Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)",pp.168-169.
① 关于土耳其的库尔德人口数量的各种统计数据可参见唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,中国社会科学出版社2013年,第50-51页。
② 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第51页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第55-101页。
④ 转引自唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第53页。
① 土耳其政府认为,库尔德问题是国家安全问题,恐怖主义问题；库尔德人的民族主义诉求是民族分离主义、恐怖主义。
② 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第55页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第71页。
④ Kenm Yildiz, "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict:Pathways to Progress", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4,2012, pp.151-174.
① 王建娥：《族际政治：20世纪的理论与实践》,社会科学文献出版社2011年,第151页。
② 转引自唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第88页。
③ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.12.
④ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第87-88页。
⑤ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第89-90页。
① Kerim Yildiz, "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict:Pathways to Progress", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4,2012, p.154.
② 李艳枝：《土耳其库尔德问题的历史变迁》,《国际资料信息》2008年第1期,第7页。
③ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第95页。
④ Ekrem Eddy Guzeldere, "Turkey:Regional Elections and the Kurdish Question", Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Vol.3, No.3, Summer2009. p.295.
⑤ Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, No.18, July2008, p.4.
⑥ Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, No.18, July2008, pp.4-5..
① Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, N0.18, July2008, p.5.
② Taha Ozhan, "New Action Plan for Southeastern Turkey", SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research report, N0.18, July2008, p.2.
③ 库尔德倡议是最初的提法,后来变成了“民主开放”政策；这一政策包括对阿莱维派、非穆斯林少数派、罗姆人的“开放”。《透视土耳其》杂志2009和2010年还出版了有关“民主开放”政策的专刊,文中多次引用这一杂志的文章。
④ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.12.
⑤ Rusen Cakir, "Kurdish Political Movement and the'Democratic Opening'", Insight Turkey Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp. 179-192.
⑥ 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第88页。
① Cuma Cicek, "Elimination or Integration of Pro-Kurdish Politics:Limits of the AKP's Democratic Initiative", Turkish Studies, Vol.12, No.1, March 2011.pp.17-18.
② Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.12.
① 唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,第90页。
② E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp.102-103,103.
① Rusen Cakir, "Kurdish Political Movement and the'Democratic Opening'", p.180.
② Odul Celep, "Turkey's Radical Right and the Kurdish Issue:the MHP's Reaction to the'Democratic Opening'", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. pp.136-137.
③ E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", p.92.
④ E. Fuat Keyman, "The CHP and the'Democratic Opening':Reactions to AK Party's Electoral Hegemony", p.93.
⑤ Cuma Cicek, "Elimination or Integration of Pro-Kurdish Politics:Limits of the AKP's Democratic Initiative", Turkish Studies, Vol.12, No.1, March 2011.p.22.
① Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.15, No.2,2013, p.14.
① Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.15.
② 维基百科和平进程条
③ 一说为4月15日。
④ Yilmaz Ensaroglu, "Turkey's Kurdish Question and the Peace Process", p.16.
① 土耳其国家情报机构与厄贾兰和库工党的谈判被称为奥斯陆进程。奥斯陆和平是土耳其首次与厄贾兰和库工党进行直接谈判。奥斯陆进程的重要贡献是其消除了国家与库工党直接谈判是奇怪行为的认知,为双方提供了互相了解和真正诉求的机遇。
① 阿莱维派自称约占土耳其总人口的30-40%。2010年,学者的统计数字约为500-2500万之间。也有学者认为,阿莱维人占土耳其人口的1/5-1/3。
② 贝克塔什教团是什叶派苏非教团,由哈吉·贝克塔什·瓦利于13世纪创立,是一位由中亚来到塞尔柱克寻求避难的德尔维什。
③ 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第60页。
④ 阿拉维派和努塞里派实为一个教派的不同称谓而已。但有学者认为,两者都是有着相似教义和实践的极端什叶派社团,但有着不同的发展史。
① 这些讨论会是阿莱维派与国家以及阿莱维派与逊尼派“和解”的历史起点。Necdet Subasi,“the Alevi Opening：Concept, Strategy and Process", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.165; Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4,2012. p.118.
② Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012. p.118.
③ Necdet Subasi, "The Alevi Opening:Concept, Strategy and Process", p.166.
④ Necdet Subasi,, "The Alevi Opening:Concept, Strategy and Process", p.167.
⑤ Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.148.
⑥ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012. p.124.
① Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", Insight Turkey, Vol.12, No.2,2010. p.162.
② Alevilik (Alevism)-词的翻译问题一直困扰着笔者,在不同语境下这个词有不同的含义。该词既可以表示族群意义上的阿莱维属性(Aleviness),也可以指宗教意义上的阿莱维派和阿莱维人(Alevi),也还可以指哲学意义上的阿莱维思想,这又与贝克塔什主义的含义相同。
③ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.120.
④ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Qorbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.123.
⑤ Zeynep Alemdar and Rana Birden Corbacioglu, "Alevis and the Turkish State", Turkish Policy Quarterly,vol.10, no.4, 2012.p.124.
⑥ Rabasa and Larrabee, The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey, Santa Monica, California:RAND Corporation,2008. pp.22-23.
① Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.157.
② Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.143.
③ Talha Kose, "the AKP and the'Alevi Opening':Understanding the Dynamics of the Rapprochement", p.148.
④ Dilek Cindoglu, "Headscarf Ban and Discrimination:Professional Headscarved Women in the Labor Market", TESEV Publications, March 2011. pp.33-34.
① Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic", Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies, Vol.8,2009. p.125-126.
② Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies, Vol.8,2009. p.114.
③ Dilek Cindoglu, "Headscarf Ban and Discrimination:Professional Headscarved Women in the Labor Market", TESEV Publications, March 2011. p.7. http://www.tesev.org.tr/assets/publications/file/headscarf-book.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月 14日)
④ M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.147.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP, pp.71-72.
② Metin Heper and Sule Toktas, "Islam, Modernity, and Democracy in Contemporary Turkey:The Case of Recep Tayyip Erdogan", The Muslim World, Volume93, Issue2, April 2003, p.12
③ Sultan Tepe, "a Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.135.注释39.
④ Gul Ceylan Tok, "The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey:'the good and bad daughters'of the republic", p.127.
⑤ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", Third World Quarterly, Vol.28, No.7, October 2007, p.1274.
⑥ Murat Somer, "Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey:Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy", p.1277.
① William Hale and Ergun Ozbudun, Islamism, Democracy, and Liberalism in Turkey:the case of the AKP,p.73.也可参见本论文第四章第三节土耳其修宪政治与制宪政治部分的论述。
① Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2,2005, p.148.
② Banu P. Gokariksel and Katharyne Mitchell, "Veiling, secularism, and the neoliberal subject:national narratives and supranational desires in Turkey and France", Global Networks, vol.5, no.2,2005, pp.158-159.
③ 有关论述可参见孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第116-127页。
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, New York:Cambridge Press 2012, pp.26-63由于第五个阶段与正义与发展党执政时期重合,这里主要论述前四个阶段。
① 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第18页。
② Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", in Kemal Inal and Guliz Akkaymak, eds., Neoliberal transformation of education in Turkey:political and ideological analysis of educational reforms in the age ofAKP, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012. p.166.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.34-35.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.35.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.35-36.
⑥ 1946年年底,土大国民议会针对伊斯兰宗教教育问题也曾进行过激烈的讨论。引自孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,第25页。
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.36.
⑧ M. Hakan.Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003.p.123.
① 转引自Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.37.
④ 有的数据为每周两个小时,参见孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年,第113页。
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.38.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.38.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑧ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑨ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.39.
⑩ 1951-1952学年和1955-1956学年,此类学校的学制只有四年。1955-1956学年,学制才增至七年,即初中四年,高中三年。学生可以多上一年初中,以补偿职业课程的时间。Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey,pp.39-40.Note.76.
11 Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.40.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.40.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.41.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.42.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.43.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.43.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.45.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.44.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.47.
③ Iren Ozgur. Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
⑤ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.49.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, n.50.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.50.
⑧ Banu Eligur, The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey, p.126.
⑨ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.46.
① Tren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.50. or M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.151.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.54-55.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.56.
① Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.167.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.62.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.126.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.132.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.132.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.131.
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.137.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.164.
① Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.139.
② Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.138.
③ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.170.
④ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.169.
⑤ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.171.
⑥ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.147.
⑦ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.148.
① Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", p.165.
② 孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,第113页。
③ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, p.131.
④ Iren Ozgur, Islam Schools in Modern Turkey, pp.156-157.
⑤ Mustafa Kemal Coskun and Burcu Senturk, "the Growth of Islamic Education in Turkey:the AKP's Policies toward Imam-Hatip Schools", pp.165,170.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.164.
① 关于艾哈迈特·达乌特奥卢的介绍均来自土耳其外交部网站：http://www.mfa.gov.tr/ahmet-davutoglu.en.mfa[上网时间：2014年2月14日]
① 奥卢的主要著作有：《替代范式：伊斯兰和西方对政治理论的影响》(美国大学出版社,1993年)、《文明转型与穆斯林世界》(Quill,1994年)、《战略纵深：土耳其的国际地位》(世界出版社,2001年)、《奥斯曼文明：政治、经济、艺术》(精品出版社,2005年)、《全球危机》(世界出版社,2002年)、《阿拉伯民族主义的危机》。其中《战略纵深：土耳其的国际地位》一书已经在土耳其国内出版达数百次之多。
② 感谢中东研究所的硕士研究生丁彦平学弟为我提供此书。
③ Soner Cagaptay, Secularism and Foreign Policy, New Elections, Troubling Trend, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, April 2007; Angel Rabasa and F. Stephen Larrabee, The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey, RAND Corporation,2008.
④ Ahmet Davutoglu,"Turkey's Foreign Policy Vision:An Assessment of 2007," Insight Turkey, Vol.10, No.1,2008, pp.77-96.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?", Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. XLII, No.3, Spring2013, pp.92-102.
② Alexander Murinson, "the Strategic Depth Doctrine in Turkish Foreign Policy," Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.42, No.6, November 2006, pp.945-964.
③ 《Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?", p.94.
④ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",pp.94-95.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
② Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.203.
④ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.95.
⑤ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.96.
⑥ Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",pp.96-97.
① Michel Nawfal and Cengiz Candar, "Interview with Turkish Foreign Ministers Ahmet Davutoglu:New Arab Legitimacy or Regional Cold War?",p.97.
② KeysGencer Ozcan, "Policy of Zero Problems with the Neighbours", Turkey:a New Power in the Mediterranean, Med.2012,pp.59-63.or Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.pp.101-121.
③ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", p.116.
④ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", p.108.
① William Hale, "Christian Democracy and the JDP:Parallels and Constrasts", in M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.80.
② Gul Gives Interview to Foreign Affairs Magazine,02.01.2013. http://www.tccb.gov.tr/news/397/84848/gul-gives-interview-to-foreign-affairs-magazine.html (上网时间:2014年2月14 日)
③ Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", pp.116-117.
① Kemal Kirisci, "The Transformation of Turkish Foreign Policy:The Rise of the Trading State", New Perspectives on Turkey, No.40,2009, p.43.
② 奈对软权力的论述,可以参见奈的主要著作如《硬权力与软权力》、《注定领导》、《软权力》、《权力大未来》、《灵巧领导力》等著作。
③ 于永达编著：《国际组织学》,清华大学出版社2006年,前言第1页。
① 转引自[美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——权力斗争与和平》,徐昕等译,北京大学出版社2006年,第10页。
② Kadir Ustun and Kilic Bugra Kanat, "US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade", Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Brief No.62. January,2013. p.12. www.setav.org
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.233.
① [美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——权力斗争与和平》,徐听等译,北京大学出版社2006年,第11页。
① Republic of Turkey Ministry of Industry and Trade, Turkish Industry Strategy Document 2011-2014:Toward EU Membership,2010. p.28.
② Ali Resul Usul, "The Justice and Development Party and the European union:form euro-skepticism to euro-entusiasm and euro-fatigue", inUmit Cizre ed., Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey:The Making of Justice and Development Party, Routledge,2008. pp.175-199.
③ Canan Balkir, "The July 2007 Elections in Turkey:A Test for Democracy", Mediterranean Politics, Vol.12, No.3, November 2007. pp.415-422.
① Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28, 2010.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34642.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
② Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28, 2010.p.26.
③ Keys Gencer Ozcan, "Policy of Zero Problems with the Neighbours".Turkey:a New Power in the Mediterranean, Med.2012,p.62.
④ Ilias I. Kouskouvelis, "The Problem with Turkey's 'Zero Problems'," Middle East Quarterly, winter 2013, pp.47-56.
⑤ Carol Migdalovitz, "Turkey:Selected Foreign Policy Issues and U.S. Views", CRS Report RL34642, November 28,2010. pp.29-30.
① 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第463页。
② Armagan Emre Cakir ed., Fifty Years of EU-Turkey Relations:A Sisyphean Story, Routledge,2010.
③ 有关冷战时期土美关系的情况可参见肖宪、伍庆玲、吴磊著：《美国与土耳其关系研究》,时事出版社2006年。
④ 美军逮捕土耳其士兵后给他们戴上了头套,所以又称“头套事件”。
⑤ Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012. p.4.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.236.
① Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012.p.8.
② 耐用消费品不包括汽车,汽车包括配件和发动机。US International Trade Commission
② 资本货不包括汽车,消费品是指非食品,不包括汽车。US International Trade Commission
④ Kadir Ustun, Kilic Bugra Kanat, "US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade", Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research, Brief No:62. January,2013. pp.6-7.
① Bulent Aliriza and Bulent Aras, "U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decadeof the post-cold war era", Center for Strategic and International Studies, November 2012. p.6.
② Gul Tuba Dagci, "Turkey-US Relations in Justice and Development Party's Era", Alternatives Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.11, No.2, Summer 2012.p.5.
③ Bulent Aliriza and Bulent Aras, "U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decadeof the post-cold war era", Center for Strategic and International Studies, November 2012.p.14.
① 张来仪：《21世纪以来的俄罗斯与土耳其关系》,《西亚非洲》2008年第8期,第38页。
② Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", Insight Turkey, Vol.8, No.2, April-June 2006, p.16.
③ Zvi Magen and Gallia Lindenstrauss,Russian-Turkish Relations:Contemporary Dilemmas of Past Empires, Strategic Assessment, Volumel6, No.2, July 2013.p.62.
④ Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", Insight Turkey, Vol.8, No.2, April-June 2006, p.16.
⑤ Richard Sakwa, "Russia and Turkey:Rethinking Europe to Contest Outsider Status", IFRI Russia/NIS Center, May2010, p.20.
① Fatih Ozbay, "The Relations between Turkey and Russia in the 2000s", Perceptions, Volume XVI, Number 3, Autumn 2011, pp.69-92.
② Duygu Bazoglu Sezer, "Turkish-Russian Relations:The Challenges of Reconciling Geopolitical Competition with Economic Partnership", Turkish Studies, Vol.1, No.1,2000, p.62.
① 张来仪：前引文,第38页。
② Sener Akturk, "A Realist Reassessment of Turkish-Russian Relations,2002-2012:From the Peak to the Dip?", Caspian Strategy Institute, January 2013.p.13.
③ Suat Kiniklioglu, "Turkey and Russia:Partnership by Exclusion", p.9.
④ Serhan Unal, "Potential Effects of An Energy Transition on Turkish-Russian Relations", Uluslararasi Hukukve Politika, Cilt.9, Sayi.36,2013, pp.73-94.
① James W. Warhola and Egemen B. Bezci, "The Return of President Putin and Russian-Turkish Relations:Where Are They Headed?", SAGE Open, July-September 2013:1-15.
② 有关中国和土耳其关系的历史发展,可参见肖宪：《构建中国与土耳其新型战略合作关系》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第14-28页；彭树智主编,黄维民著：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年,第；咎涛：《中土关系及土耳其对中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
③ 肖宪：前引文,第17页。
④ 肖宪：前引文,第17-18页。
① 中土文化年网站http://gb.cri.cn/2012turkey/about.htm
② 记习近平出席中土经贸合作论坛,新浪网,2012年2月23日。http://finance.sina.com.cn/china/bwdt/20120223/210811441175.shtml (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ 文化部举办"2013中国土耳其文化年”新闻发布会,2013年3月12日。http://art.china.cn/huihua/2013-03/12/content 5793831.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 肖宪：前引文,第17,18-23页。
⑤ Turkey's Erdogan slams Russia, China, Iran over Syria,Sep 27,2012. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/09/27/us-syria-crisis-turkey-idUSBRE88Q1L020120927(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑥ 详见咎涛：《中土关系及土耳其对中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
① 土耳其与西巴尔干国家、非洲国家的关系可参见《西亚非洲》杂志的专刊。
② Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, pp.113-132.
③ 这些国家包括埃及、伊朗、约旦、沙特和叙利亚,并发表了“伊斯坦布尔宣言”。
④ Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, p.116.
① Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.113-114.
② Mesut Ozcan, "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Iraq in 2009", Perceptions, Autumn-Winter 2010, Volume XV, Number 3-4, p.116.
③ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.lll.
④ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, Nb.3,2012. p.116.
⑤ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.120.
⑥ Bill Park, "Turkey, the US and the KRG:Moving Parts and the Geopolitical Realities", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.113.
① Turkish PM recieves Iraqi Turkmen Front officials,06 December 2013. http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=124404 (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
Raymond Hinnebusch将上世纪80年代中期以来的土叙关系分为四个阶段——关系恶化、接近战争阶段(80年代中期-1998年)；关系逐渐正常化阶段(1998-2003年)；快速向亲密和联盟转变阶段(2003-2010)；关系退化阶段(2011年3月～)。Raymond Hinnebusch and Ozlem Tur eds., Turkey-Syria relations:between enmity and amity, Farnham:Ashgate, 2013. Introduction, pp.1-3.
① Sami Moubayed, Turkish-Syrian Relations:The Erdogan Legacy,
② Aqeel Mahfudh, "Syria and Turkey:a turning point or a historical bet?", February2012. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, p.3.
③ Banu Eligun, "Crisis in Turkey-Israeli Relations (December2008-June2011):From Partnership to Enmity", Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.48, No.3, May2012, pp.429-459.
① Omer Taspinar, "Turkey's Middle East Policies:Between Neo-Ottomanism and Kemalism", Carnegie Middle East Center Paper, no.10, Washington, D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, September 2008, 24-25.http://carnegieendowment.org/files/cmeclO taspinar final.pdf (上网时间:2014年2月14日)
② Erol Cebeci and Kadir Ustun, "The Syrian Quagmire:What's Holding Turkey Back?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.2,2012. pp.13-21
③ Christopher Phillips, "Into the Quagmire:Turkey's Frustrated Syria Policy", Middle East and North Africa Programme, December 2012. MENAP BP 2012/04. The Royal Institute of International Affairs,2012.
① Erol Cebeci and Kadir Ustun, "The Syrian Quagmire:What's Holding Turkey Back?", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.2,2012. pp.13-21.
② Aqeel Mahfudh, "Syria and Turkey:a turning point or a historical bet?", Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, February2012. p.35.
③ 叙利亚难民不断涌入土耳其境内,中国日报网,2014年2月9日。http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/hqsj/hqlw/2014-02-09/content_11171060.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① 国内关于上世纪90年代土耳其以色列关系的研究可以参见：李立：《影响以色列和土耳其关系的因素分析》,上海外国语大学硕士论文,2010年：严庭国：《中东政治格局中的以土军事联盟》,《阿拉伯世界》1998年第3期,第4-7页；邹占伟：《试析20世纪90年代以色列和土耳其军事联盟》,上海社会科学院硕士论文,2008年；孔令涛：《以土军事联盟的背景和影响》,《国际观察》1999年第2期,第11-14,54页；关于土以关系危机的研究可以参见：王波：《土耳其与以色列当前关系危机的原因分析》,《国际观察》2011年第4期,第47-52页；李秉忠：《土耳其与以色列关系恶化的原因及其启示》,《现代国际关系》2011年第12期,第28-32页：郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年i2期,第93-132页。
② 《世界知识》2009年第4期,第50-51页。
③ Hasan Kosebalaban, "The Crisis in Turkish-Israeli Relations:What is its Strategic Significance?", Middle East Policy, Fall 2010, Volume XVII, Number 3, p.36.
④ Banu Eligun, "Crisis in Turkey-Israeli Relations (December2008-June2011):From Partnership to Enmity", Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.48, No.3, May2012, pp.429-459.
① 郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年第2期,第93-132页。
① 土而其总理为躲调查出访伊朗贸易外交两不误,网易财经,2014年1月30日。http://money.163.com/14/0130/10/9JR5O9AE00254TI5.html(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 此处主要参考了朱传忠、张金生：《2010年伊朗核问题综述》,载肖石忠主编：《世界军事发展年度报告2011年》,军事科学出版社2011年,第283-285页。
③ 土耳其总统表示伊朗拥有和平利用核能的权利,新华网,2007年11月13日。http://www.ce.cn/cysc/ny/heneng/200711/13/t20071113_13580063.shtml上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 土耳其总理表示支持伊朗和平利用核能权利,新华网,2009年10月29日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-10/29/content_12352171.htm (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ 土耳其总理公开支持伊朗称其有权和平利用核能2010年09月17日。http://news.ifeng.com/mil/3/detail_2010_09/17/2545826_0.shtml (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
① Suleyman Elik, "Iran-Turkey Relations at Hasan Rouhani Era:A Special Reference to Iran-US Nuclear Negotiations", BILGESAM Analysis/Middle East No.1111,20 December2013.
① 土耳其外交部英文网站：Istanbul Statement On Friendship and Cooperation In The "Heart Of Asia" http://www.mfa.gov.tr/istanbul-statement-on-friendship-and-cooperation-in-the-_heart-of-asia_.en.mfa (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
② 土耳其拟部署北约反导雷达,新华网,2011年9月3日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2011-09/03/c_121958891.htm(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
③ 北约决定在土耳其部署“爱国者”导弹,新华网,2012年12月5日。http://news.xinhuanet.com/2012-12/05/c_124047410.htm(上网时间：2014年2月14日)
④ 土耳其首个北约爱国者导弹连开始运作,人民网,2013年1月26日。http://military.people.com.en/n/2013/0126/cl011-20335918.html (上网时间：2014年2月14日)
⑤ 土耳其不满以色列加沙军事行动拒绝以参加北约军演,环球网,2009年12月12日。
http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-10/600356.html(上网时间:2014年2月14日)
① 艾哈迈特·索赞(Ahmet Sozen)则从概念、微观背景、国内宏观背景、外部宏观背景四个方面分析了影响土耳其对外政策决策的因素。Ahmet Sozen, "a Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy:Transition and Challenges", in Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin, eds., Islamization of Turkey under the AKP Rule, Routledge,2011.pp.101-121.
① 倪世雄：《当代西方国际关系理论》,复旦大学出版社2001年,第252页。
② 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第499页。
③ 转引自倪世雄：前引书,第252页。
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第466页。
① 谢立忱：《认同视角下的土耳其对外政策》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第29-40页。
② M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006. p.300.
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第579页。
② 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第526页。
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.pp.12-13.
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.15.
① 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第37页。
① 在人权标准是否内化问题上,学者是存在争议的。土耳其学者伊赫桑·达厄认为,为寻求制度合法性和安全,正义与发展党是实现了人权的工具化而非内化,通过承认人权以自保的工具化,也有可能导致人权的制度化。转引自M. Hakan Yavuz ed., the Emergence of a New Turkey, Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,2006.pp.89.
② M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.47.
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第502页。
④ Meltem Muftuler-Bac and E. Fuat Keyman, "The Era of Dominant-Party Politics", Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 1, January 2012, pp.85-99.
⑤ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.41-42.
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. p.12.
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第42页。
③ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第500页。
① 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第464页。
② 彭树智：《东方民族主义思潮》,西北大学出版社1992年。
③ Halim Rane and Bridget Minogue, "Turkey's Role in the Diffusion of Democracy in the MENA Region", NCEIS Research Papers, Volume 5, No.8,2013. p.6.
④ 彭树智：《我的文明观》,第463页。
⑤ 敏敬：《文明的多维交往：土耳其的现代化、民族主义与伊斯兰教》(博士论文),西北大学2006年。
① M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.45.
② 王林聪：《“土耳其模式的”新变化及其影响》,第93页。
③ 转引自彭树智：《文明交往论》,第371-372页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009. pp.11,12.
① Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", Alternatives:Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.12, No.3, Fall2013.p.67.
② Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", p.67.
③ Paul Kubicek, "Debating the Merits of the'Turkish Model'for Democratization in the Middle East", p.67.
④ Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.85-108.
⑤ Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)",Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. pp.85-108.
① Feriha Perekli, "The Applicability of the'Turkish Model'to Morocco:The Case of the Parti de la Justice et du Developpement (PJD)", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.3,2012. p.92.
② Halim Rane, "An Alternative to the'Turkish Model'for the Emerging Arab Democracies", Insight Turkey, Vol.14, No.4, 2012, pp.50-51.
③ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.115.
④ 王林聪：《论正义与发展党执政下的土耳其“民主模式”》,《西亚非洲》2009年第8期,第20-25页。
④ M. Hakan Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey, Cambridge Press,2009.p.117.
⑥ 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,第96页。
① 王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,第96页。
② 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第373页。
③ 彭树智：《文明交往论》,第374页。
正义与发展党的党章共计165条,主要涉及党的基本宗旨、党员、党的组织、党的纪律等。在正文第三章党的“硬件”部分已经对部分具体规定作了详述,本附录只列该党党章的基本框架。本附录节译自正义与发展党党章英文版,同时参照土耳其文版。感谢洛阳外国语学院土耳其语专业的学员在土耳其文版翻译过程中对笔者的莫大帮助。
*2013年12月17日,土耳其发生了严重的政府危机,埃尔多安更换了多名政府部长。
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1. Aliriza, Bulent and Deni Koenhemsi, "Turkey's June 12 Elections:Will Erdogan Maintain His Ascendance?", CSIS Turkey Update, June 2,2011. http://www.csis.org/files/publication/110602_TurkeysJuneElections.pdf.
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4.高奇琦：《国外政党与公民社会的关系——以欧美和东亚为例》,中央编译出版社2011年。
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6.哈全安、周术情：《土耳其民主化进程研究》,三联书店2009年。
7.哈全安：《中东史》,天津人民出版社2010年。
8.胡建淼主编：《世界宪法法院制度研究》,浙江大学出版社2007年。
9.黄维民：《中东国家通史·土耳其卷》,商务印书馆2002年。
10.刘云：《土耳其政治现代化：观察与思考》,甘肃人民出版社2002年。
11.刘军宁：《保守主义》,中国社会科学出版社1998年。
12.刘中民：《挑战与回应——中东民族主义与伊斯兰教关系评析》,世界知识出版社2005年。
13.倪世雄：《当代西方国际关系理论》,复旦大学出版社2001年。
14.潘伟杰：《宪法的理念与制度》,上海人民出版社2004年。
15.彭树智主编：《阿富汗史》,陕西旅游出版社1993年。
16.彭树智主编：《伊斯兰教与中东现代化进程》,西北大学出版社1997年。
17.彭树智：《文明交往论》,陕西人民出版社2002年。
18.彭树智：《书路鸿踪录》,三秦出版社2004年。
19.彭树智：《松榆斋百记——人类文明交往散论》,西北大学出版社2005年。
20.彭树智主编：《中东史》,人民出版社2010年。
21.彭树智：《两斋文明自觉论随笔》,中国社会科学出版社2012年。
22.彭树智：《我的文明观》,西北大学出版社2013年。
23.孙振玉：《传统与现实：土耳其的伊斯兰教与穆斯林》,民族出版社2001年。
24.唐志超：《中东库尔德问题透视》,社会科学文献出版社2013年。
25.汪波：《中东库尔德问题研究》,时事出版社2014年。
26.王长江主编：《政党政治原理》,中央党校出版社2009年。
27.王建娥：《族际政治：20世纪的理论与实践》,社会科学文献出版社2011年。
28.王铁铮主编：《世界现代化历程·中东卷》,凤凰出版集团2010年。
29.王铁铮主编：《全球化与当代中东社会思潮》,人民出版社2013年。
30.王彤主编：《中东国家政治制度》,中国社会科学出版社2005年。
31.吴兴东编著：《土耳其史——欧亚十字路口上的国家》,台湾三民书局2003年。
32.徐世澄：《墨西哥革命制度党研究》,世界知识出版社2009年。
33.徐迅：《民族主义》,中国社会科学出版社1999年。
34.杨兆钧：《土耳其现代史》,云南大学出版社1990年。
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37.张广智主编：《史学之魂——当代西方马克思主义史学研究》,复旦大学出版社2011年。
38.周淑真：《政党和政治制度比较研究》,人民出版社2001年第1版。
39.杨灏城、朱克柔主编：《当地中东热点问题的历史探索：宗教与世俗》,人民出版社2000年。
1.邓红英：《土耳其外交转型析论》,《现代国际关系》2010年第10期,第21-25页。
2.丁工：《土耳其中等强国外交的现实性和可能性》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第85-96页。
3.董漫远：《中国与土耳其关系的历史与未来》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第53-58页。
4.冯基华：《美国中东政策的战略支点——土耳其》,《亚非纵横》2012年第4期,第42-49页。
5.李秉忠：《“中东波”以来土耳其中东政策的调整》,《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第51-55页。
6.李秉忠：《“土耳其模式”刍议》,《欧洲研究》2012年第5期,第136-150页。
7.李秉忠：《土耳其与以色列关系恶化的原因及其启示》,《现代国际关系》2011年第12期,第28-32页。
8.李艳枝：《土耳其正义与发展党三连胜原因分析》,《国际资料信息》2011年第10期, 第1-6,14页。
9.李艳枝：《土耳其新总统阿卜杜拉·居尔》,《国际资料信息》2007年第11期,第27-30,35页。
10.李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴对女权运动的影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第5期,第132-142页。
11.李艳枝：《中东剧变与穆斯林民主政党的兴起》,《国际论坛》2013年第3期,第73-78页。
12.李智育：《土耳其正义与发展党政权的外交政策成因分析》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第55-70页。
13.刘云：《当代土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁——从救国党到繁荣党》,《西北师大学报》(社会科学版)2000年第3期,第118-123页。
14.刘云：《从救国党到繁荣党看土耳其伊斯兰政治的变迁》,《西亚非洲》1999年第4期,第23-27页。
15.刘云：《当代土耳其的政治伊斯兰的发展》,《宁夏社会科学》2002年第11期,第64-69页。
16.胡少聪：《土耳其外交新思维及其影响》,《国际问题研究》2011年第4期,第40-44页。
17.孔令涛：《以土军事联盟的背景和影响》,《国际观察》1999年第2期,第11-14,54页。
18.田文林：《土耳其战略转型及其局限》,《现代国际关系》2010年第9期,第14-20页。
19.王林聪：《“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响》,《西亚非洲》2012年第2期,第82-97页。
20.汪波：《土耳其与以色列当前关系危机的原因分析》,《国际观察》2011年第4期,第47-52页；
21.肖宪：《构建中国与土耳其新型战略合作关系》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第14-28页。
22.谢立忱：《认同视角下的土耳其对外政策》,《西亚非洲》2011年第9期,第29-40页。
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24.咎涛：《“土耳其模式”：历史与现实》,《新疆师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)2012年第2期,第10-22页。
25.昝涛：《中土关系及土耳其队中国崛起的看法》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2010年第4期,第59-66页。
26.张春：《土耳其对非洲地区的经贸合作》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第2期,第86-99页。
27.郑东超：《土耳其新中东政策辨析》,《现代国际关系》2011年第1期,第37-42页。
28.郑东超：《土耳其外交的战略深度主义》,《国际资料信息》2011年第1期,第5-8页。
29.郑东超：《当前土以外交危机的原因及其影响分析》,《国际展望》2012年第2期,第93-132页。
30.郑东超：《论土耳其埃尔多安政府的外交政策》,《阿拉伯世界研究》2012年第5期,第71-84页。
1.李立：《影响以色列和土耳其关系的因素分析》硕士论文,上海外国语大学2010年。
2.李艳枝：《土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动研究》博士论文,南开大学2009年。
3.敏敬：《文明的多维交往：土耳其的现代化、民族主义与伊斯兰教》博士论文,西北大学2006年。
4.邹占伟：《试析20世纪90年代以色列和土耳其军事联盟》硕士论文,上海社会科学院2008年。
1.土耳其大国民议会网站：http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/
2.土耳其私有化管理局英文网站：http://www.oib.gov.tr/index_eng.htm
3.土耳其国家计划部英文网站：http://www.dpt.gov.tr/ing/
4.土耳其总理办公室英文网站：http://www.toki.gov.tr/english/hda.asp
5.土耳其宪法法院英文网站：http://www.anayasa.gov.tr/index.php?lang=1&c=1
6.土耳其总统府网站：]http://www.tccb.gov.tr/pages/
7.土耳其外交部网站：http://www.mfa.gov.tr/default.en.mfa
8.土耳其投资与支持促进局中文网：http://www.invest.gov.tr/zh-CN/investmentguide/Pages/10Reasons.aspx
9.土耳其欧盟事务部网站：http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?1=2
1.正义与发展党英文网站：http://eng.akparti.org.tr/english/index.html
2.正义与发展党土耳其语网站：ttp://www.akparti.org.tr/site
3.民族行动党土耳其语网站：http://www.mhp.org.tr/mhp_index.php
4.共和人民党英文网站：ttp://www.chp.org.tr/en/
5.共和人民党土耳其语网站：http://www.chp.org.tr/
1.自由报网站：Lttp://www.hurriyetdailynews.com
2.今日晨报网站：http://www.todayszaman.com/home
3.土耳其宪法观察网站：http://turkeyconstitutionwatch.org
4.土耳其经济政策研究基金会：http://www.tepav.org.tr
5.土耳其经济与社会研究基金会：http://tesev.org.tr
6.土耳其政治、经济与社会研究基金会：http://setadc.org
7.土耳其外交政策研究所：http://www.foreignpolicy.org.tr/
8.土耳其外交部战略研究中心(SAM):http://sam.gov.tr/
9.贤人战略研究中心：www.bilgesam.org
10.土耳其亚洲战略研究中心：http://www.tasam.org/en
新华网、人民网、国际在线、凤凰网、国际能源网、共识网等