转换生成语法框架下应用于VP省略现象的一种句法—语义分析方法
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摘要
关于VP-ellipsis的研究可追溯到二十世纪七十年代。先前的研究方法一般偏向于单纯的句法方面或语义方面，但较少解决方案能集两者于一身。实际分析显示出单纯的句法或语义方面的考虑都不能恰当地解释VP-ellipsis这种语言现象。基于此考虑，本文将提出一种把句法和语义结合起来的方法：[+tense]理论。该理论具体表述如下：VP-ellipsis存在的必要条件是省略成分之前的部分必须存在着指示语和中心语的呼应，而存在这种关系的前提是功能语类“时态”必须具有[+tense]特性，而具有这种特性的功能语类有两种：限定句中的时态和控制不定式中的to。本文与以往传统语言学家观点的一个不同之处在于：本文认为控制不定式中的to具有[+tense]特性，因此允许后面的VP补语被省略。
本文提出的理论建立在把三种理论综合的基础上，三种理论如下：
1、Fukui和Speas(1986)提出的关于功能语类的分类；
2、Saito和Murasugi(1990)提出只有当功能语类的指示语和中心语之间存在着呼应关系时，该中心语的补语才能被省略；
3、Stowell(1982)指出控制不定式和上升不定式之间的差异是由[±tense]特性决定的。
本文不但考虑到VP-ellipsis句法方面的特点，也会谈及其语义方面。本文将会采纳Ayumi Matsuo的观点：当我们解释目标句时，先行句中所隐含的时间变数必须得被复制到省略句中，该变数是用来表明事件发生的时间信息。关于如何理解VP-ellipsis的语义的方法，笔者认为LF copying比PF deletion更为恰当。
本文还说明了[+tense]理论在最简方案中也能得到合适的解释。接着，本文会浅略分析汉语中相似的省略现象。相对而言，汉语中相似的省略现象更为复杂，在VP-shell理论下可被分为两种：由汉语助动词“是”(相当于英语中的be／do)引起的省略，和汉语空宾语结构。前者可以通过本文所提倡的理论得到解释，但后者则更为复杂。通过VP-shell理论分析可看出汉语和英语的动词省略在结构上是不同的，在汉语空宾语结构中，
ASyntaetie一semantiePersPeetivetoVP一elllPslsintheTransformational一GenerativeFramework
vP一elliPsis实际上发生在主动词到轻动词的移动之后，省略部分紧跟着轻动
词而不是助动词，而英语中的vP一elliPsis是包括轻动词在内的整个动词词
组的省略。英语和汉语在动词短语省略上的差异可通过两种语言中主语的
不同位置得以解释。
The study of VP-ellipsis dates back to the 1970's (e.g. Hankamer and Sag 1976). The previous approaches usually focus on either syntactic or semantic aspect but not both. It is suggested that VP-ellipsis cannot be adequately accounted for under either of them. In this dissertation, a syntactic-semantic approach will be presented, namely, the [+tense] theory: to allow VP-ellipsis, the part preceding the elliptical component must undergo specifier-head agreement. The prerequisite for this relation is that the functional category T is of the property [+tense]. There are two types of functional categories T of that feature: finite T and infinitive particle to in control infinitives. Particularly, it will be argued that infinitive particle to in control infinitives, different from what the conventional approaches have assumed, is of the property [+tense], and therefore, it allows ellipsis of VP complement.
The proposed theory is put forward by synthesizing three theories, to be exact, the proposal of taxonomy of functional categories in Fukui & Speas (1986) , the argument in Lobeck (1991) & Saito & Murasugi (1990) that only functional categories that undergo specifier-head agreement can license ellipsis of their complement, the characterization of the interpretive difference in terms of the feature [+tense] between control infinitivals and raising infinitivals in Stowell (1982) .
In addition to the syntactic feature of the VPE construction, the semantic aspect is also tackled. I follow Ayumi Matsuo and propose that the temporal variable contained in the antecedent is copied into the empty VP when the target clause is interpreted. The variable serves to convey to a VP the information at what time that event takes place. Besides, as far as the semantics of VP-ellipsis is concerned, it is claimed
that the LF copying approach is preferred to the PF deletion approach.
It will be shown that the [+tense] theory also fits properly into the Minimalist Program. After the discussion of the [+tense] theory, a large proportion will be contributed to the more complex Chinese ellipsis constructions, which will be considered in two types under the VP-shell theory: the elided part preceded by auxiliaries shi 'be/do' and the Chinese null object construction. The former type falls into the explaining scope of the proposed [+tense] theory, while the latter involves V-to-v raising plus deletion of the empty VP and therefore VPE takes place following a light verb instead of the Infl node as English VPE does. The difference between English and Chinese ellipsis of verbal phrases is argued to be attributed to the different positions of subjects in English and Chinese.
本文提出的理论建立在把三种理论综合的基础上，三种理论如下：
1、Fukui和Speas(1986)提出的关于功能语类的分类；
2、Saito和Murasugi(1990)提出只有当功能语类的指示语和中心语之间存在着呼应关系时，该中心语的补语才能被省略；
3、Stowell(1982)指出控制不定式和上升不定式之间的差异是由[±tense]特性决定的。
本文不但考虑到VP-ellipsis句法方面的特点，也会谈及其语义方面。本文将会采纳Ayumi Matsuo的观点：当我们解释目标句时，先行句中所隐含的时间变数必须得被复制到省略句中，该变数是用来表明事件发生的时间信息。关于如何理解VP-ellipsis的语义的方法，笔者认为LF copying比PF deletion更为恰当。
本文还说明了[+tense]理论在最简方案中也能得到合适的解释。接着，本文会浅略分析汉语中相似的省略现象。相对而言，汉语中相似的省略现象更为复杂，在VP-shell理论下可被分为两种：由汉语助动词“是”(相当于英语中的be／do)引起的省略，和汉语空宾语结构。前者可以通过本文所提倡的理论得到解释，但后者则更为复杂。通过VP-shell理论分析可看出汉语和英语的动词省略在结构上是不同的，在汉语空宾语结构中，
ASyntaetie一semantiePersPeetivetoVP一elllPslsintheTransformational一GenerativeFramework
vP一elliPsis实际上发生在主动词到轻动词的移动之后，省略部分紧跟着轻动
词而不是助动词，而英语中的vP一elliPsis是包括轻动词在内的整个动词词
组的省略。英语和汉语在动词短语省略上的差异可通过两种语言中主语的
不同位置得以解释。
The study of VP-ellipsis dates back to the 1970's (e.g. Hankamer and Sag 1976). The previous approaches usually focus on either syntactic or semantic aspect but not both. It is suggested that VP-ellipsis cannot be adequately accounted for under either of them. In this dissertation, a syntactic-semantic approach will be presented, namely, the [+tense] theory: to allow VP-ellipsis, the part preceding the elliptical component must undergo specifier-head agreement. The prerequisite for this relation is that the functional category T is of the property [+tense]. There are two types of functional categories T of that feature: finite T and infinitive particle to in control infinitives. Particularly, it will be argued that infinitive particle to in control infinitives, different from what the conventional approaches have assumed, is of the property [+tense], and therefore, it allows ellipsis of VP complement.
The proposed theory is put forward by synthesizing three theories, to be exact, the proposal of taxonomy of functional categories in Fukui & Speas (1986) , the argument in Lobeck (1991) & Saito & Murasugi (1990) that only functional categories that undergo specifier-head agreement can license ellipsis of their complement, the characterization of the interpretive difference in terms of the feature [+tense] between control infinitivals and raising infinitivals in Stowell (1982) .
In addition to the syntactic feature of the VPE construction, the semantic aspect is also tackled. I follow Ayumi Matsuo and propose that the temporal variable contained in the antecedent is copied into the empty VP when the target clause is interpreted. The variable serves to convey to a VP the information at what time that event takes place. Besides, as far as the semantics of VP-ellipsis is concerned, it is claimed
that the LF copying approach is preferred to the PF deletion approach.
It will be shown that the [+tense] theory also fits properly into the Minimalist Program. After the discussion of the [+tense] theory, a large proportion will be contributed to the more complex Chinese ellipsis constructions, which will be considered in two types under the VP-shell theory: the elided part preceded by auxiliaries shi 'be/do' and the Chinese null object construction. The former type falls into the explaining scope of the proposed [+tense] theory, while the latter involves V-to-v raising plus deletion of the empty VP and therefore VPE takes place following a light verb instead of the Infl node as English VPE does. The difference between English and Chinese ellipsis of verbal phrases is argued to be attributed to the different positions of subjects in English and Chinese.
引文
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Becker, Misha. Seem and other hazards of the lexicon. University of Pennsylvania and UNC Chapel Hill. www.unc.edu/～mbecker/papers/cls38becker.doc
Beil, Franz. 1999. On antecedent contained ellipsis. Institute for Computational Linguistics, Universitt Stuttgart. elib.uni-stuttgart.de/opus/volltexte/1999/80/pdf/80.pdf
Boslovic, Zwljko. 1995. Summary: V-raising and VP ellipsis. E-mail: boskovic@uconnvm.uconn.edu
Butler, Jonny. Sequence of tense phenomena and non-eventivity. University of York, UK. www.users.york.ac.uk/～jrcb100/sot_non-event.pdf
Butler, Jonny. 2003. The phrase structure of tense. University of York
Cecchetto, Carlo. Proper Binding Condition effects are phrase impenetrability Condition effects. University of Siena. Forthcoming in: Min-Joo Kim(ed.), Proceedings of NELS 31, GLSA. University of Massachusetts, Amherst.www.ciscl.unisi.it/doc/doc_pub/cecchettol.doc
Cho, Dong-In. 2001. A comparative study of VP-fronting. Chungnam National University. (dcho@cuvic.cnu.ac.kr)
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Chomsky, Noam. 1995. Categories and transformations. In The Minimalist Program, 219-394. Cambridge, Mass.: the MIT Press.
Colins, Chris. 1997. Local Economy. Cambridge, Mass: the MIT Press
Culicover, Peter W. and Ray Jackendoff. 2001. Control is not movement. Linguistic Inquiry. 32: 493-512
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Greenbaum and Meyer. 1982. Ellipsis and coordination: norms and preferences. Language and Communication. 2: 137-149
Haegemen, Liliane, M.V. 1994. Introduction to government and binding theory. Oxford: Blackwell
Hardt, Kaniel. 1993. VP ellipsis: form, meaning and processing. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6228
Heim, Irene. Comments on Abusch's theory of tense. M.I.T.. www.illc.uva.nl/DYANA/R2.2.B/Heim.pdf
Heim, Irene & Kratzer, Angelika. 1998. Semantics in generative grammar. Blackwell
Hoji, Hajime. 1996. Sloppy identity and formal dependency. WCCFL ⅩⅤ v.3.3.3
Hoji, Hajime. 1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry 22: 287-314
Hornstein, Norbert. 1999. Movement and control. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 69-96
Jackendoff, Ray. 1997. The architecture of the language faculty. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Johnson, Kyle. 2001. What ellipsis can do, and what it can't, but not why. In Mark Baltin and Chris Collins(eds.). The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory. pp.439-479. Blackwell Publishers
Kazenin, Konstantin I.. Polarity in typology of predicate ellipsis. University of Tübingen & Moscow State University. www.sfb441.uni-tuebingen.de/b2/papers/ruspol.pdf
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235-251. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
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Matsuo, Ayumi. Tense and aspect parallelism in antecedent contained deletion. www.mpi.nl/world/persons/private/ayumat/mypapers/WCCFL1.pdf
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Merchant, Jason. 2003. Fragments and ellipsis
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Baltin, Mark. 1995. Floating quantifiers, PRO and predication. Linguistic Inquiry 26: 199-248
Baltin, Mark. 2002. The null content of null case. Department of Linguistics Transclick, Inc., New York University, New York
Becker, Misha. Seem and other hazards of the lexicon. University of Pennsylvania and UNC Chapel Hill. www.unc.edu/～mbecker/papers/cls38becker.doc
Beil, Franz. 1999. On antecedent contained ellipsis. Institute for Computational Linguistics, Universitt Stuttgart. elib.uni-stuttgart.de/opus/volltexte/1999/80/pdf/80.pdf
Boslovic, Zwljko. 1995. Summary: V-raising and VP ellipsis. E-mail: boskovic@uconnvm.uconn.edu
Butler, Jonny. Sequence of tense phenomena and non-eventivity. University of York, UK. www.users.york.ac.uk/～jrcb100/sot_non-event.pdf
Butler, Jonny. 2003. The phrase structure of tense. University of York
Cecchetto, Carlo. Proper Binding Condition effects are phrase impenetrability Condition effects. University of Siena. Forthcoming in: Min-Joo Kim(ed.), Proceedings of NELS 31, GLSA. University of Massachusetts, Amherst.www.ciscl.unisi.it/doc/doc_pub/cecchettol.doc
Cho, Dong-In. 2001. A comparative study of VP-fronting. Chungnam National University. (dcho@cuvic.cnu.ac.kr)
Chomsky, Noam & Howard Lasnik. 1993. The theory of principles and parameters. In Syntax: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research, Volume 1: 506-569 Jacobs, Joachim & Amim von Stechow & Sternefeld, Wolfgang & Vennemann, Theo(eds.). Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter
Chomsky, Noam. 1995. Categories and transformations. In The Minimalist Program, 219-394. Cambridge, Mass.: the MIT Press.
Colins, Chris. 1997. Local Economy. Cambridge, Mass: the MIT Press
Culicover, Peter W. and Ray Jackendoff. 2001. Control is not movement. Linguistic Inquiry. 32: 493-512
Cyrino, Sonia(Universidade Estadual de Londrina, Londrina, Parana, Brasil; e-mail: onirye@seroomtel.com.br), Matos, Gabriela(Dep. Inguistia, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, Alameda da Universidade 1600-214 Lisboa,Potugal; e-mail: lgrumatos@mail.telepac.pt). Syntactic Microvariation in VP ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese. www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/matos.pdf
Duffield, Nigel and Matsuo, Ayumi. 1999. On the acquisition of ellipsis and anaphora by first and second language learners. McGill University and Université du Québec à Montréal. NELS 29
Enc, Mürvert. 1996. Tense and modality. In Shalom Lappin(ed.) The Handbook of Contemporary Semantic Theory. pp.346-358. Oxford: Blackwell Reference
Fiengo, Robert and May, Robert. 1996. Anaphora and identity. In Shalom Lappin(ed.). The Handbook of Contemporary Semantic Theory. pp.117-144. Oxford: Blackwell Reference
Fox, Danny. 1999. Reconstruction, binding theory, and the interpretation of chains. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 157-196
Fox, Danny. 2002. Antecedent contained deletion and the copy theory of movement. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 63-96
Fukui, Naoki and Margaret Speas. 1986. Specifiers and projections. In MIT working Papers in linguistics 8: Papers in theoretical linguistics, 128-172. MITWPL, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, MIT, Cambridge, Mass.
Gelderen, Elly Van. 2002. To not or not to: optionality in syntax? LASSO 4-6, Pasadena, CA
Greenbaum and Meyer. 1982. Ellipsis and coordination: norms and preferences. Language and Communication. 2: 137-149
Haegemen, Liliane, M.V. 1994. Introduction to government and binding theory. Oxford: Blackwell
Hardt, Kaniel. 1993. VP ellipsis: form, meaning and processing. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6228
Heim, Irene. Comments on Abusch's theory of tense. M.I.T.. www.illc.uva.nl/DYANA/R2.2.B/Heim.pdf
Heim, Irene & Kratzer, Angelika. 1998. Semantics in generative grammar. Blackwell
Hoji, Hajime. 1996. Sloppy identity and formal dependency. WCCFL ⅩⅤ v.3.3.3
Hoji, Hajime. 1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry 22: 287-314
Hornstein, Norbert. 1999. Movement and control. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 69-96
Jackendoff, Ray. 1997. The architecture of the language faculty. Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Johnson, Kyle. 2001. What ellipsis can do, and what it can't, but not why. In Mark Baltin and Chris Collins(eds.). The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory. pp.439-479. Blackwell Publishers
Kazenin, Konstantin I.. Polarity in typology of predicate ellipsis. University of Tübingen & Moscow State University. www.sfb441.uni-tuebingen.de/b2/papers/ruspol.pdf
Kehler, Andrew. 2002. Common topics and coherent situations: interpreting ellipsis in the context of discourse inference. In the Proceedings of ACL-94
Kennedy, Christopher. 1997. Antecedent-contained deletion and the syntax of quantification. In Linguistic Inquiry 28: 662-688
Kennedy, Christopher. 2000. Logical form: antecedent contained deletion and the syntax of quantification. Linguistic Society of Japan
Kennedy, Christopher. Ellipsis and syntactic representation. www.ling.northwestern.edu/～kennedy/Docs/esr.pdf
Larson, R. 1988. On the double object construction. Linguistic Inquiry 19: 335-391
Lasnik, Howard. 1989. Remarks on Conference. In Essays on Anaphora. Kluwer Academic Publishers
Lasnik, Howard. 1992b. Two notes on control and binding. In Control and Grammar, ed. Richard Larson, Sabine Iatridou, Utpal Lahiri, and James Higginbotham.
235-251. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Li, Hui-Ju Grace. 1998. Ellipsis constructions in Chinese. www.usc.edu/dept/LAS/ealc/chinling/grace.htm-2k
Martin, Roger. 2001. Null case and the distribution of PRO. Linguistic Inquiry 32: 141-166
Matsuo, Ayumi. Tense and aspect parallelism in antecedent contained deletion. www.mpi.nl/world/persons/private/ayumat/mypapers/WCCFL1.pdf
Matsuo, Ayumi & Duffield, Nigel. 2001. VP-ellipsis and anaphora in child language acquisition. In Language Acquisition 9: 301-327
May, Robert C. Ellipsis. University of California, Irvine, California, USA. Intermediate article, kleene.ss.uci.edu/～rmay/Ellipsis.pdf
Merchant, Jason. 2003. Fragments and ellipsis
Pan, Haihua. Null object constructions, VP-ellipsis, and sentence interpretation. www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/mitarb/homepage/webfest/Pan.pdf
Pires, Acrisio. 2001. Clausal and TP-defective gerunds: control without tense. NELS 31
Potsdam, Eric. 1995. Phrase structure of the English imperative. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club Publications: 143-154
Potsdam, Eric. 1997. English verbal morphology and VP ellipsis. In Proceedings of the 27th Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society. Amherst, Mass.: GLSA, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 353-368
Potsdam, Eric. NEGP and subjunctive complements in English. www.clas.ufl.edu/users/Potsdam/papers/LI28.pdf
Radford, Andrew. 1997. Syntactic theory and the structure of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Radford, Andrew. T-contraction in a phrase-based theory of grammar.(Radford@essex.ac.uk)
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