犹太利益集团与美国中东外交政策（1967-1984）
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摘要
二战至今,中东一直是美国外交的重点区域。中东战略地位重要、石油资源丰富固然是驱使美国积极干预的主要动因,国内犹太利益集团的推动同样不可忽视。
犹太利益集团经过数十年的演进和革新,到二十世纪六七十年代,已经发展成为美国最有影响力的政治团体之一。犹太利益集团的核心利益是维护美国以及世界其他地区犹太人的权利和利益,其在中东的利益表现为改善中东犹太人的生活状况,保卫世界惟一的犹太国——以色列的生存,抵御来自阿拉伯世界的围堵。为此它们积极游说美国政府在中东实行有利于以色列的政策安排,美国中东外交政策因此成为国内利益和国际利益双层博弈的产物。
犹太利益集团究竟对美国中东外交政策的制定产生了多大影响?这是个十分有趣且颇有争议的议题。研究它不光能够更好地认识集团政治在美国政策制定过程中的作用,而且能够更加深刻地理解美国中东政策制定的复杂性。本文通过对利益集团及其在外交双层博弈理论中的角色的分析,重点研究了犹太利益集团,分析了它的性质、历史、现状、资源和策略,最后选取1967—1984年为时间段,具体分析了犹太利益集团在特定中东外交政策制定过程中的作用。
本文认为,犹太利益集团是特定历史与美国独特的政治文化相结合的产物,它是以犹太人为主体的亲以利益团体。由于特定历史、文化、宗教的原因,犹太利益集团一直将在外交上关怀以色列视为集团至高事业。犹太人的自我奋斗精神、极高的参政热情和雄厚的经济地位构建了犹太利益集团的实力基础。经过近百年的历练,无论从组织结构还是游说技巧来评判,犹太利益集团均是美国最优秀的利益集团之一,它成功地影响着美国的中东外交。
美国中东外交政策是国内外政治力量双层博弈的结果,犹太利益集团参与中东外交政策博弈的方式是改变参与博弈的博弈方的力量对比。为此它需要积极动员基层动员,还要做其他影响美国外交制定的诸多因素,比如国会、白宫、法院、大众传媒和社会舆论的工作,从而形成强大的政治合力,实现有利于犹太人或以色列的“获胜集合”。
说犹太利益集团操控美国中东外交政策的走向,有点言过其实,因为通过对1967—1984年间犹太利益集团的活动的仔细分析,本文发现犹太利益集团的利益与美国的中东利益并非一回事,它们之间有合拍的成分,但前者的利益要狭隘得多,而美国中东外交政策很大程度上是其全球外交战略的一部分。争取阿拉伯温和派,改造阿拉伯顽固派,将中东整体攮入怀中,一直是美国中东利益的整体追求。犹太利益集团的最突出的成就是,它以灵活的游说策略与强大的政治动员力将以色列的利益始终置于美国人关注的前台,使得以色列利益成为美国中东外
The Middle East has become one of the key areas in the diplomacy of the United States since World War II. As we all know, its important strategic status and rich oil resources are the primary attractions for the United States' involvement. But the promotion of the Jewish Interest Groups should not be ignored.By the end of 1970s, though several decades 'development and renovation, the Jewish Interest Groups had become one of the most influential political groups in America . The core interest of the Jewish Interest Groups is to protect the rights and interests of the Jews in American and other areas of the world .In Middle East, they pursue improving the living conditions of Jews of that area and safeguarding the survival of Israel, which is the only Jewish country in the world, so that it can resist the siege of other Arabic countries. They lobby the policy-making officers in American government ambitiously and press them to make arrangements that are in favor of Israel. American Middle East policy is the struggling results of the double -edged diplomacy between internal and international interests.In what degree have the Jewish Interest Groups affected American Middle East policy? This is a conflicting topic in academic research, but it is very interesting and useful .If we can get a correct conclusion, we can understand the interest group theory and its influence on American foreign policy-making deeply. What's more, it can give us a satisfy answer to the question that why American 's Middle East policy are complex. Through an overall introduction and reflection on interest group theory and double-edged diplomacy theory, my dissertation focuses on the analysis of the history, resources and lobby skills of the Jewish Interest Groups. Then, I select the period from 1967 to 1984 to research how Jewish interest group involving in the Middle East foreign policy-making.After a constructivist analysis and explanation on Jewish Interest Groups and its influence on American Middle East Policy, this paper comes to the following conclusions.The Jewish Interest Groups, which members are predominantly American Jews, are pro-Israel interest groups. Their existence is due to the integration of Jewish history and the special political culture in the United States. For the reason of history, culture and religions, the Jewish Interest Groups consider protecting the survival of Israel as their most holy mission. American Jews have amazing self-motivating spirits, high passion of participating in political games and affluent economical accumulation.
All of these comprise the power of the Jewish Interest Groups. Whether judging from structure of the organization of the groups or from the lobbying skills, the Jewish Interest Groups have done an excellent job. They have affected the policy-making progress of American Middle East policy very successfully.American Middle East policy is the product of the double -edged diplomacy between internal and international interests. The primarily way that Jewish Interest Groups affecting Middle East policy-making is trying to change the balance of power in order to get the win-sets that are favorable to the Middle East Jews and Israel. Mobilizing the mass and lobbying those political factors such as the Congress, White House, Court etc, that affecting American foreign policy making are their usual strategies. Jewish Interest Groups can use their high political skill to forming a quite strong compounding political power. For that reason, American Middle East Policy are always pro-Israel is not strange.I do not agree the conclusion that the Jewish Interest Groups control American Middle East policy-making process. I think it exaggerates. After reviewing the history of American Middle East policy, I find that although the interests of Jewish Interest Groups and America are mixed, they are not the same .The size of the interests of the former is quite narrower than that of the later. American Middle East policy is one part of American global diplomacy strategy. Winning moderate Arabic countries, transforming those stubborn anti-America Arabic regimes, making the whole Middle East under America control are the fundamental interest of America in Middle East.The most outstanding achievements of Jewish Interest Groups are putting the safety of Israel in front of Americans with their flexible lobby strategies and overwhelming mobilizing ability. Paying attention to and caring about Israel becomes the core of American Middle East policy. Whenever American policy- makers make any decision on the Middle East, they never forget to make commitment on protecting Israel. Due to efficient lobby activities of the Jewish Interest Groups, The United States and Israel has established good bilateral relations since Israel was born. Every administrations of America keep on the commitment on the survival of Israel. However, this commitment has caused the absence of flexibility in American Middle East policy making, the stubborn standpoint of Israel government always deters the progress of the Middle East peace making progress.This dissertation has about one hundred forty thousand Chinese words. It is composed of five chapters, the main ideas of which go like the following:
Chapter One is the politics of interest group theory and American foreign policy. In the first two sections of this chapter, two of the famous interest group theories and one interesting international theory, double-edged diplomacy, are introduced. Then, through analyzing the role that interest group in the double-edged diplomacy, it set up the theory framework for the analysis of how interest groups affecting American foreign policy. In order to explain the connections between interest group theory and double-edged diplomacy, the paper explains the how interest groups affect the Congress, the White House, the Court, the mass media and the grass roots respectively and get some very useful win-sets that are beneficial to themselves.Chapter Two is the history and status quo of the Jewish Interest Groups. In the first place, it identifies the Jewish Interest Groups. Then demonstrates the history and the development of the Jewish Interest Groups. In the last part of this chapter, the paper emphasizes on the resources of the Jewish Interest Groups, which are the foundation and basis of its energy, power and political life.Chapter Three is the Jewish Interest Groups and American Middle East policy. After reviewing briefly the history of American Middle East diplomacy froml967 to 1980, the paper compares the interests of America, Israel and the Jewish Interest Groups. It concludes that although the triple interests are mixed, the difference among them can't be ignored. If the Jewish Interest Groups want to enhance their influence, they 'd better take advantage of the common interests of the triple parts. In the third and forth sections of this chapter, the paper analyzes the areas, conditions, departments and lobby strategies of the Jewish Interest Groups, It finds if the double-edged diplomacy is simply struggled between the United States and Israel, a satisfy arrangement can easily come into being, both Israel and the Jewish Interest Groups can always get what they want, such as bountiful foreign aids in Israel economy and army. If the pursuit of interests goes besides Israel, and including other Middle East countries, it will become an intensive struggle, and full of conflicts. As to which department can the Jewish Interest Groups affecting the policy making efficiently? The paper gets the conclusion that the Congress is the department that it can involve in most successfully. Comparing to other interest groups, the key factor that making the Jewish Interest Groups influential is its virtuosity skills.If the main task of the former three chapters is to generalize the relations between the Jewish Interest Groups and American Middle East policy. The Later two chapters are to proof the above comprehensively with the special cases, such as the
犹太利益集团经过数十年的演进和革新,到二十世纪六七十年代,已经发展成为美国最有影响力的政治团体之一。犹太利益集团的核心利益是维护美国以及世界其他地区犹太人的权利和利益,其在中东的利益表现为改善中东犹太人的生活状况,保卫世界惟一的犹太国——以色列的生存,抵御来自阿拉伯世界的围堵。为此它们积极游说美国政府在中东实行有利于以色列的政策安排,美国中东外交政策因此成为国内利益和国际利益双层博弈的产物。
犹太利益集团究竟对美国中东外交政策的制定产生了多大影响?这是个十分有趣且颇有争议的议题。研究它不光能够更好地认识集团政治在美国政策制定过程中的作用,而且能够更加深刻地理解美国中东政策制定的复杂性。本文通过对利益集团及其在外交双层博弈理论中的角色的分析,重点研究了犹太利益集团,分析了它的性质、历史、现状、资源和策略,最后选取1967—1984年为时间段,具体分析了犹太利益集团在特定中东外交政策制定过程中的作用。
本文认为,犹太利益集团是特定历史与美国独特的政治文化相结合的产物,它是以犹太人为主体的亲以利益团体。由于特定历史、文化、宗教的原因,犹太利益集团一直将在外交上关怀以色列视为集团至高事业。犹太人的自我奋斗精神、极高的参政热情和雄厚的经济地位构建了犹太利益集团的实力基础。经过近百年的历练,无论从组织结构还是游说技巧来评判,犹太利益集团均是美国最优秀的利益集团之一,它成功地影响着美国的中东外交。
美国中东外交政策是国内外政治力量双层博弈的结果,犹太利益集团参与中东外交政策博弈的方式是改变参与博弈的博弈方的力量对比。为此它需要积极动员基层动员,还要做其他影响美国外交制定的诸多因素,比如国会、白宫、法院、大众传媒和社会舆论的工作,从而形成强大的政治合力,实现有利于犹太人或以色列的“获胜集合”。
说犹太利益集团操控美国中东外交政策的走向,有点言过其实,因为通过对1967—1984年间犹太利益集团的活动的仔细分析,本文发现犹太利益集团的利益与美国的中东利益并非一回事,它们之间有合拍的成分,但前者的利益要狭隘得多,而美国中东外交政策很大程度上是其全球外交战略的一部分。争取阿拉伯温和派,改造阿拉伯顽固派,将中东整体攮入怀中,一直是美国中东利益的整体追求。犹太利益集团的最突出的成就是,它以灵活的游说策略与强大的政治动员力将以色列的利益始终置于美国人关注的前台,使得以色列利益成为美国中东外
The Middle East has become one of the key areas in the diplomacy of the United States since World War II. As we all know, its important strategic status and rich oil resources are the primary attractions for the United States' involvement. But the promotion of the Jewish Interest Groups should not be ignored.By the end of 1970s, though several decades 'development and renovation, the Jewish Interest Groups had become one of the most influential political groups in America . The core interest of the Jewish Interest Groups is to protect the rights and interests of the Jews in American and other areas of the world .In Middle East, they pursue improving the living conditions of Jews of that area and safeguarding the survival of Israel, which is the only Jewish country in the world, so that it can resist the siege of other Arabic countries. They lobby the policy-making officers in American government ambitiously and press them to make arrangements that are in favor of Israel. American Middle East policy is the struggling results of the double -edged diplomacy between internal and international interests.In what degree have the Jewish Interest Groups affected American Middle East policy? This is a conflicting topic in academic research, but it is very interesting and useful .If we can get a correct conclusion, we can understand the interest group theory and its influence on American foreign policy-making deeply. What's more, it can give us a satisfy answer to the question that why American 's Middle East policy are complex. Through an overall introduction and reflection on interest group theory and double-edged diplomacy theory, my dissertation focuses on the analysis of the history, resources and lobby skills of the Jewish Interest Groups. Then, I select the period from 1967 to 1984 to research how Jewish interest group involving in the Middle East foreign policy-making.After a constructivist analysis and explanation on Jewish Interest Groups and its influence on American Middle East Policy, this paper comes to the following conclusions.The Jewish Interest Groups, which members are predominantly American Jews, are pro-Israel interest groups. Their existence is due to the integration of Jewish history and the special political culture in the United States. For the reason of history, culture and religions, the Jewish Interest Groups consider protecting the survival of Israel as their most holy mission. American Jews have amazing self-motivating spirits, high passion of participating in political games and affluent economical accumulation.
All of these comprise the power of the Jewish Interest Groups. Whether judging from structure of the organization of the groups or from the lobbying skills, the Jewish Interest Groups have done an excellent job. They have affected the policy-making progress of American Middle East policy very successfully.American Middle East policy is the product of the double -edged diplomacy between internal and international interests. The primarily way that Jewish Interest Groups affecting Middle East policy-making is trying to change the balance of power in order to get the win-sets that are favorable to the Middle East Jews and Israel. Mobilizing the mass and lobbying those political factors such as the Congress, White House, Court etc, that affecting American foreign policy making are their usual strategies. Jewish Interest Groups can use their high political skill to forming a quite strong compounding political power. For that reason, American Middle East Policy are always pro-Israel is not strange.I do not agree the conclusion that the Jewish Interest Groups control American Middle East policy-making process. I think it exaggerates. After reviewing the history of American Middle East policy, I find that although the interests of Jewish Interest Groups and America are mixed, they are not the same .The size of the interests of the former is quite narrower than that of the later. American Middle East policy is one part of American global diplomacy strategy. Winning moderate Arabic countries, transforming those stubborn anti-America Arabic regimes, making the whole Middle East under America control are the fundamental interest of America in Middle East.The most outstanding achievements of Jewish Interest Groups are putting the safety of Israel in front of Americans with their flexible lobby strategies and overwhelming mobilizing ability. Paying attention to and caring about Israel becomes the core of American Middle East policy. Whenever American policy- makers make any decision on the Middle East, they never forget to make commitment on protecting Israel. Due to efficient lobby activities of the Jewish Interest Groups, The United States and Israel has established good bilateral relations since Israel was born. Every administrations of America keep on the commitment on the survival of Israel. However, this commitment has caused the absence of flexibility in American Middle East policy making, the stubborn standpoint of Israel government always deters the progress of the Middle East peace making progress.This dissertation has about one hundred forty thousand Chinese words. It is composed of five chapters, the main ideas of which go like the following:
Chapter One is the politics of interest group theory and American foreign policy. In the first two sections of this chapter, two of the famous interest group theories and one interesting international theory, double-edged diplomacy, are introduced. Then, through analyzing the role that interest group in the double-edged diplomacy, it set up the theory framework for the analysis of how interest groups affecting American foreign policy. In order to explain the connections between interest group theory and double-edged diplomacy, the paper explains the how interest groups affect the Congress, the White House, the Court, the mass media and the grass roots respectively and get some very useful win-sets that are beneficial to themselves.Chapter Two is the history and status quo of the Jewish Interest Groups. In the first place, it identifies the Jewish Interest Groups. Then demonstrates the history and the development of the Jewish Interest Groups. In the last part of this chapter, the paper emphasizes on the resources of the Jewish Interest Groups, which are the foundation and basis of its energy, power and political life.Chapter Three is the Jewish Interest Groups and American Middle East policy. After reviewing briefly the history of American Middle East diplomacy froml967 to 1980, the paper compares the interests of America, Israel and the Jewish Interest Groups. It concludes that although the triple interests are mixed, the difference among them can't be ignored. If the Jewish Interest Groups want to enhance their influence, they 'd better take advantage of the common interests of the triple parts. In the third and forth sections of this chapter, the paper analyzes the areas, conditions, departments and lobby strategies of the Jewish Interest Groups, It finds if the double-edged diplomacy is simply struggled between the United States and Israel, a satisfy arrangement can easily come into being, both Israel and the Jewish Interest Groups can always get what they want, such as bountiful foreign aids in Israel economy and army. If the pursuit of interests goes besides Israel, and including other Middle East countries, it will become an intensive struggle, and full of conflicts. As to which department can the Jewish Interest Groups affecting the policy making efficiently? The paper gets the conclusion that the Congress is the department that it can involve in most successfully. Comparing to other interest groups, the key factor that making the Jewish Interest Groups influential is its virtuosity skills.If the main task of the former three chapters is to generalize the relations between the Jewish Interest Groups and American Middle East policy. The Later two chapters are to proof the above comprehensively with the special cases, such as the
引文
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4. Thomas A. Dine, "a Primer for Capital Hill," New York Times, Apr. 4, 1975.
5. Edward Roeder, "Sunshine and Pro-Israel PACs" ,Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 3, no.8, Oct.15, 1984.
6. Morris T. Amitay, "A Field Day for Jewish Pacs," Congress Monthly, June 1983.
7. "Israel Influence in the United States", CBS Morning News, Dec.27, 1984, Transcript of the Program.
8. New York Times, Sep. 10. 1985.
9. Mideast Observer 7, no.11 June 1, 1984.
10. William J.Lanouette, "the Many Faces of the Jewish Lobby in America." National Journal, May 13,1978a.
11. New York Times, June,10,1977
12. Near East Report, May 17,1978.
13 New York Times, Mar.8,1981, A4.
14. New York Times, May.29, 1981.
15. New York Times, Apr.24,1981,A1.
16. New York Times, Oct.2, 1981.
17. New York Times ,Oct.29,1981, A1
18. John F.Roehm, Jr., "Congressional Participation in United States-Middle East Policy, Oct.1973-1976: Congressional Activism vs. Policy Coherence," in John Spanier and Joseph Nogee, eds. Congress, the Presidency and American Foreign Policy, New York: Pergamon Press, 1981.
19. New York Times, July, 20,1984.
1. American Jewish Year Book, Edited and Published by American Jewish Committee annually, 1970,1976,1983,1998.
2.FRUS(1952-1954), Vol.9
3.Inferences of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (1966-1975) Report for the Year .New York. 1976.
4. Amy Kaufman Goott and Steven J.Rosen, the Campaign to Discredit Israel, AJPAC Papers on U.S.-Israel Relations, ed. Steven J.Rosen , Washington , D.C, 1983.
5 .Reports of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organization for fiscal Year s of 1977,1978 and 1979, quaited in the Triangular Connection.
6.Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, "Middle East Menu)— Warning: Interests at Risk, " April 23, 1981, FO003-02, Ronald Reagan PresidentialLibrary(转引)
7 .Congressional Record, Vol. 127, No.84-90, June 15, 1981.
8.Congressional Record, Vol. 127, No.77-83, June 3,1981.
9.Max L. Friedersdorf to William R. Cotter, June 11,1981, ID #8103646, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan President Library(转引)
10.Carl Levin to Richard V. Allen, April 24,1981, ID #025362, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan President Library(转引)
11.Willia M. Brodhead to Ronald Reagan , May 27,1981, ID #026659, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
12. 97~th Congress, 1~st Session, "H. Con. Res. 118," ID #032255, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
13."News from Congressman Clarence D. Long," June 30,1981, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引).
14.Memorandum from Robert M. Kimmitt to Max L. Friedersdorf, April 29,1981, OA 10520, David Gergen Files, AWACS 1981, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library((转引)
15. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 29,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
16. Richard Fairbanks to Charles E. Schumer, October 21,1981, ID #8128692, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
17. Memorandum from Ronald Reagan to the Vice President; the Secretaries of State and Defense; the Directors of the Office of Management and Budget, Central Intelligence Agency, and Arms Control and Disarmament Agency; the Counselor to the President; the Chief of Staff to the President; the Assistant to the President and the Deputy Chief of Staff; the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; and the Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs, June 13,1981, ID #029720, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
18. Mack Mattingly to Ronald Reagan, June 8,1981, ID #027818, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
19.Max L.Friedersdorf to Mack Mattingly, August 7,1981, ID #8119138, FO003-02, WHORM Subject, and Barry Goldwater to Ronald Reagan, September 21,1981, ID #041600, ND001, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
20.Memorandum from Richard V. Allen to Ronald Reagan, July 30,1981, ID #033082, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
21.Carl Levin to Richard V. Allen, April.24,1981,ID.#025362, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
22.Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 97 ~th Congress, 1~st Session, p.l30,cited in Selling AWACS to Saudi Arabia,p49. Claude Pepper to Max L. Friedersdorf, May 12, 1981, ID #025259, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
23. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 4,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
24. Max L. Friedersdorf to Charles E. Schumer, September 8,1981, ID #8128692, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
25. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan 1981 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1982), p.807.(转引)
26.Helen and Israel Kirshenbaum to Ronald Reagan, October 1, 1981, ID #033689, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
27. Robert H. Asher to Ronald Reagan, October 5, 1981, Executive Secretariat, NSC: Subject File, Box 91402, AWACS, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
28. Ronald Reagan to Robert H. Asher, October 26, 1981, ID #045360, FO003-02, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
29. Kenneth J.Bialkin to Ronald Reagan, OA 5456, Elizabeth Dole Files, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
30. "Status Report on Enlisting the Support of Former Officials on Behalf of Saudi AWACS," Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs: Chronological File, Box 90010, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
31. "Proposed Press Release ," FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)1
32. "Statement by Former President Richard Nixon to the New York Times-For Release Sunday, October 4, 1981," Executive Secretariat, NSC: Subject File, Box 91402, AWACS, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
33. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 4,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引).
35 (1) Memorandum of Agreement between the Governments of Israel and United States,"(2)"Memorandum of Agreement between the Governments of Israel and the United States on the Geneva Peace Conference," and(3)"Assurances from the United States to Israel," in The Search for Peace in the Middle East: Documents and Statements, 1967-1979, Report Prepared for the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S.House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979, (转引).
36. Rosen, The Strategic Value of Israel, AIPAC Papers on U.S.-Israel Relations: 1,1982(转引).以上注转引者均转引自Nicholas Laham, Selling AWACS to SaudiArabia: the Reagan Administration and the Balancing of America's Competing Interest in the Middle East, Westport, Connecticut, 2002.
37. Dulles, Report on the Near East, Minutes of the 153rd NSC Meeting, 9.July 1953,NSC-155/1,"U.S.Objectives and Politics with Respect to the Near East,"14 July 1953, FRUS1952-1954, Vol.9.
38. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan 1981 Washington,DC:United States Government Printing Office,1982.
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2,陈双庆:《美国犹太人对美中东政策的影响》,载《现代国际关系》,2002年第6期。
3,赵可金:《美国式民主与国会游说:制度空间分析》载《国际观察》,2002年第5期。
4,王勇:《试论利益集团在美国对华政策中的影响》,载《美国研究》,1998年第2期。
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6,叶永东:《论现代美国两大党与利益集团在选举中作用的消长》,载《国际政治》,人大复印资料,北京,中国人民大学书报资料中心,1997年7月—12月,第7期。
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69.Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principal: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977-1981, New York: Farrar Strauss, Giroux,1983.
70. Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in America's Foreign Policy. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983.
71. GeraLd R.Ford, A Time to Heal, New York: Berkley Books, 1981.
72. Lou Cannon, President Reagan: the Role of a Lifetime New York: Simon and Schuster,1991.
73. Ronald Reagan, an American Life ,New York: Simon and Schuster,1990.
74. Alexander M, Jr. Haig, Caveat: Realism, Reagan, and Foreign Policy, New York, Macmillan, 1984.
1. Bernard Grotman and Lisa Handley, "Minority Population and black and Hispanic Congressional Success in the 1870s and 1980s", American Politics Quarterly 17, Oct.1989.
2. Lester W. Milbrath, "Interest Groups and Foreign Policy," in Rosenau eds., Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy. New York :Free Press,1967.
3. Ari L.Goldman, "Polls Show Jews both Assimilate and Keep Tradition", New York Times, June 7, 1991.
4. Thomas A. Dine, "a Primer for Capital Hill," New York Times, Apr. 4, 1975.
5. Edward Roeder, "Sunshine and Pro-Israel PACs" ,Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 3, no.8, Oct.15, 1984.
6. Morris T. Amitay, "A Field Day for Jewish Pacs," Congress Monthly, June 1983.
7. "Israel Influence in the United States", CBS Morning News, Dec.27, 1984, Transcript of the Program.
8. New York Times, Sep. 10. 1985.
9. Mideast Observer 7, no.11 June 1, 1984.
10. William J.Lanouette, "the Many Faces of the Jewish Lobby in America." National Journal, May 13,1978a.
11. New York Times, June,10,1977
12. Near East Report, May 17,1978.
13 New York Times, Mar.8,1981, A4.
14. New York Times, May.29, 1981.
15. New York Times, Apr.24,1981,A1.
16. New York Times, Oct.2, 1981.
17. New York Times ,Oct.29,1981, A1
18. John F.Roehm, Jr., "Congressional Participation in United States-Middle East Policy, Oct.1973-1976: Congressional Activism vs. Policy Coherence," in John Spanier and Joseph Nogee, eds. Congress, the Presidency and American Foreign Policy, New York: Pergamon Press, 1981.
19. New York Times, July, 20,1984.
1. American Jewish Year Book, Edited and Published by American Jewish Committee annually, 1970,1976,1983,1998.
2.FRUS(1952-1954), Vol.9
3.Inferences of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (1966-1975) Report for the Year .New York. 1976.
4. Amy Kaufman Goott and Steven J.Rosen, the Campaign to Discredit Israel, AJPAC Papers on U.S.-Israel Relations, ed. Steven J.Rosen , Washington , D.C, 1983.
5 .Reports of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organization for fiscal Year s of 1977,1978 and 1979, quaited in the Triangular Connection.
6.Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, "Middle East Menu)— Warning: Interests at Risk, " April 23, 1981, FO003-02, Ronald Reagan PresidentialLibrary(转引)
7 .Congressional Record, Vol. 127, No.84-90, June 15, 1981.
8.Congressional Record, Vol. 127, No.77-83, June 3,1981.
9.Max L. Friedersdorf to William R. Cotter, June 11,1981, ID #8103646, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan President Library(转引)
10.Carl Levin to Richard V. Allen, April 24,1981, ID #025362, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan President Library(转引)
11.Willia M. Brodhead to Ronald Reagan , May 27,1981, ID #026659, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
12. 97~th Congress, 1~st Session, "H. Con. Res. 118," ID #032255, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
13."News from Congressman Clarence D. Long," June 30,1981, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引).
14.Memorandum from Robert M. Kimmitt to Max L. Friedersdorf, April 29,1981, OA 10520, David Gergen Files, AWACS 1981, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library((转引)
15. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 29,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
16. Richard Fairbanks to Charles E. Schumer, October 21,1981, ID #8128692, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library(转引)
17. Memorandum from Ronald Reagan to the Vice President; the Secretaries of State and Defense; the Directors of the Office of Management and Budget, Central Intelligence Agency, and Arms Control and Disarmament Agency; the Counselor to the President; the Chief of Staff to the President; the Assistant to the President and the Deputy Chief of Staff; the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; and the Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs, June 13,1981, ID #029720, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
18. Mack Mattingly to Ronald Reagan, June 8,1981, ID #027818, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
19.Max L.Friedersdorf to Mack Mattingly, August 7,1981, ID #8119138, FO003-02, WHORM Subject, and Barry Goldwater to Ronald Reagan, September 21,1981, ID #041600, ND001, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
20.Memorandum from Richard V. Allen to Ronald Reagan, July 30,1981, ID #033082, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
21.Carl Levin to Richard V. Allen, April.24,1981,ID.#025362, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
22.Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 97 ~th Congress, 1~st Session, p.l30,cited in Selling AWACS to Saudi Arabia,p49. Claude Pepper to Max L. Friedersdorf, May 12, 1981, ID #025259, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
23. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 4,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
24. Max L. Friedersdorf to Charles E. Schumer, September 8,1981, ID #8128692, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引)
25. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan 1981 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1982), p.807.(转引)
26.Helen and Israel Kirshenbaum to Ronald Reagan, October 1, 1981, ID #033689, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
27. Robert H. Asher to Ronald Reagan, October 5, 1981, Executive Secretariat, NSC: Subject File, Box 91402, AWACS, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
28. Ronald Reagan to Robert H. Asher, October 26, 1981, ID #045360, FO003-02, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
29. Kenneth J.Bialkin to Ronald Reagan, OA 5456, Elizabeth Dole Files, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library (转引)
30. "Status Report on Enlisting the Support of Former Officials on Behalf of Saudi AWACS," Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs: Chronological File, Box 90010, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
31. "Proposed Press Release ," FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)1
32. "Statement by Former President Richard Nixon to the New York Times-For Release Sunday, October 4, 1981," Executive Secretariat, NSC: Subject File, Box 91402, AWACS, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. (转引)
33. Richard Fairbanks to William M. Brodhead, June 4,1981, ID #8117973, FO003-02, WHORM Subject File, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, (转引).
35 (1) Memorandum of Agreement between the Governments of Israel and United States,"(2)"Memorandum of Agreement between the Governments of Israel and the United States on the Geneva Peace Conference," and(3)"Assurances from the United States to Israel," in The Search for Peace in the Middle East: Documents and Statements, 1967-1979, Report Prepared for the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S.House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979, (转引).
36. Rosen, The Strategic Value of Israel, AIPAC Papers on U.S.-Israel Relations: 1,1982(转引).以上注转引者均转引自Nicholas Laham, Selling AWACS to SaudiArabia: the Reagan Administration and the Balancing of America's Competing Interest in the Middle East, Westport, Connecticut, 2002.
37. Dulles, Report on the Near East, Minutes of the 153rd NSC Meeting, 9.July 1953,NSC-155/1,"U.S.Objectives and Politics with Respect to the Near East,"14 July 1953, FRUS1952-1954, Vol.9.
38. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan 1981 Washington,DC:United States Government Printing Office,1982.
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12,E.E.谢茨斯耐德著,任军锋译,胡伟校:《半主权的人——一个现实主义者眼中的美国民主》,天津人民出版社,2000年9月第1版。
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1,李一文:美国犹太人利益集团与美国对以色列政策,载《外国问题研究》,1993年第2期。
2,陈双庆:《美国犹太人对美中东政策的影响》,载《现代国际关系》,2002年第6期。
3,赵可金:《美国式民主与国会游说:制度空间分析》载《国际观察》,2002年第5期。
4,王勇:《试论利益集团在美国对华政策中的影响》,载《美国研究》,1998年第2期。
5,[美]路易斯·亨金:《外交与宪法》,载于美国驻华大使馆新闻文化处编《交流》,1989年第4期。
6,叶永东:《论现代美国两大党与利益集团在选举中作用的消长》,载《国际政治》,人大复印资料,北京,中国人民大学书报资料中心,1997年7月—12月,第7期。
7,谭融:《美国利益集团政治评析》,载《南开大学学报》(哲学社会科学版),2002年第4期。
8,刘文祥、肖崇明:《美国国内因素与外交决策》,载《湖北大学学报》,1999年9月,第26卷,第5期。
9,唐晓:《美国外交决策机制概论》,载《外交学院学报》,1996年第1期。
10,郭树永:《利益集团与美国外交》,载《世界经济研究》,1997年第5期。
11,王传兴:《利益集团与美国的外交决策》,载《国际观察》,2000年第4期。
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13,邓蜀生:《美国犹太人同化进程初探》,载《世界历史》,1989年第2期。
14,潘光:《美国犹太人的历史发展、宗教结构和文化特征》,载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会》(第2辑),时事出版社,2004年,第1版。
15,汪舒明,:《美国亲犹主义的文化根源》,载徐以骅主编:《宗教与美国社会》(第2辑)。
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17,卜翔国 博士论文,《迁就与支配:美国对以色列的和谈政策(1973— 1979》复旦大学国政系资料室。
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1,沈侃:《美国大众传媒的制造者与控制者》http://www.media.tsinghua.edu.cn/article/article.php/595
2,俞力工:《漫谈美国总统选举》http://www.clibrary.com/column/ligong/lg4-16.html
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4, http://www.ajc.org/
5, http://www.jewishdatabank.org.
6, http://www.adl.org/adl.asp etc.
7, http://www.aipac.org/documents/whoweare.html
8, http://www.mercazusa.org/
9, http://www.ajcongress.org/
10, http://www.conferenceofpresidents.org/
12, http://www.ajc.org/Israel/PeaceProcess.asp
13, http://www.ajc.org/Israel/PeaceProcess.asp
14, http://israeloncampuscoalition.org/aboutus/members/cpmajo.htm
15, http://www.jwv.org/communication/jew.html
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20, http://www.zoa.org/
21, http://www.ncsj.org/