冷战后宗教与美国对华外交
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摘要
冷战结束以来,传统的以地缘政治和意识形态划分的国际战略格局发生了深刻的变化。随着全球公民社会的兴起及宗教在世界范围的复兴,宗教越来越成为影响国际关系的重要变量之一。美国是宗教色彩最为浓厚的发达国家,在美国内部,以基督教福音派为核心的美国国内宗教右翼势力不断崛起并与政治右翼合流,它们利用共和党在国会中的优势,开展了一场声势浩大的全球范围的“反宗教迫害”造势运动。在这一大的国际及国内背景下,美国对华外交中自然出现了宗教问题升温的现象,在对华遏制政策乏力及人权外交失灵的情况下,宗教便成为美国推行其价值观念、干涉中国内政、开展对华外交的最新武器。
宗教作为影响美国外交政策的诸多因素之一,具有无形(宗教价值观)和有形(宗教团体)两种力量。一方面,宗教思想是美国外交思想的基石,与美国外交理论和国际关系理论有着必然的联系;另一方面宗教又通过理念、选举、立法和政策等四个向度来影响美国的外交。冷战后,宗教对美国外交的影响已日益走向组织化、法制化和机制化道路,呈现出以宗教利益集团为驱动力、以“1998年国际宗教自由法”为主体、以“国际宗教自由办公室”和“国际宗教自由委员会”为两翼的“一体两翼”模式。在全球推进所谓宗教自由成为美国外交政策的一个中心内容。
自1997年宗教右翼为阻止美国政府给予中国最惠国待遇而大势宣传并积极游说开始,宗教因素第一次介入到美国的对华外交政策领域中来。“1998年国际宗教自由法”出台以后,在“国际宗教自由办公室”和“国际宗教自由委员会”的历年报告中,中国一向是其批评的焦点,被定为是“严重侵犯宗教自由”的“特别关注国”。宗教问题已经同台湾问题、经贸问题一道成为中美两国高层会晤的必谈话题,随着国际形势的变化和中美两国国家利益的调整,宗教问题逐渐从人权问题中脱离出来,成为独立于且高于人权的影响两国关系的新的结构性矛盾,对中美两国关系的健康发展造成了极大的负面影响。
The international situation based on geopolitics and ideology has undergone fundamental changes since the end of the Cold War. Religion is becoming one of the most important variables that affect international relations, thanks to the emergence of civil society and the renaissance of religion in the world. Among developed countries, the Unites States is most affected by religion. The American religious right is gaining steam and joins its hands with the political right. The two forces have capitalized on the Republican dominance of the U.S. Congress to advocate an anti-persecution movement all over the world. Given such background, it is natural for religion to play an increasing role in American diplomacy toward China. Religion has become a new tool for the U.S. to promote its values, intervene in the internal affairs of China and develop the U.S.-China relations, as containment and human rights diplomacy are not functional in the current world.
Religion, as a factor that impacts the U.S. foreign policy, enjoys both spiritual power (religious values) and material power (religious groups). On the one hand, as the basis of U.S. diplomatic ideas, religious values are closely connected with American diplomatic theories and international relations theories. On the other hand, religion also influences the U.S. diplomacy with respect to idea, election, legislation and policy. After the end of the Cold War, the influence of religion on the U.S. foreign policy has become more systematized, legalized and mechanized. Driven by religious interest groups, the U.S. Congress passed in 1998 the "International Religion Freedom Act" aimed to help people who are persecuted because of religion. The U.S. State Department set up the "Office of International Religious Freedom" and the Congress set up the "Commission on International Religious Freedom" in compliance with the 1998 Act. The Act and the two institutions form a pattern of "one body with two wings", which ensures the so-called religious freedom becomes "the core" in the diplomacy of the U.S.
The first time that the religious factor was involved in American diplomacy toward China is when the religious right lobbied to stop the Administration to grant China Most-favored -nation status in 1997. Since the enforcement of the 1998 Act, China has always been the focus of criticism in the annual reports of both the Office and the Commission, and has been designated as the "Country of Particular Concern". The religion issue, together with Taiwan and trade, has become an important theme in high-level Sino-U.S. talks. As international situation is changing and the two countries have reevaluated the priorities of their national interests, the religion issue has gradually separated from the theme of human rights, and has become a new source of conflict at the level of structure that weighs on the Sino-U.S. relations.
宗教作为影响美国外交政策的诸多因素之一,具有无形(宗教价值观)和有形(宗教团体)两种力量。一方面,宗教思想是美国外交思想的基石,与美国外交理论和国际关系理论有着必然的联系;另一方面宗教又通过理念、选举、立法和政策等四个向度来影响美国的外交。冷战后,宗教对美国外交的影响已日益走向组织化、法制化和机制化道路,呈现出以宗教利益集团为驱动力、以“1998年国际宗教自由法”为主体、以“国际宗教自由办公室”和“国际宗教自由委员会”为两翼的“一体两翼”模式。在全球推进所谓宗教自由成为美国外交政策的一个中心内容。
自1997年宗教右翼为阻止美国政府给予中国最惠国待遇而大势宣传并积极游说开始,宗教因素第一次介入到美国的对华外交政策领域中来。“1998年国际宗教自由法”出台以后,在“国际宗教自由办公室”和“国际宗教自由委员会”的历年报告中,中国一向是其批评的焦点,被定为是“严重侵犯宗教自由”的“特别关注国”。宗教问题已经同台湾问题、经贸问题一道成为中美两国高层会晤的必谈话题,随着国际形势的变化和中美两国国家利益的调整,宗教问题逐渐从人权问题中脱离出来,成为独立于且高于人权的影响两国关系的新的结构性矛盾,对中美两国关系的健康发展造成了极大的负面影响。
The international situation based on geopolitics and ideology has undergone fundamental changes since the end of the Cold War. Religion is becoming one of the most important variables that affect international relations, thanks to the emergence of civil society and the renaissance of religion in the world. Among developed countries, the Unites States is most affected by religion. The American religious right is gaining steam and joins its hands with the political right. The two forces have capitalized on the Republican dominance of the U.S. Congress to advocate an anti-persecution movement all over the world. Given such background, it is natural for religion to play an increasing role in American diplomacy toward China. Religion has become a new tool for the U.S. to promote its values, intervene in the internal affairs of China and develop the U.S.-China relations, as containment and human rights diplomacy are not functional in the current world.
Religion, as a factor that impacts the U.S. foreign policy, enjoys both spiritual power (religious values) and material power (religious groups). On the one hand, as the basis of U.S. diplomatic ideas, religious values are closely connected with American diplomatic theories and international relations theories. On the other hand, religion also influences the U.S. diplomacy with respect to idea, election, legislation and policy. After the end of the Cold War, the influence of religion on the U.S. foreign policy has become more systematized, legalized and mechanized. Driven by religious interest groups, the U.S. Congress passed in 1998 the "International Religion Freedom Act" aimed to help people who are persecuted because of religion. The U.S. State Department set up the "Office of International Religious Freedom" and the Congress set up the "Commission on International Religious Freedom" in compliance with the 1998 Act. The Act and the two institutions form a pattern of "one body with two wings", which ensures the so-called religious freedom becomes "the core" in the diplomacy of the U.S.
The first time that the religious factor was involved in American diplomacy toward China is when the religious right lobbied to stop the Administration to grant China Most-favored -nation status in 1997. Since the enforcement of the 1998 Act, China has always been the focus of criticism in the annual reports of both the Office and the Commission, and has been designated as the "Country of Particular Concern". The religion issue, together with Taiwan and trade, has become an important theme in high-level Sino-U.S. talks. As international situation is changing and the two countries have reevaluated the priorities of their national interests, the religion issue has gradually separated from the theme of human rights, and has become a new source of conflict at the level of structure that weighs on the Sino-U.S. relations.
引文
1 尤金·P.特兰尼(Eugune P.Trani):“伍德罗·威尔逊、中国与传教士”,载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会—网络时代的宗教》(第三辑),时事出版社,2005年版。
2 Leo P.Ribuffo,"Religion in the History of U.S.Foreign Policy",in Eliot Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefiled Pubfishers,Inc.,2001,pp1-27.转引自徐以骅:“宗教与当前中美关系及其未来走势(提纲)”,载《宗教非政府组织学术研讨会会议手册》,复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院宗教与美国研究中心,2007年6月15日,第328页。
3 2006年12月里布福教授在复旦大学美国研究中心作访问期间的访谈。
4[美]艾伦·D.赫茨克,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝——宗教游说在美国政体中的作用》,上海世纪出版集团,2003年版。
5 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing God's children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2004.
6 Samuel P.Huntington,"Religious Persecution and Religious Relevance in Today's World",Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
7 Madeleine Albright,The Mighty and the Almighty,Harper Collins Public,2006.
8 J.Bryan Hehir,"Religious Freedom and U.S.Foreign Policy:Categories and Choices",Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001.
9 Andrew Kohut,John C.Green,Scott Keeter,and Robert C.Toth,The Diminishing Divide,Brookings Institution Press,2000.
10 Robert Booth Fowler,Allen D.Hertzke,Laura R.Olson.Religion and Politics in America:Faith,Culture,& Strategic Choices,Boulder,Clorado:Westview Press,1999.
11 K.R.Dark,Religion and International Relations,Macmillan Press Ltd,2000.
12 Marie Griffith,Melani Mcalister,"Religion and Politics in the Contemporary United States",American Quarterly,September 2007 Volume 59,Number 3.
13 Scott M.Thomas,The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations——The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-First Century.New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2005:99.
14 David L.Bender,Religion in America,Greenhaven Press,Inc,1989.
15 Albert J.Menendez,Religion at the Polls,Philadelphia,Pennsylvania:Westminster Press,1977.
16 周琪:《美国人权外交政策》,上海人民出版社,2001年版。
17 王立新:《意识形态与美国外交政策》,北京大学出版社,2007年版。
18 徐以骅,《宗教与当前美国外交政策》,和平与发展,2008年第1期。
19 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的“路线图”》(第一辑),时事出版社,2002年版。
20 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——网络时代的宗教》(第三辑),时事出版社,2005年版,第443-474页。
21 徐以骅:“美国关于国民宗教的一场辩论”,《复旦学报》1990年第5期。
22 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的“路线图”》(第一辑),时事出版社,2002年版。
23 刘澎:“美国的政教关系”,《美国研究》,2001年第3期;冯春凤:“美国宗教与政治关系现状”,《世界宗教研究》,2000年第3期:董小川:《二十世纪的美国宗教与政治》,人民出版社,2002年版;博士论文:何宗强:《宗教与美国政治关系综论》,中国社会科学院究生院,2002年5月。
24 Chailes Homer,"China' s Christian Connections",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy
25 Jason Kindopp,Carol Lee Hamrin,"God and Caesar in China——Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions",The Brookings Institution Press,2004.
26 肖虹:“美国对华关系中的宗教问题”,《中国宗教》,1999年第2期。
27 杨卫东:“宗教自由与中美关系”,《现代国际关系》,2001年第12期,第35页。
28 陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版。
29 孙哲等著:《美国国会与中美关系案例与分析》,时事出版社,2003年版。
30 王生才:“论宗教问题对中国外交的影响”,《国际论坛》,2006年版第9期,第48-51页。
31 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,Preface,3.
32 艾伦·D.·赫茨克著,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝:宗教在美国整体中的作用》,上海人民出版社,2003年版,第6页。
33 Mark R.Amstutz,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
34 Andrew S.Natsios,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
35 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
36 Gary Bauer,"Why People of Faith Must Challenge China",The Washington Post,Apr13,1997,p.c-2.,"Prepared Statement of Gary L.Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
37 Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
38 李寿祺:《利益集团与美国政治》,中国社会科学出版社,1988年版。
39 袁征:“利益集团政治与美国对华政策”,《当代亚太》,2000年第6期,第11页。
40 王勇:“美国对华政策中的利益集团因素”,《战略与研究》,1998年第4期,第113页。
41 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
42 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.171-172.
43 David E.Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill to Punish Nations That Persecute Religion:Measure Doomed by Split Among Republicans," The New York Times,July 24,1998,Al.
44 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),时事出版社,2003年版。
45 杨卫东:“抹上宗教灵光的中国人权外交—谈《1998年国际宗教自由法》与美国人权外交”,《人权》,2002年第6期,第47页。
46 王岽兴:“美国(1998年国际宗教自由法》及对中美关系的影响评析”,《东南亚研究》,2005年第5期,第66页。
47 张训谋:“美国《1998年国际宗教自由法案》”,《中国宗教》,1999年第6期,第31-33页。
48 王鸣鸣:“美国政府外交政策中的宗教因素”,《国际经济评论》,2005年第(1-2)期。
49 程乃胜:“美国宪法与美国宗教信仰自由”,《安徽师范大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2000年第2期,第49-53页。
1 Kenneth Thompson,Beliefs and Ideology,Chichester,West Sussex:Ellis Horwood,1986,p.38;罗伯特·鲍柯克、肯尼斯·汤普森编,龚方震、陈耀廷等译:《宗教与意识形态》,四川人民出版社,1992年版,第318-319页。
2 Jack Donnelly,"Human Rights",Encyclopedia of U.S.Foreign Relations,ed.by Brance W.Jentleson and Thomas G.Paterson,Second Editions,Vol.2,p.334.
3 Gilles Kepel,The Revenge of God:The Resurgence of Islam,Christianity,and the Judaism in the Modern World(University Park,Pa.:Pennsylvania State University Press,1994).转引自徐以骅《试析美国“1998年国际宗教自由法”》,徐以骅主编《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),2005年版,第520页。
4 Samuel P.Huntington,"Religious Persecution and Religious Relevance in Today's World," in Elliott Abrams,ed..The Influence of Faith[A].Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy[M].Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001,p62.转引同上。
5 Elliott Abrams,North America,Latin America,and Religious Freedom,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom in Latin America and the New Millennium",October 10-12,1998,Sheraton Mofarrej Hotel,Sao Paolo,Brazil,http://www.religiousfreedom.com
6 可参阅 Leo P.Ribuffo,"Religion in the History of U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy(Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001),pp.1-31.
7 这些地区和国际性人权保障公约或宣言还包括《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》、《公民权利及政治权利国际公约》、《禁止并惩治种族隔离罪行国际公约》、《消除基于宗教或信仰原因的一切形式的不容忍和歧视宣言》、《赫尔辛基最终法案》、《美洲人权公约》等。联合国大会1948年12月10日通过的《世界人权宣言》的第十八条称:“人人有思想、良心和宗教自由的权利;此项权利包括改变他的宗教或信仰的自由;以及单独或集体、公开或秘密地以教义、实践、礼拜和戒律表示他的宗教或信仰的自由。”此条款已成为所有涉及宗教和信仰自由的国际公约和宣言的基础文本,并在联合国大会1981年11月25日决议通过的《消除基于宗教或信仰原因的一切形式的不容忍和歧视的宣言》中得到进一步阐述。以上内容转引 自徐以骅:《试析美国‘1998年国际宗教自由法'》,载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),时事出版社,2005年版,第517页。
8 同上。
9 资中筠编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,北京:三联书店,2003年3月,第31页。
10 李芳:“从1992年美国大选看基督教新右派的影响”,载《世界宗教研究》,1994年第1期。
11 林宏宇著:《白宫的诱惑,美国总统选举政治研究1952—2004》,天津人民出版社,2006年版,第107页。
12 资中筠主编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,北京:三联书店,2000年版,第31页。
13 裴孝贤:“宗教在美国社会中的地位”,载《美国研究》,1998年第4期,第44页。
14 卓新平、许志伟:《基督宗教研究》,宗教文化出版社,2002年版,第603页。
15 杨叙编著:《外国习俗丛书——美国》,世界知识出版社,1989年版,第14页。
16 Thomas C.Reeves,"Not So Christian American," First Things,October 1996,p.16.部分数字引自 George Gallup,Jr.,"Religion in America:Will the Vitality of Churches Be the Surprise of the Next Century," The Public Perspective,October-November 1995,p.1ff.
17 "The Counter-attack of God",The Economist,July 8,1995,p.19.
18 George Cornell,"Measures of Interest Don't Equate with Coverage of Religion and Sports",The Associated Press,April 22,1994.
19 黄也平:《今日美国全书》,中国城市出版社,1997年版,第847-848页。
20 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States,Washington D.C.,Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p173.
21 具体各州的占主流的宗教情况参见 Albert J.Menendez,Religion at the Polls(Philadelphia,Pennsylvania:Westminster Press,1977).
22 Brookings Review,Spring 1999,p.12.
23 "American Survey:New Men for Jesus," The Economist,June 3,1995,pp.29-30.
24 肯·阿曼德对迈克尔·诺瓦克的采访,见“Seeking the Good Life”,The Washingtonian,December,1996,p.38.福格尔演讲节录到The American Enterprise,November-December 1995,pp.79-80,他与诺瓦克的观点有些不同,认为第四次大觉醒“开始于60年代前后对刺激感官也摧毁灵魂的自我放纵方式的反逆中”。拉尔夫·里德在其著作的第二章也论述了同样的历史话题,见Ralph Reed,Active Faith(New York:The Free Press,1996),pp.27-69.转引自裴孝贤:“宗教在美国社会中的地位”,载《美国研究》,1998年第4期,第44页。
25 刘澎:“宗教对美国社会政治的影响”,载《瞭望》新闻周刊,1996年第5期,第40页。
26 U.S.,Census Bureau,Statistical Abstract of the United States:2000,p.62..
27 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States,DC:Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p.176.
28 据一些学者1992年的一项研究,美国所有坚持福音派传统的白人新教徒中福音派占47%,大公会中的基要派占15%,其它基要派占17%,灵恩派占12%,大公会中的五旬节派占9%。见Cldye Wileox,Onward Christian Soldiers?The Religious Right in American Politics,Boulder,Colorado:Westview Press,1996,p.47.转引自徐以骅“宗教新右翼与美国外交政 策”,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的‘路线图'》,第一辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第83页。
29 84%的白人福音派反对允许同性婚姻,73%表示反对同性恋者的“生活伴侣登记”。在此问题上,他们和民众的观点差距并不大:只有25%的人支持同性婚姻,35%的人支持登记生活伴侣。参加David Brooks,"The Values Vote Myth",New York Times on the Web,November 6,2004(14-11-2005).
30 Kenneth Wald,presentation to Institute of World Religion,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,June 15,1998.
31 Clyde Wilcox,"Wither the Christian Right? The Elections and Beyond",in Clyde Wilcox and Stephen J.Wayne,ed.,The Election of Century,Armonk,N.Y.,London,2002,p.116.
32[德]曼弗雷德·布洛克尔,“美国基督教右派”,载《国际政治研究》 2007年第2期,第94页。
33 杨卫东:“抹上宗教灵光的人权外交——谈《1998年国际宗教自由法》与美国人权外交”,载《环球观察》,2002年第6期,第48页。
34 肯尼斯·雷,约翰·布鲁尔编,尤存、牛军译:《被遗忘的大使司徒雷登驻华报告,1946—1949》,江苏人民出版社,1990年版,第255页。
35 《华尔街日报》,1980年1月15日。
36 刘连第、汪大为编著:《中美关系的转迹——建交以来大事纵览》,时事出版社,1995年版,第107、299页。
37 同上,第93页。
38 同上,第247页。
39 哈里·哈丁:《脆弱的关系:1972年以来的美国和中国》,三联书店(香港)有限公司,1993年版,第229-230页。
40 “新的人权战略”具体内容有:第一,要求美国企业界同政府一道促进中国人权事业;第二,使改善中国人权状况的努力多样化,把中国人权问题列入国际论坛议程;第三,增设对华国际广播,包括自由亚洲电台、美国之音对华电视报道等;第四,支持中国的各种非政府人权组织等。
41 刘连第:《中美关系的轨迹——1993年-2000年大事纵览》,时事出版社,2001年版,第160页。
42 陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第211页。
43 唐·阿格:“宗教自由:美国宗教领袖代表团访华报告”,载《基督教文化学刊》,2000年第3期306-318页。
44 "President Clinton Meets China-Bound Religious Leaders",Bulletin,February 3,1998,pp.27-28.
45 《1993年—2000年大事纵览》,第195-196页。“Religious Leaders Report Success in Opening China Dialogue”,Bulletin,March 20,1998,pp.14-17.转引自陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第212页。
46 “中国宗教领袖美国行”,《瞭望新闻周刊》,2000年9月25日,第39期。
47 《人民日报》,2001年5月6日。
48 《宗教领袖和人权专家评美国宗教报告》,《人权》,2003年第3期,第44-49页。
49 布什在清华大学演讲全文,http://news.sohu.com/45/15/news147951545.shtml
50 http://www.cnr.cn/home/column/bush/zxbd/200202220038.html
51 叶小文:“中国的宗教和宗教政策——在洛杉机美国西部基督教人士研讨会上的演讲”,载《人权》,2003年第3期,第38页。
52 同上,第39-40页。
53 《“中国教会事工展”在美国巡展引起广泛关注》,chineseprotestantchurch.org/News/hot/200606.转载自陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第214页。
54[美]肯尼斯 D.沃尔德撰,段琦译,“宗教团体对中美关系进展的影响”,载《世界宗教研究》,1999年第1期,第142页。
1 任晓,沈丁立:《保守主义理念与美国外交政策》,上海:上海三联书店,2003年版。
2[法]德·托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,董果良译,商务印书馆,1993年版,第335-339页,第676页。
3[美]托马斯·帕特森:《美国外交政策》(上册),中国社会科学出版社,1988年版,第292页。
4 以下有关基督新教三个传统的提法,参见于鸣鸣:“美国政府外交决策中的宗教因素”,载《国际经济评论》,2005年1-2期,第54页。
5[法]阿列克西·托克维尔著,董果良译:《论美国的民主》,上卷,商务印书馆,1988年,第36页。
6 John Winthrop,"A Model of Christian Charity," in Mark Noll and Roger Lundin,eds.,Voices from the Heart:Four Centuries of American Piety,MI:Eerdmans,1987,pp.4-6.
7 Denis M.Bostdroff,The Presidency and the Rhetoric of Foreign Policy,South Carolina University Press,1994,p177.
8 Joseph S.Nye,Jr.,"Soft Power",Foreign Policy,No 80,Fall 1990,pp.153-171.
9 Abrams,North America,Latin America,and Religious Freedom,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom in Latin America and the New Millennium",October 10-12,1998,Sheraton Mofarrej Hotel,Sao Paolo,Brazil,http://www.religiousfreedom.com
10 国际宗教自由无任所大使约翰·汉福德(John Hanford)2004年9月15日在发表美国国务院“2004年国际宗教自由年度报告”的新闻发布会上的讲话,参见徐以骅:《试析美国“1998年国际宗教自由法”》,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会》第二辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第539页。
11 转引自徐以骅:《宗教与当前中美关系及其未来走势》,“宗教非政府组织学术研讨会会议手册”,复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院宗教与国际关系研究中心,2007年6月15日。见 Christopher A.Hall,"Truth,Pluralism,and Religious Diplomacy:A Christian Dialogical Perspective," in Religion & Security:The New Nexus in International Relations Religion &Security:The New Nexus in International Relations,pp.84-87.
12[美]路易斯·戴蒙德,约翰·麦克唐纳,李永辉等译:《多轨外交——通向和平的多体系途径》,北京大学出版社,2006年版,第1页。
13[美]路易斯·戴蒙德,约翰·麦克唐纳,李永辉等译:《多轨外交——通向和平的多体系途径》,北京大学出版社,2006年版,第107页。
14 关于“以信仰为基础的外交”定义,详见徐以骅:“宗教与当前美国外交政策”,载《和平与发展》,2008年1月10日,第62-63页。
15 资中筠主编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,三联书店,2000年版,第31页。
16 John C.Bennett,Foreign Policy in Christian Perspective,New York:Scribners,1966,p36.
17 George F.Kennan,"Morality and Foreign Policy," Foreign Affairs,winter 1985-1986,205-18.
18 "Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.foreign Policy,",p177.
19 Morrell Heald,Lawrence S.Kaplan.Culture and Diplomacy:The American Experience,Westport,Conn:Greenwood Press,1997.
20 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press,"The Diminishing Divide:American Churches and American Politics," 1996,p1,p 6.
21 王涛:“试析宗教文化对美国外交的影响”,载《河南社会科学》,2005年7月,第98页。
22 Garry Wills,Under God—Religion and American Politics,New York:Freedom and Duty Press,1990,p.38.
23 Garry Wills,Under God—Religion and American Politics,New York:Freedom and Duty Press,1990,p.20.
24 George Gallup,Jr.,Jim Castelli,The People's Religion:American Faith in the 90's Macmillan 1989,p.227.
25 Ted G.Jelen,Religion and Political Behavior in the United States,New York:Westwood Publishing Inc.,1989,p.231.
26 Robert B.Fowler,Religious History of the America.The Scarecrow Press,Inc.,Metuchen,N.J.& London 1985,p.67,p.121.
27 Alan Cooperman,Thomas B.Edsall,"Evangelicals say they led charge for the GOP",Washington Post,Nov.8.2004,pageA01.
28 Kenneth D.Wald.Religion and Politics in the United States,DC:Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p.156.
29 John C.Green,Mark J.Rozell,Clyde Wilcox,eds.,Prayers in the Precines:the Christian Right in the 1998Elections,DC:Georgetown University Press,2000,p.8.
30 Alan Cooperman,Thomas B.Edsall,"Evangelicals say they led charge for the GOP",Washington Post,Nov.8,2004,PageA01.
31 The Status of RFRA,on June 25,1997,http://www.relifiousfreedom.org/rfratop.html.
32 Toby Roth,U.S.Foreign Policy:The Moral Focus,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom and the New Millennium" Tokyo,Japan,May 23-25,1998,http://www.religiousfreedom.com.
1 加布里埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、小G·宾厄姆·鲍威尔:《比较政治学:体系、过程和政策》,上海译文出版社,1987年版,第200页。
2 李道揆:《美国政府和美国政治》,商务印书馆,1999年版,第274页。
3 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles (Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994),Preface,3.
4 宗教非政府行为体可分为次国家行为体(Substate Actors)、跨国行为体(Transnational Actors) 和政府间组织(Inter-Governmental Organizations) o Scott M.Thomas,The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations——The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-First Century,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2005,p99.
5 Robert Wuthnow and Virginia A.Hodgkinson(eds.),Faith and Philanthropy in America:Exploring the Role of Religion in America's Voluntary Sector(San Francisco:Jossey-Bass,1900);Robert Wuthnow(ed.),Between States and Markets:The Voluntary Sector in Comparative Perspective(Princeton:Princeton University Press,1991);Robert Wuthnow and John H.Evans(eds.) The Quite Hand of God:Faith-Based Activism and the Public Role of Mainline Protestantism(Berkeley,CA:University of California Press,2003).
6 Andrew S.Natsios,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith:Religious Groups and U.S.Foreign Policy(Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc.,2001),191.
7 刘澎:《当代美国宗教》,社会科学文献出版社 2001年,第33页。
8 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,pp.165-166.
9 转引自 Mark R.Amstutz,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith:Religious Groups and U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc.,2001,p175.
10 Edward Luttwak,"The Missing Dimension," in Douglas Johnston and Cuythia Sampson,ed.,Religion:The Missing Dimension of Statecraft,New York:Oxford University Press,1994,p9.
11[美]杰里尔·A·罗赛蒂著,周启明、傅耀祖译:《美国对外政策的政治学》,世界知识 出版社,1996年,第408页。
12 Luke Eugene Ebersole,Church Lobbying in the Nation's Capital,New York:Macmillan,1951.
13[美]艾伦·D.·赫茨克著,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝:宗教游说在美国政体中的作用》,上海人民出版社 2003年,第5页。
14 美国学者保罗·J·韦伯(Paul J.Weber)和W·兰迪斯·琼斯(W.landis Jones)在其1994年出版的工具书《美国宗教利益集团》中,按政策领域将美国宗教利益集团分为以下类别:反堕胎,25个;支持堕胎,13个;政教关系,18个;民权38个;教育,30个;食品、失业、移民、灾难救济,31个;外交政策41个;反淫秽品,10个;世界和平与军备控制,19个;其他19个。该书所统计的120个宗教利益团体实际上指的是与宗教问题有关的利益团体,因其中还包括美国无神论组织、美国伦理联合会、美国公民自由联盟等少数非宗教组织。除以外交为重点的41个宗教利益集团外,他类利益团体如以世界和平与军备控制为政策重点的利益团体当然也与外交政策有关。此外,某一宗教利益团体的政策重点可以有两个或两个以上。见Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,169-176.
15 Daniel J.B.Hofrenning,In Washington but Not of It:The Prophetic Politics of Religious Lobbyists,Philadelphia:Temple University Press,1995.
16 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第6页。
17 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第7页。
18 杰弗里·贝里:《利益集团社会》,利特尔·布朗出版公司,1984年版。转引自《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第2页。
19 最高法院在审理诉讼之前需要确定处于不利地位的少数团体一方在为自己申辩时合乎宪法的程度,因此许多宗教团体通过“法院之友”方式提交书面文件来表达自己的观点,这在某种程度上成为游说法院的一种有效方式。
20 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第67页。
21 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States.University of Florida,Cainesville,1996,p126.
22 雷雨田:《上帝与美国人——基督教与美国社会》,上海人民出版社,1994年,第285-286页。
23 Ted G.Jelen,Religion and Political Behavior in the United States,Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data,1989,p181.
24 肖红:“美国对华关系中的宗教问题”,载《中国宗教》 1999年,第5期,第32页。
25 雷雨田:《上帝与美国人——基督教与美国社会》,上海人民出版社,1994年,第117页。
26 同上,第101页。
27 王勇:“美国对华政策中的利益集团因素”,载《战略与研究》,1998年第4期,第113页。
28 Allen D.Hertzke,"An Assessment of the Mainline Churches Since 1945," in James E.Wood Jr.and Derek Davis,eds,The Role of Religion in the Making of Public Policy,Waco,TX:Dawson Institute for Church-State studies,1991.
29[美]艾伦·D.赫茨克,《在华盛顿代表上帝》,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译,上海世纪出版 集团,2003年版,第41页。
30 同上,第37-39页。
31 所谓“中国门”(Chinagate)也称“捐款门”(Donorgate)或“政治现金案”,指的是1996年克林顿在争取连任中所谓中国资金注入问题。参见Simon Back,"Renewed Threat Looms on MFN Trading States",South China Morning Post,Mar 19,p.8;Amy Borrus,Pete Engardio and Dexter Robert,"The China Connection's Boeing Connection:A Possible Link Between the Plane Maker and John Huang",Business Week,March 31,1997,p.37;en Ullmann and Paula Dwyer,"Why Beijing and Business Should Worry About Donorgate",Business Week,May 1997,p.53.转引自陶文钊主编:《冷战后美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第310页。
32 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
33 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
34 根据鲍尔本人在1997年6月17日众议院筹款委员会贸易小组委员会举行的听证会上对其组织的介绍。见“Prepared Statement of Gary L Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
35 有关家庭研究会的历史和现状,参加其网站 http://www.frc.org
36 Gary Bauer,"Why People of Faith Must Challenge China",The Washington Post,Apr13,1997,p.c-2.
37 "Prepared Statement of Gary L.Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
38 Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
39 Nisha Gopalan,"Dogfight over MFN Renewal",South China Morning Post,Hong Kong:April 27,1997,p.2.
4o Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
41 Robert S.Greenberger,"China's MFN Status Appears Less Certain Amid Worries",Asian Wall Street Journal,April 16,1997.p.1.
42 刘澎:“宗教右翼及其与后冷战时期的美国政治”,载牛军:《克林顿治下的美国》,中国社会科学出版社,1998年版,第324页。
43 Bruce B.Auster,"Making Conservatives Antsy over China",U.S.News & World Report,June30,1997,vol.122,Iss.25,p.34.
44 Eduardo Lachica,"China' s Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
45 Walter Shapiro,"China and Trade,and An Unlikely Grusade",USA Today,May 9,1997,p.02-A.
46 袁征:“利益集团政治与美国对华政策”,载《当代亚太》,2000年第6期,第11页。
47 David Rogers,"House Backs China's MFN Trade Status—Vote of 259—173 Is a Victory for Business,but s can Seek Other Sanctions",Wall Street Journal,June25,1997,p.A-2.
1 Alien D.Hcrtzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p184.
2 徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》,第二辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第515页。
3 根据保罗·马歇尔的分析,目前世界上大概有2亿基督徒生活在严重的迫害之下。Paul Marshall,Their Blood Cries Out,Dallas:Word,1997.
4 王岽兴:“美国《1998年国际宗教自由法》及对中美关系的影响评析”,《东南亚研究》,2005年第5期,第67页。
5 Michael Horowitz,New Intolerance Between Crescent and Cross,The Wall Street Journal July 5,1995.
6 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
7 肯尼斯.D.沃尔德撰,段琦译:“宗教团体对中美关系进展的影响”,《世界宗教研究》,1999年第1期。
8 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
9 Allen D.Hertzke and Daniel Phipott,Defending the Faith,The National Interest,issue.61,Fall 2000,p74.
10 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.171-172.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
11 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," p.168.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
12 沃尔夫在人权问题上立场强硬,在国会内外均有追随者,1997年因其隐瞒议员身份来我国西藏而在所谓人权圈子里名声大噪;然而斯佩克特在社会问题上的观点较为自由,且并未利用其政治资源支持众议院法案,且他在其他议案上因得罪参议员外交委员会主席赫尔姆斯(Jesse Helms)使其在此法案的通过上成事不足败事有余。
13 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and
Belief," pp.174-175.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
14 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p.82.
15 T.Jeremy Gunn,A Preliminary Response to Criticisms of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998,Brighnm Dung University Law Review,Sep.2000,vol.2000,issue3,p.843.
16 各教会对反宗教迫害立法的态度可参见Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution," The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,pp.79-87;Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,pp.79-101,pp204-208.
17 约翰·汉福德是印第安那州共和党参议员理查德·卢格(Richard Lugar)的助手;威廉·英博登曾先后为乔治亚州民主党参议员萨姆·纳恩(Sam Nunn)和得克萨斯州共和党议员汤姆·迪莱(Tom Delay)工作;劳拉·布赖恩是田纳西州民主党议员鲍勃·克莱门特(Bob Clement)的助手,下嫁约翰·汉福德后改姓汉福德;史蒂夫·莫菲特是俄克拉荷马州共和党参议员唐·尼古拉斯(Don Nickles)的外交顾问。其中,劳拉·布赖恩还是“1998年国际宗教自由法”的最初起草人。
18 Religious persecution as a U.S.Policy Issue,Proceedings of a Consultation.held at Trinity College,Hartford,September 26-27,1999.ed.Rosalind I.J.Hackett,Mark Silk,and Dennis Hoover,Hartford,CT:Center for the Study of Religion,2000.
19 徐以骅,“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法”,第531页。
20 David E.Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill to Punish Nations That Persecute Religion:Measure Doomed by Split Among Republicans," The New York Times(July 24,1998),A1.
21 签署这封信的福音派领导有比尔·阿姆斯特朗(Bill Armstrong),加里·鲍尔(Gray Bauer),查克·科尔森(Chuck Colson),吉姆·杜布森(Jim Dobson),布兰特 古斯达夫逊(Brant Gustavson),唐纳德·霍德尔(Donald Hodel),帕特·诺兰(Pat Nolan),帕特·罗伯逊(Pat Robertson).Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,pp.230-231.
22 Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill," A1.Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p233.
23 徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”,第533页。
24 包括改善外交及移民和规划局官员的训练、接触非政府组织和宗教囚犯、对支持宗教自由的团体提供经济援助、对宗教团体使用使馆设施与非宗教团体一视同仁、建立宗教囚犯名单、在宗教领域促进国际交流、对有关外交人员提供奖励等。
25 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.179.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
26 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Faith Factor in Foreign Policy:Religious Constituencies and Congressional Initiative on Human Rights," Extensions(Spring 2001).p17.
27 Steven A.Holmes,"GOP Leaders Back Bill on Religious Persecution," New York Times, Seotember 11,1997,A3.
28 有学者指出,20世纪90年代中期福音派的最主要行动并不是反对宗教迫害,而是“信守诺言者”(“Promise Keepers”)的出现,通过强调男性的责任而致力于重建家庭和文化的重要地位。Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution",The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p84.
29 Chris Casteel,"House Panel Gives Blessing to School Prayer Amendment," The Daily Oklahoman,March 5,1998.
30 Samuel Huntington,The Third Wave:Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century,Norman:University of Oklahoma Press,1991.
31 Steven A.Holmes,"G.O.P.leaders Back Bill on Religious Persecution," New York Times,September 11,1997,A3.
32 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p197.
33 Ken Silverstein,"So You Want to Trade with a Dictator," Mother Jones,May/June 1998.
34 Jacob Heilbrunn,"The Sanctions Sellout",New Republic,May 25,1998.
35 奥尔布莱特在任时虽然公开声称反对IRFA,但其离任后态度有所转变,主张加强美国外交中对宗教自由问题的关注,具体可参见其新出版的专著,Madeleine Albright,The Mighty and the Almighty,Harper Collins Public,2006.
36 Elaine Sciolino,"On Sanctions,Clinton Details Threat to Truth," New York Times,April 28,1998.
37 Ken Silverstein,"So You Want to Trade with a Dictator," Mother Jones,May/June 1998.转引自.Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p205.
38 关于自由派教会的外交参与方式,见Allen D.Hertzke,"An Assessment of Mainline Churches since 1945," in James J.Wood Jr.and Derek Davis,eds.,The Role of Religion in the Making of Public Policy,Waco,Tex:Dawson Institute,1991.
39 News Release,"Activist Speaks Out on Proposed Legislation," September 15,1997,United Church of Christ.转引自 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution," The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p91.
40 有关自由派内部的精英领袖与普通教众之间态度的分歧,可参阅James Adams,The Growing Church Lobby in Washington(Grand Rapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,1970);Jeffrey Hadden,The Gathering Storm in the Churches(Garden City,N.Y.:Doubleday,1969);Harold Ouinley,The Prophetic Clergy(New York:Wiley,1974),Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004.
41 Mary McGrory,"The Man Who Won't Give Up," Washington Post,August 31,1997.
42 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p184.
43 S.1868:The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998.
44 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p84.
45 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p85.
46 Paul Marshall,Their Blood Cries Out,Dallas:Word,1997,p75.
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2 Leo P.Ribuffo,"Religion in the History of U.S.Foreign Policy",in Eliot Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefiled Pubfishers,Inc.,2001,pp1-27.转引自徐以骅:“宗教与当前中美关系及其未来走势(提纲)”,载《宗教非政府组织学术研讨会会议手册》,复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院宗教与美国研究中心,2007年6月15日,第328页。
3 2006年12月里布福教授在复旦大学美国研究中心作访问期间的访谈。
4[美]艾伦·D.赫茨克,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝——宗教游说在美国政体中的作用》,上海世纪出版集团,2003年版。
5 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing God's children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2004.
6 Samuel P.Huntington,"Religious Persecution and Religious Relevance in Today's World",Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
7 Madeleine Albright,The Mighty and the Almighty,Harper Collins Public,2006.
8 J.Bryan Hehir,"Religious Freedom and U.S.Foreign Policy:Categories and Choices",Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001.
9 Andrew Kohut,John C.Green,Scott Keeter,and Robert C.Toth,The Diminishing Divide,Brookings Institution Press,2000.
10 Robert Booth Fowler,Allen D.Hertzke,Laura R.Olson.Religion and Politics in America:Faith,Culture,& Strategic Choices,Boulder,Clorado:Westview Press,1999.
11 K.R.Dark,Religion and International Relations,Macmillan Press Ltd,2000.
12 Marie Griffith,Melani Mcalister,"Religion and Politics in the Contemporary United States",American Quarterly,September 2007 Volume 59,Number 3.
13 Scott M.Thomas,The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations——The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-First Century.New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2005:99.
14 David L.Bender,Religion in America,Greenhaven Press,Inc,1989.
15 Albert J.Menendez,Religion at the Polls,Philadelphia,Pennsylvania:Westminster Press,1977.
16 周琪:《美国人权外交政策》,上海人民出版社,2001年版。
17 王立新:《意识形态与美国外交政策》,北京大学出版社,2007年版。
18 徐以骅,《宗教与当前美国外交政策》,和平与发展,2008年第1期。
19 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的“路线图”》(第一辑),时事出版社,2002年版。
20 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——网络时代的宗教》(第三辑),时事出版社,2005年版,第443-474页。
21 徐以骅:“美国关于国民宗教的一场辩论”,《复旦学报》1990年第5期。
22 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的“路线图”》(第一辑),时事出版社,2002年版。
23 刘澎:“美国的政教关系”,《美国研究》,2001年第3期;冯春凤:“美国宗教与政治关系现状”,《世界宗教研究》,2000年第3期:董小川:《二十世纪的美国宗教与政治》,人民出版社,2002年版;博士论文:何宗强:《宗教与美国政治关系综论》,中国社会科学院究生院,2002年5月。
24 Chailes Homer,"China' s Christian Connections",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy
25 Jason Kindopp,Carol Lee Hamrin,"God and Caesar in China——Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions",The Brookings Institution Press,2004.
26 肖虹:“美国对华关系中的宗教问题”,《中国宗教》,1999年第2期。
27 杨卫东:“宗教自由与中美关系”,《现代国际关系》,2001年第12期,第35页。
28 陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版。
29 孙哲等著:《美国国会与中美关系案例与分析》,时事出版社,2003年版。
30 王生才:“论宗教问题对中国外交的影响”,《国际论坛》,2006年版第9期,第48-51页。
31 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,Preface,3.
32 艾伦·D.·赫茨克著,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝:宗教在美国整体中的作用》,上海人民出版社,2003年版,第6页。
33 Mark R.Amstutz,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
34 Andrew S.Natsios,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy",ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy.
35 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
36 Gary Bauer,"Why People of Faith Must Challenge China",The Washington Post,Apr13,1997,p.c-2.,"Prepared Statement of Gary L.Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
37 Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
38 李寿祺:《利益集团与美国政治》,中国社会科学出版社,1988年版。
39 袁征:“利益集团政治与美国对华政策”,《当代亚太》,2000年第6期,第11页。
40 王勇:“美国对华政策中的利益集团因素”,《战略与研究》,1998年第4期,第113页。
41 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
42 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.171-172.
43 David E.Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill to Punish Nations That Persecute Religion:Measure Doomed by Split Among Republicans," The New York Times,July 24,1998,Al.
44 载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),时事出版社,2003年版。
45 杨卫东:“抹上宗教灵光的中国人权外交—谈《1998年国际宗教自由法》与美国人权外交”,《人权》,2002年第6期,第47页。
46 王岽兴:“美国(1998年国际宗教自由法》及对中美关系的影响评析”,《东南亚研究》,2005年第5期,第66页。
47 张训谋:“美国《1998年国际宗教自由法案》”,《中国宗教》,1999年第6期,第31-33页。
48 王鸣鸣:“美国政府外交政策中的宗教因素”,《国际经济评论》,2005年第(1-2)期。
49 程乃胜:“美国宪法与美国宗教信仰自由”,《安徽师范大学学报》(人文社会科学版),2000年第2期,第49-53页。
1 Kenneth Thompson,Beliefs and Ideology,Chichester,West Sussex:Ellis Horwood,1986,p.38;罗伯特·鲍柯克、肯尼斯·汤普森编,龚方震、陈耀廷等译:《宗教与意识形态》,四川人民出版社,1992年版,第318-319页。
2 Jack Donnelly,"Human Rights",Encyclopedia of U.S.Foreign Relations,ed.by Brance W.Jentleson and Thomas G.Paterson,Second Editions,Vol.2,p.334.
3 Gilles Kepel,The Revenge of God:The Resurgence of Islam,Christianity,and the Judaism in the Modern World(University Park,Pa.:Pennsylvania State University Press,1994).转引自徐以骅《试析美国“1998年国际宗教自由法”》,徐以骅主编《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),2005年版,第520页。
4 Samuel P.Huntington,"Religious Persecution and Religious Relevance in Today's World," in Elliott Abrams,ed..The Influence of Faith[A].Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy[M].Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001,p62.转引同上。
5 Elliott Abrams,North America,Latin America,and Religious Freedom,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom in Latin America and the New Millennium",October 10-12,1998,Sheraton Mofarrej Hotel,Sao Paolo,Brazil,http://www.religiousfreedom.com
6 可参阅 Leo P.Ribuffo,"Religion in the History of U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy(Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc,2001),pp.1-31.
7 这些地区和国际性人权保障公约或宣言还包括《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》、《公民权利及政治权利国际公约》、《禁止并惩治种族隔离罪行国际公约》、《消除基于宗教或信仰原因的一切形式的不容忍和歧视宣言》、《赫尔辛基最终法案》、《美洲人权公约》等。联合国大会1948年12月10日通过的《世界人权宣言》的第十八条称:“人人有思想、良心和宗教自由的权利;此项权利包括改变他的宗教或信仰的自由;以及单独或集体、公开或秘密地以教义、实践、礼拜和戒律表示他的宗教或信仰的自由。”此条款已成为所有涉及宗教和信仰自由的国际公约和宣言的基础文本,并在联合国大会1981年11月25日决议通过的《消除基于宗教或信仰原因的一切形式的不容忍和歧视的宣言》中得到进一步阐述。以上内容转引 自徐以骅:《试析美国‘1998年国际宗教自由法'》,载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》(第二辑),时事出版社,2005年版,第517页。
8 同上。
9 资中筠编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,北京:三联书店,2003年3月,第31页。
10 李芳:“从1992年美国大选看基督教新右派的影响”,载《世界宗教研究》,1994年第1期。
11 林宏宇著:《白宫的诱惑,美国总统选举政治研究1952—2004》,天津人民出版社,2006年版,第107页。
12 资中筠主编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,北京:三联书店,2000年版,第31页。
13 裴孝贤:“宗教在美国社会中的地位”,载《美国研究》,1998年第4期,第44页。
14 卓新平、许志伟:《基督宗教研究》,宗教文化出版社,2002年版,第603页。
15 杨叙编著:《外国习俗丛书——美国》,世界知识出版社,1989年版,第14页。
16 Thomas C.Reeves,"Not So Christian American," First Things,October 1996,p.16.部分数字引自 George Gallup,Jr.,"Religion in America:Will the Vitality of Churches Be the Surprise of the Next Century," The Public Perspective,October-November 1995,p.1ff.
17 "The Counter-attack of God",The Economist,July 8,1995,p.19.
18 George Cornell,"Measures of Interest Don't Equate with Coverage of Religion and Sports",The Associated Press,April 22,1994.
19 黄也平:《今日美国全书》,中国城市出版社,1997年版,第847-848页。
20 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States,Washington D.C.,Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p173.
21 具体各州的占主流的宗教情况参见 Albert J.Menendez,Religion at the Polls(Philadelphia,Pennsylvania:Westminster Press,1977).
22 Brookings Review,Spring 1999,p.12.
23 "American Survey:New Men for Jesus," The Economist,June 3,1995,pp.29-30.
24 肯·阿曼德对迈克尔·诺瓦克的采访,见“Seeking the Good Life”,The Washingtonian,December,1996,p.38.福格尔演讲节录到The American Enterprise,November-December 1995,pp.79-80,他与诺瓦克的观点有些不同,认为第四次大觉醒“开始于60年代前后对刺激感官也摧毁灵魂的自我放纵方式的反逆中”。拉尔夫·里德在其著作的第二章也论述了同样的历史话题,见Ralph Reed,Active Faith(New York:The Free Press,1996),pp.27-69.转引自裴孝贤:“宗教在美国社会中的地位”,载《美国研究》,1998年第4期,第44页。
25 刘澎:“宗教对美国社会政治的影响”,载《瞭望》新闻周刊,1996年第5期,第40页。
26 U.S.,Census Bureau,Statistical Abstract of the United States:2000,p.62..
27 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States,DC:Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p.176.
28 据一些学者1992年的一项研究,美国所有坚持福音派传统的白人新教徒中福音派占47%,大公会中的基要派占15%,其它基要派占17%,灵恩派占12%,大公会中的五旬节派占9%。见Cldye Wileox,Onward Christian Soldiers?The Religious Right in American Politics,Boulder,Colorado:Westview Press,1996,p.47.转引自徐以骅“宗教新右翼与美国外交政 策”,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——美国宗教的‘路线图'》,第一辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第83页。
29 84%的白人福音派反对允许同性婚姻,73%表示反对同性恋者的“生活伴侣登记”。在此问题上,他们和民众的观点差距并不大:只有25%的人支持同性婚姻,35%的人支持登记生活伴侣。参加David Brooks,"The Values Vote Myth",New York Times on the Web,November 6,2004(14-11-2005).
30 Kenneth Wald,presentation to Institute of World Religion,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,June 15,1998.
31 Clyde Wilcox,"Wither the Christian Right? The Elections and Beyond",in Clyde Wilcox and Stephen J.Wayne,ed.,The Election of Century,Armonk,N.Y.,London,2002,p.116.
32[德]曼弗雷德·布洛克尔,“美国基督教右派”,载《国际政治研究》 2007年第2期,第94页。
33 杨卫东:“抹上宗教灵光的人权外交——谈《1998年国际宗教自由法》与美国人权外交”,载《环球观察》,2002年第6期,第48页。
34 肯尼斯·雷,约翰·布鲁尔编,尤存、牛军译:《被遗忘的大使司徒雷登驻华报告,1946—1949》,江苏人民出版社,1990年版,第255页。
35 《华尔街日报》,1980年1月15日。
36 刘连第、汪大为编著:《中美关系的转迹——建交以来大事纵览》,时事出版社,1995年版,第107、299页。
37 同上,第93页。
38 同上,第247页。
39 哈里·哈丁:《脆弱的关系:1972年以来的美国和中国》,三联书店(香港)有限公司,1993年版,第229-230页。
40 “新的人权战略”具体内容有:第一,要求美国企业界同政府一道促进中国人权事业;第二,使改善中国人权状况的努力多样化,把中国人权问题列入国际论坛议程;第三,增设对华国际广播,包括自由亚洲电台、美国之音对华电视报道等;第四,支持中国的各种非政府人权组织等。
41 刘连第:《中美关系的轨迹——1993年-2000年大事纵览》,时事出版社,2001年版,第160页。
42 陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第211页。
43 唐·阿格:“宗教自由:美国宗教领袖代表团访华报告”,载《基督教文化学刊》,2000年第3期306-318页。
44 "President Clinton Meets China-Bound Religious Leaders",Bulletin,February 3,1998,pp.27-28.
45 《1993年—2000年大事纵览》,第195-196页。“Religious Leaders Report Success in Opening China Dialogue”,Bulletin,March 20,1998,pp.14-17.转引自陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第212页。
46 “中国宗教领袖美国行”,《瞭望新闻周刊》,2000年9月25日,第39期。
47 《人民日报》,2001年5月6日。
48 《宗教领袖和人权专家评美国宗教报告》,《人权》,2003年第3期,第44-49页。
49 布什在清华大学演讲全文,http://news.sohu.com/45/15/news147951545.shtml
50 http://www.cnr.cn/home/column/bush/zxbd/200202220038.html
51 叶小文:“中国的宗教和宗教政策——在洛杉机美国西部基督教人士研讨会上的演讲”,载《人权》,2003年第3期,第38页。
52 同上,第39-40页。
53 《“中国教会事工展”在美国巡展引起广泛关注》,chineseprotestantchurch.org/News/hot/200606.转载自陶文钊主编:《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第214页。
54[美]肯尼斯 D.沃尔德撰,段琦译,“宗教团体对中美关系进展的影响”,载《世界宗教研究》,1999年第1期,第142页。
1 任晓,沈丁立:《保守主义理念与美国外交政策》,上海:上海三联书店,2003年版。
2[法]德·托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,董果良译,商务印书馆,1993年版,第335-339页,第676页。
3[美]托马斯·帕特森:《美国外交政策》(上册),中国社会科学出版社,1988年版,第292页。
4 以下有关基督新教三个传统的提法,参见于鸣鸣:“美国政府外交决策中的宗教因素”,载《国际经济评论》,2005年1-2期,第54页。
5[法]阿列克西·托克维尔著,董果良译:《论美国的民主》,上卷,商务印书馆,1988年,第36页。
6 John Winthrop,"A Model of Christian Charity," in Mark Noll and Roger Lundin,eds.,Voices from the Heart:Four Centuries of American Piety,MI:Eerdmans,1987,pp.4-6.
7 Denis M.Bostdroff,The Presidency and the Rhetoric of Foreign Policy,South Carolina University Press,1994,p177.
8 Joseph S.Nye,Jr.,"Soft Power",Foreign Policy,No 80,Fall 1990,pp.153-171.
9 Abrams,North America,Latin America,and Religious Freedom,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom in Latin America and the New Millennium",October 10-12,1998,Sheraton Mofarrej Hotel,Sao Paolo,Brazil,http://www.religiousfreedom.com
10 国际宗教自由无任所大使约翰·汉福德(John Hanford)2004年9月15日在发表美国国务院“2004年国际宗教自由年度报告”的新闻发布会上的讲话,参见徐以骅:《试析美国“1998年国际宗教自由法”》,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会》第二辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第539页。
11 转引自徐以骅:《宗教与当前中美关系及其未来走势》,“宗教非政府组织学术研讨会会议手册”,复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院宗教与国际关系研究中心,2007年6月15日。见 Christopher A.Hall,"Truth,Pluralism,and Religious Diplomacy:A Christian Dialogical Perspective," in Religion & Security:The New Nexus in International Relations Religion &Security:The New Nexus in International Relations,pp.84-87.
12[美]路易斯·戴蒙德,约翰·麦克唐纳,李永辉等译:《多轨外交——通向和平的多体系途径》,北京大学出版社,2006年版,第1页。
13[美]路易斯·戴蒙德,约翰·麦克唐纳,李永辉等译:《多轨外交——通向和平的多体系途径》,北京大学出版社,2006年版,第107页。
14 关于“以信仰为基础的外交”定义,详见徐以骅:“宗教与当前美国外交政策”,载《和平与发展》,2008年1月10日,第62-63页。
15 资中筠主编:《冷眼向洋——百年风云启示录》,三联书店,2000年版,第31页。
16 John C.Bennett,Foreign Policy in Christian Perspective,New York:Scribners,1966,p36.
17 George F.Kennan,"Morality and Foreign Policy," Foreign Affairs,winter 1985-1986,205-18.
18 "Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.foreign Policy,",p177.
19 Morrell Heald,Lawrence S.Kaplan.Culture and Diplomacy:The American Experience,Westport,Conn:Greenwood Press,1997.
20 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press,"The Diminishing Divide:American Churches and American Politics," 1996,p1,p 6.
21 王涛:“试析宗教文化对美国外交的影响”,载《河南社会科学》,2005年7月,第98页。
22 Garry Wills,Under God—Religion and American Politics,New York:Freedom and Duty Press,1990,p.38.
23 Garry Wills,Under God—Religion and American Politics,New York:Freedom and Duty Press,1990,p.20.
24 George Gallup,Jr.,Jim Castelli,The People's Religion:American Faith in the 90's Macmillan 1989,p.227.
25 Ted G.Jelen,Religion and Political Behavior in the United States,New York:Westwood Publishing Inc.,1989,p.231.
26 Robert B.Fowler,Religious History of the America.The Scarecrow Press,Inc.,Metuchen,N.J.& London 1985,p.67,p.121.
27 Alan Cooperman,Thomas B.Edsall,"Evangelicals say they led charge for the GOP",Washington Post,Nov.8.2004,pageA01.
28 Kenneth D.Wald.Religion and Politics in the United States,DC:Congressional Quarterly Inc.,1997,p.156.
29 John C.Green,Mark J.Rozell,Clyde Wilcox,eds.,Prayers in the Precines:the Christian Right in the 1998Elections,DC:Georgetown University Press,2000,p.8.
30 Alan Cooperman,Thomas B.Edsall,"Evangelicals say they led charge for the GOP",Washington Post,Nov.8,2004,PageA01.
31 The Status of RFRA,on June 25,1997,http://www.relifiousfreedom.org/rfratop.html.
32 Toby Roth,U.S.Foreign Policy:The Moral Focus,Delivered at the International Coalition for Religious Freedom Conference on "Religious Freedom and the New Millennium" Tokyo,Japan,May 23-25,1998,http://www.religiousfreedom.com.
1 加布里埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、小G·宾厄姆·鲍威尔:《比较政治学:体系、过程和政策》,上海译文出版社,1987年版,第200页。
2 李道揆:《美国政府和美国政治》,商务印书馆,1999年版,第274页。
3 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles (Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994),Preface,3.
4 宗教非政府行为体可分为次国家行为体(Substate Actors)、跨国行为体(Transnational Actors) 和政府间组织(Inter-Governmental Organizations) o Scott M.Thomas,The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations——The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-First Century,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2005,p99.
5 Robert Wuthnow and Virginia A.Hodgkinson(eds.),Faith and Philanthropy in America:Exploring the Role of Religion in America's Voluntary Sector(San Francisco:Jossey-Bass,1900);Robert Wuthnow(ed.),Between States and Markets:The Voluntary Sector in Comparative Perspective(Princeton:Princeton University Press,1991);Robert Wuthnow and John H.Evans(eds.) The Quite Hand of God:Faith-Based Activism and the Public Role of Mainline Protestantism(Berkeley,CA:University of California Press,2003).
6 Andrew S.Natsios,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith:Religious Groups and U.S.Foreign Policy(Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc.,2001),191.
7 刘澎:《当代美国宗教》,社会科学文献出版社 2001年,第33页。
8 Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,pp.165-166.
9 转引自 Mark R.Amstutz,"Faith-Based NGOs and U.S.Foreign Policy," in Elliott Abrams,ed.,The Influence of Faith:Religious Groups and U.S.Foreign Policy,Lanham,Maryland:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,Inc.,2001,p175.
10 Edward Luttwak,"The Missing Dimension," in Douglas Johnston and Cuythia Sampson,ed.,Religion:The Missing Dimension of Statecraft,New York:Oxford University Press,1994,p9.
11[美]杰里尔·A·罗赛蒂著,周启明、傅耀祖译:《美国对外政策的政治学》,世界知识 出版社,1996年,第408页。
12 Luke Eugene Ebersole,Church Lobbying in the Nation's Capital,New York:Macmillan,1951.
13[美]艾伦·D.·赫茨克著,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译:《在华盛顿代表上帝:宗教游说在美国政体中的作用》,上海人民出版社 2003年,第5页。
14 美国学者保罗·J·韦伯(Paul J.Weber)和W·兰迪斯·琼斯(W.landis Jones)在其1994年出版的工具书《美国宗教利益集团》中,按政策领域将美国宗教利益集团分为以下类别:反堕胎,25个;支持堕胎,13个;政教关系,18个;民权38个;教育,30个;食品、失业、移民、灾难救济,31个;外交政策41个;反淫秽品,10个;世界和平与军备控制,19个;其他19个。该书所统计的120个宗教利益团体实际上指的是与宗教问题有关的利益团体,因其中还包括美国无神论组织、美国伦理联合会、美国公民自由联盟等少数非宗教组织。除以外交为重点的41个宗教利益集团外,他类利益团体如以世界和平与军备控制为政策重点的利益团体当然也与外交政策有关。此外,某一宗教利益团体的政策重点可以有两个或两个以上。见Paul J.Weber and W.landis Jones,U.S.Religious Interest Groups:Institutional Profiles,Westport,Connecticut:Greenwood Press,1994,169-176.
15 Daniel J.B.Hofrenning,In Washington but Not of It:The Prophetic Politics of Religious Lobbyists,Philadelphia:Temple University Press,1995.
16 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第6页。
17 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第7页。
18 杰弗里·贝里:《利益集团社会》,利特尔·布朗出版公司,1984年版。转引自《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第2页。
19 最高法院在审理诉讼之前需要确定处于不利地位的少数团体一方在为自己申辩时合乎宪法的程度,因此许多宗教团体通过“法院之友”方式提交书面文件来表达自己的观点,这在某种程度上成为游说法院的一种有效方式。
20 《在华盛顿代表上帝》,第67页。
21 Kenneth D.Wald,Religion and Politics in the United States.University of Florida,Cainesville,1996,p126.
22 雷雨田:《上帝与美国人——基督教与美国社会》,上海人民出版社,1994年,第285-286页。
23 Ted G.Jelen,Religion and Political Behavior in the United States,Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data,1989,p181.
24 肖红:“美国对华关系中的宗教问题”,载《中国宗教》 1999年,第5期,第32页。
25 雷雨田:《上帝与美国人——基督教与美国社会》,上海人民出版社,1994年,第117页。
26 同上,第101页。
27 王勇:“美国对华政策中的利益集团因素”,载《战略与研究》,1998年第4期,第113页。
28 Allen D.Hertzke,"An Assessment of the Mainline Churches Since 1945," in James E.Wood Jr.and Derek Davis,eds,The Role of Religion in the Making of Public Policy,Waco,TX:Dawson Institute for Church-State studies,1991.
29[美]艾伦·D.赫茨克,《在华盛顿代表上帝》,徐以骅、黄凯、吴志浩译,上海世纪出版 集团,2003年版,第41页。
30 同上,第37-39页。
31 所谓“中国门”(Chinagate)也称“捐款门”(Donorgate)或“政治现金案”,指的是1996年克林顿在争取连任中所谓中国资金注入问题。参见Simon Back,"Renewed Threat Looms on MFN Trading States",South China Morning Post,Mar 19,p.8;Amy Borrus,Pete Engardio and Dexter Robert,"The China Connection's Boeing Connection:A Possible Link Between the Plane Maker and John Huang",Business Week,March 31,1997,p.37;en Ullmann and Paula Dwyer,"Why Beijing and Business Should Worry About Donorgate",Business Week,May 1997,p.53.转引自陶文钊主编:《冷战后美国对华政策》,重庆出版社,2006年版,第310页。
32 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
33 Eduardo Lachica,"China's Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
34 根据鲍尔本人在1997年6月17日众议院筹款委员会贸易小组委员会举行的听证会上对其组织的介绍。见“Prepared Statement of Gary L Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
35 有关家庭研究会的历史和现状,参加其网站 http://www.frc.org
36 Gary Bauer,"Why People of Faith Must Challenge China",The Washington Post,Apr13,1997,p.c-2.
37 "Prepared Statement of Gary L.Bauer,President of Family Research Council,before the Subcommittee on Trade of House Committee on Ways and Means",Federal News Service,June 17,1997,Tuesday.见数据库 Lexisnexis http//www.Lexisnexis.com
38 Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
39 Nisha Gopalan,"Dogfight over MFN Renewal",South China Morning Post,Hong Kong:April 27,1997,p.2.
4o Robert S.Greenberger and David Rogers,"Internecine MFN Fight Rips Republicans —Religious Right,Business Groups Clash Bitterly on U.S.—China Trade",Asian Wall Street Journal,June 24,1997,p.2.
41 Robert S.Greenberger,"China's MFN Status Appears Less Certain Amid Worries",Asian Wall Street Journal,April 16,1997.p.1.
42 刘澎:“宗教右翼及其与后冷战时期的美国政治”,载牛军:《克林顿治下的美国》,中国社会科学出版社,1998年版,第324页。
43 Bruce B.Auster,"Making Conservatives Antsy over China",U.S.News & World Report,June30,1997,vol.122,Iss.25,p.34.
44 Eduardo Lachica,"China' s Dollars Are Folly for Morality Inc.—Human—Rights Advocates in U.S.Fight Rules for Approving Trade Status",Asian Wall Street Journal,Jun19,1997,p.12.
45 Walter Shapiro,"China and Trade,and An Unlikely Grusade",USA Today,May 9,1997,p.02-A.
46 袁征:“利益集团政治与美国对华政策”,载《当代亚太》,2000年第6期,第11页。
47 David Rogers,"House Backs China's MFN Trade Status—Vote of 259—173 Is a Victory for Business,but s can Seek Other Sanctions",Wall Street Journal,June25,1997,p.A-2.
1 Alien D.Hcrtzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p184.
2 徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”,徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会——多元一体的美国宗教》,第二辑,时事出版社,2004年版,第515页。
3 根据保罗·马歇尔的分析,目前世界上大概有2亿基督徒生活在严重的迫害之下。Paul Marshall,Their Blood Cries Out,Dallas:Word,1997.
4 王岽兴:“美国《1998年国际宗教自由法》及对中美关系的影响评析”,《东南亚研究》,2005年第5期,第67页。
5 Michael Horowitz,New Intolerance Between Crescent and Cross,The Wall Street Journal July 5,1995.
6 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
7 肯尼斯.D.沃尔德撰,段琦译:“宗教团体对中美关系进展的影响”,《世界宗教研究》,1999年第1期。
8 Jacob Heilbrunn,Christian Rights,The New Republic,July 7,1997.
9 Allen D.Hertzke and Daniel Phipott,Defending the Faith,The National Interest,issue.61,Fall 2000,p74.
10 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.171-172.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
11 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," p.168.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
12 沃尔夫在人权问题上立场强硬,在国会内外均有追随者,1997年因其隐瞒议员身份来我国西藏而在所谓人权圈子里名声大噪;然而斯佩克特在社会问题上的观点较为自由,且并未利用其政治资源支持众议院法案,且他在其他议案上因得罪参议员外交委员会主席赫尔姆斯(Jesse Helms)使其在此法案的通过上成事不足败事有余。
13 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and
Belief," pp.174-175.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
14 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p.82.
15 T.Jeremy Gunn,A Preliminary Response to Criticisms of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998,Brighnm Dung University Law Review,Sep.2000,vol.2000,issue3,p.843.
16 各教会对反宗教迫害立法的态度可参见Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution," The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,pp.79-87;Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,pp.79-101,pp204-208.
17 约翰·汉福德是印第安那州共和党参议员理查德·卢格(Richard Lugar)的助手;威廉·英博登曾先后为乔治亚州民主党参议员萨姆·纳恩(Sam Nunn)和得克萨斯州共和党议员汤姆·迪莱(Tom Delay)工作;劳拉·布赖恩是田纳西州民主党议员鲍勃·克莱门特(Bob Clement)的助手,下嫁约翰·汉福德后改姓汉福德;史蒂夫·莫菲特是俄克拉荷马州共和党参议员唐·尼古拉斯(Don Nickles)的外交顾问。其中,劳拉·布赖恩还是“1998年国际宗教自由法”的最初起草人。
18 Religious persecution as a U.S.Policy Issue,Proceedings of a Consultation.held at Trinity College,Hartford,September 26-27,1999.ed.Rosalind I.J.Hackett,Mark Silk,and Dennis Hoover,Hartford,CT:Center for the Study of Religion,2000.
19 徐以骅,“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法”,第531页。
20 David E.Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill to Punish Nations That Persecute Religion:Measure Doomed by Split Among Republicans," The New York Times(July 24,1998),A1.
21 签署这封信的福音派领导有比尔·阿姆斯特朗(Bill Armstrong),加里·鲍尔(Gray Bauer),查克·科尔森(Chuck Colson),吉姆·杜布森(Jim Dobson),布兰特 古斯达夫逊(Brant Gustavson),唐纳德·霍德尔(Donald Hodel),帕特·诺兰(Pat Nolan),帕特·罗伯逊(Pat Robertson).Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,pp.230-231.
22 Rosenbaum,"Senate Puts Aside Bill," A1.Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p233.
23 徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”,第533页。
24 包括改善外交及移民和规划局官员的训练、接触非政府组织和宗教囚犯、对支持宗教自由的团体提供经济援助、对宗教团体使用使馆设施与非宗教团体一视同仁、建立宗教囚犯名单、在宗教领域促进国际交流、对有关外交人员提供奖励等。
25 T.Jeremy Gunn,"The United States and the Promotion on Freedom of Religion and Belief," pp.179.转引自徐以骅:“试析美国‘1998年国家宗教自由法'”。
26 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Faith Factor in Foreign Policy:Religious Constituencies and Congressional Initiative on Human Rights," Extensions(Spring 2001).p17.
27 Steven A.Holmes,"GOP Leaders Back Bill on Religious Persecution," New York Times, Seotember 11,1997,A3.
28 有学者指出,20世纪90年代中期福音派的最主要行动并不是反对宗教迫害,而是“信守诺言者”(“Promise Keepers”)的出现,通过强调男性的责任而致力于重建家庭和文化的重要地位。Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution",The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p84.
29 Chris Casteel,"House Panel Gives Blessing to School Prayer Amendment," The Daily Oklahoman,March 5,1998.
30 Samuel Huntington,The Third Wave:Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century,Norman:University of Oklahoma Press,1991.
31 Steven A.Holmes,"G.O.P.leaders Back Bill on Religious Persecution," New York Times,September 11,1997,A3.
32 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p197.
33 Ken Silverstein,"So You Want to Trade with a Dictator," Mother Jones,May/June 1998.
34 Jacob Heilbrunn,"The Sanctions Sellout",New Republic,May 25,1998.
35 奥尔布莱特在任时虽然公开声称反对IRFA,但其离任后态度有所转变,主张加强美国外交中对宗教自由问题的关注,具体可参见其新出版的专著,Madeleine Albright,The Mighty and the Almighty,Harper Collins Public,2006.
36 Elaine Sciolino,"On Sanctions,Clinton Details Threat to Truth," New York Times,April 28,1998.
37 Ken Silverstein,"So You Want to Trade with a Dictator," Mother Jones,May/June 1998.转引自.Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p205.
38 关于自由派教会的外交参与方式,见Allen D.Hertzke,"An Assessment of Mainline Churches since 1945," in James J.Wood Jr.and Derek Davis,eds.,The Role of Religion in the Making of Public Policy,Waco,Tex:Dawson Institute,1991.
39 News Release,"Activist Speaks Out on Proposed Legislation," September 15,1997,United Church of Christ.转引自 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution," The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p91.
40 有关自由派内部的精英领袖与普通教众之间态度的分歧,可参阅James Adams,The Growing Church Lobby in Washington(Grand Rapids,Mich.:Eerdmans,1970);Jeffrey Hadden,The Gathering Storm in the Churches(Garden City,N.Y.:Doubleday,1969);Harold Ouinley,The Prophetic Clergy(New York:Wiley,1974),Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004.
41 Mary McGrory,"The Man Who Won't Give Up," Washington Post,August 31,1997.
42 Allen D.Hertzke,Freeing Cod's Children:The Unlikely Alliance on Global Human Rights,Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2004,p184.
43 S.1868:The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998.
44 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p84.
45 Allen D.Hertzke,"The Political Sociology of the Crusade against Religious Persecution,"The Influence of Faith,Religious Groups & U.S.Foreign Policy,p85.
46 Paul Marshall,Their Blood Cries Out,Dallas:Word,1997,p75.
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