汉语称谓语的泛化
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摘要
本文试析汉语称谓语系统内的泛化现象、使用的策略以及遵循的语用原则，并阐述汉语称谓语与礼貌问题的关系。文中研究的是现代汉语。
1998年，潘攀先生在《论亲属称谓语的泛化》一文中详细阐述了亲属称谓语泛化的特点及原因。马宏基和常庆丰在《称谓语》一书第七章中也专门谈到了“亲属称谓语的外化”。作者在这里想探讨整各汉语称谓语系统内的泛化问题，即社会称谓语系统和代词称谓语系统内世有泛化现象。
称谓语是指其指称对象是人的，由于身份、职业、性别等而得来的，反映了人们的社会关系的一套名称。称谓语包括面称、背称和既非面称又非背称?
汉语称谓语在三种关系的基础上形成三种系统：亲属称谓语系统；社会称谓语系统；代词称谓语系统。
语言的模糊性是普遍的客观存在。在人与人的交际中，特别是在社会生活而不是在通常的科学研究中，要承认语言的模糊性。
称谓语的泛化即是利用了语言的模糊性。潘攀是这样对亲属称谓语的泛化下的定义：用亲属称谓语称呼非亲属成员。如小孩称年老长辈为“爷爷”，即使他们之间并无血缘关系，这与Grice合作原则中“质”的准则不符，即不真实，但却符合汉文化人际交往时注重“情”的准则，对人热情关心和自谦尊人。称谓语的泛化利用语言的模糊性达到促进交际的目的。
用亲属称谓语称呼非亲属成员，就是亲属称谓语的泛化，也是亲属称谓语的社会化用法，即亲属称谓语泛化后，进入社会称谓语系统，这是中国“天下一家”、“四海之内皆兄弟也”潜意识的反映。其他两个称谓语系统泛化后，仍归属原来的系统。
用具有一定社会关系特征的称谓语称呼不具有这种社会关系特征的人，是社会称谓语的泛化。社会称谓语不是与生俱来的，具有临时性和可变性。
代词称谓语的泛化最具有模糊性，离开一定的语境，谁也搞不清楚“他”是谁，“我们”又是谁。代词称谓语的泛化与言语中的视点变换有着极其密切的联系。
称谓语泛化所采用的策略主要有以下几种：
1．亲密化用关系亲密的称谓去称呼关系疏远的人，为的是拉近交际双方
的心理距离。
2．反语化用一些字面上看来决不能算是礼貌的称谓去称呼关系极其亲密
的人。
3．抬高称谓 主要有两种，一种是在社会称谓语的职衔称谓语，省去副职
的“副”字或把职业、职称往高里说；另一种是在亲属称谓语中，把对方的辈
份往高里说，如从儿、从孙称谓。
4．模糊称谓在一些不愿直说、不便直说、不敢直说的情况下，用一些含
蓄甚至隐晦的称谓语。
汉文化“礼貌”的特征有①自谦尊人：②相互关切：③互相体谅；④以诚待
人，这是以群体依存为特征的汉文化和以个体中心为特征的西方文化的差别。
西方的理论难以指导汉文化的礼貌行为。如(；ri ce的合作原则的核心准则是
质的准则，即真实的准则。汉文化人际交往时注重的是“情”，即对人热情关
心和自谦尊人。
作者认为使用汉语称谓语时应遵循以下三条准则：
①求情准则，包括亲密和尊敬两条准则，既要拉近交际双方的心理距离，
又要尊敬他人。②模糊准则，使用亲近的称谓语而不去探究其真实性。③方式
准则，要注意称谓语适当，不能太不符合实际，让人反感。
某个称谓语是否礼貌并不能单纯看它的字面意义。除非把称谓语放到语境中
去，否则它的形式和其礼貌性之间并无必然的联系。语言形式、语境、发话者
和受话者的关系三者才能确定语言行为是否礼貌。
汉语称谓语的泛化丰富了汉语称谓语系统，使人们在许多无可称呼的地方有
所选择，即模糊一点，不去探究是否真的可以称之为此，但又不离谱，因为它
是由其基本含义引申而来的。
This paper is a pragmatic study of the extensive use of Chinese addresses in modern Chinese.
In 1998, PanFan, in an assay entitled as On Extensive Use of Addresses of Relations, talked about the characteristics and causes of extensive use of kin terms in Chinese. And also MaHongJi and ChangQingFeng, in a book named On Forms of Addresses, studied the extensive use of addresses of relations. This paper is aimed to study the extensive use of the whole address system in modern Chinese because in the system of the addresses of social status and the system of the addresses of personal pronouns, those addresses can also be extended.
An address form is defined as the word or words used to address somebody in speech or writing. The way in which people address one another usually depends on their age, sex, social group, and personal relationship. Address terms can be used in three different pragmatic situations: self-directing, when the speaker refers to him/herself, addressee-directing, when the speaker refers to his/her interlocutor, and reference-directing, when the speaker refers to a third party. Chinese addresses fall into three groups: addresses of kinship, addresses of social status and addresses of personal pronouns.
An important concept concerned with the extended Chinese addresses is the vagueness in language since the extensive use of address forms is the most evident manifestation of vagueness in Chinese. Vagueness refers to the finite area and lack of specification of its boundary. Vagueness is related with pragmatics.
The extensive use of kinship terms'refers to use kinship terms to address
those who are not the relatives of the addresser. The focal point for the Chinese politeness is 'affection' .So we can call an old man whom we do not know at all ye ye when asking the way.
The extension of Chinese addresses of social status means that when we address someone by a specific address term of social status, it means that we are in such a social relationship when communicating; but when we do not belong to that kind of social relations, we can still use that specific address term to do and mean something, or just fill in the gap in the address system.
The extension of Chinese pronoun addresses is much more vague than the other two address systems in Chinese because without specific communicative situations, we can not make it clear who the pronoun address refers to. We need the context to figure out the reference point of the different personal pronouns.
The extension of the address terms actually means that their meanings have got some changes. So in this paper the semantic changes are also discussed.
What the extension of Chinese addresses can do is as follows: a. They make the relationship intimate between two people not knowing each other well, b. They are used to make fun or to be ironical, c. They upgrade the addressee's social title, status or position in a family hierarchy, d. They are used for vague addressing. There are times when one does not want to address directly, not dare to use a particular address term, or finds it difficult to address.
As a result of the Chinese cultural influence, the maxims for the extensive use of Chinese addresses are the following three: a. the affection maxim; b. the vagueness maxim; c. the manner maxim.
For Chinese people, the internal feeling is much more important. Therefore, the characteristics of 'politeness' in Chinese culture are: a. be modest and show respect for others; b. show concern to each other; c. show understanding to each other; d. be honest.
.And another question is how to interpret the politeness of an address term, which is closely related with the context. There is no necessary connection between the linguistic form and the perceived politeness of a speech act. We cannot assess politeness reliably out of context. The linguistic form + the context of utterance + the relationship between the speaker and the hearer can render the speech act polite or impolite.
The present study offers a preliminary analysis of pra
1998年，潘攀先生在《论亲属称谓语的泛化》一文中详细阐述了亲属称谓语泛化的特点及原因。马宏基和常庆丰在《称谓语》一书第七章中也专门谈到了“亲属称谓语的外化”。作者在这里想探讨整各汉语称谓语系统内的泛化问题，即社会称谓语系统和代词称谓语系统内世有泛化现象。
称谓语是指其指称对象是人的，由于身份、职业、性别等而得来的，反映了人们的社会关系的一套名称。称谓语包括面称、背称和既非面称又非背称?
汉语称谓语在三种关系的基础上形成三种系统：亲属称谓语系统；社会称谓语系统；代词称谓语系统。
语言的模糊性是普遍的客观存在。在人与人的交际中，特别是在社会生活而不是在通常的科学研究中，要承认语言的模糊性。
称谓语的泛化即是利用了语言的模糊性。潘攀是这样对亲属称谓语的泛化下的定义：用亲属称谓语称呼非亲属成员。如小孩称年老长辈为“爷爷”，即使他们之间并无血缘关系，这与Grice合作原则中“质”的准则不符，即不真实，但却符合汉文化人际交往时注重“情”的准则，对人热情关心和自谦尊人。称谓语的泛化利用语言的模糊性达到促进交际的目的。
用亲属称谓语称呼非亲属成员，就是亲属称谓语的泛化，也是亲属称谓语的社会化用法，即亲属称谓语泛化后，进入社会称谓语系统，这是中国“天下一家”、“四海之内皆兄弟也”潜意识的反映。其他两个称谓语系统泛化后，仍归属原来的系统。
用具有一定社会关系特征的称谓语称呼不具有这种社会关系特征的人，是社会称谓语的泛化。社会称谓语不是与生俱来的，具有临时性和可变性。
代词称谓语的泛化最具有模糊性，离开一定的语境，谁也搞不清楚“他”是谁，“我们”又是谁。代词称谓语的泛化与言语中的视点变换有着极其密切的联系。
称谓语泛化所采用的策略主要有以下几种：
1．亲密化用关系亲密的称谓去称呼关系疏远的人，为的是拉近交际双方
的心理距离。
2．反语化用一些字面上看来决不能算是礼貌的称谓去称呼关系极其亲密
的人。
3．抬高称谓 主要有两种，一种是在社会称谓语的职衔称谓语，省去副职
的“副”字或把职业、职称往高里说；另一种是在亲属称谓语中，把对方的辈
份往高里说，如从儿、从孙称谓。
4．模糊称谓在一些不愿直说、不便直说、不敢直说的情况下，用一些含
蓄甚至隐晦的称谓语。
汉文化“礼貌”的特征有①自谦尊人：②相互关切：③互相体谅；④以诚待
人，这是以群体依存为特征的汉文化和以个体中心为特征的西方文化的差别。
西方的理论难以指导汉文化的礼貌行为。如(；ri ce的合作原则的核心准则是
质的准则，即真实的准则。汉文化人际交往时注重的是“情”，即对人热情关
心和自谦尊人。
作者认为使用汉语称谓语时应遵循以下三条准则：
①求情准则，包括亲密和尊敬两条准则，既要拉近交际双方的心理距离，
又要尊敬他人。②模糊准则，使用亲近的称谓语而不去探究其真实性。③方式
准则，要注意称谓语适当，不能太不符合实际，让人反感。
某个称谓语是否礼貌并不能单纯看它的字面意义。除非把称谓语放到语境中
去，否则它的形式和其礼貌性之间并无必然的联系。语言形式、语境、发话者
和受话者的关系三者才能确定语言行为是否礼貌。
汉语称谓语的泛化丰富了汉语称谓语系统，使人们在许多无可称呼的地方有
所选择，即模糊一点，不去探究是否真的可以称之为此，但又不离谱，因为它
是由其基本含义引申而来的。
This paper is a pragmatic study of the extensive use of Chinese addresses in modern Chinese.
In 1998, PanFan, in an assay entitled as On Extensive Use of Addresses of Relations, talked about the characteristics and causes of extensive use of kin terms in Chinese. And also MaHongJi and ChangQingFeng, in a book named On Forms of Addresses, studied the extensive use of addresses of relations. This paper is aimed to study the extensive use of the whole address system in modern Chinese because in the system of the addresses of social status and the system of the addresses of personal pronouns, those addresses can also be extended.
An address form is defined as the word or words used to address somebody in speech or writing. The way in which people address one another usually depends on their age, sex, social group, and personal relationship. Address terms can be used in three different pragmatic situations: self-directing, when the speaker refers to him/herself, addressee-directing, when the speaker refers to his/her interlocutor, and reference-directing, when the speaker refers to a third party. Chinese addresses fall into three groups: addresses of kinship, addresses of social status and addresses of personal pronouns.
An important concept concerned with the extended Chinese addresses is the vagueness in language since the extensive use of address forms is the most evident manifestation of vagueness in Chinese. Vagueness refers to the finite area and lack of specification of its boundary. Vagueness is related with pragmatics.
The extensive use of kinship terms'refers to use kinship terms to address
those who are not the relatives of the addresser. The focal point for the Chinese politeness is 'affection' .So we can call an old man whom we do not know at all ye ye when asking the way.
The extension of Chinese addresses of social status means that when we address someone by a specific address term of social status, it means that we are in such a social relationship when communicating; but when we do not belong to that kind of social relations, we can still use that specific address term to do and mean something, or just fill in the gap in the address system.
The extension of Chinese pronoun addresses is much more vague than the other two address systems in Chinese because without specific communicative situations, we can not make it clear who the pronoun address refers to. We need the context to figure out the reference point of the different personal pronouns.
The extension of the address terms actually means that their meanings have got some changes. So in this paper the semantic changes are also discussed.
What the extension of Chinese addresses can do is as follows: a. They make the relationship intimate between two people not knowing each other well, b. They are used to make fun or to be ironical, c. They upgrade the addressee's social title, status or position in a family hierarchy, d. They are used for vague addressing. There are times when one does not want to address directly, not dare to use a particular address term, or finds it difficult to address.
As a result of the Chinese cultural influence, the maxims for the extensive use of Chinese addresses are the following three: a. the affection maxim; b. the vagueness maxim; c. the manner maxim.
For Chinese people, the internal feeling is much more important. Therefore, the characteristics of 'politeness' in Chinese culture are: a. be modest and show respect for others; b. show concern to each other; c. show understanding to each other; d. be honest.
.And another question is how to interpret the politeness of an address term, which is closely related with the context. There is no necessary connection between the linguistic form and the perceived politeness of a speech act. We cannot assess politeness reliably out of context. The linguistic form + the context of utterance + the relationship between the speaker and the hearer can render the speech act polite or impolite.
The present study offers a preliminary analysis of pra
引文
(1) Gillian Brown, George Yule. Discourse Analysis. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.35,37-39,233
(2) Hadumod Bussmann. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.19,100,205,294,299-300,370,374,462,510
(3) Jack C. Richards, John Platt, Heidi Platt. Longman Dictionary of Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.7-8,102,276,352-353,423,429
(4) James Paul Gee. An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.13-80
(5) Jean Stilwell Peccei. Pragmatics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.7,64-66
(6) Jenny Thomas. Meaning in Interaction: an Introduction to Pragmatics. 1995 first edition. London and New York: Longman, 1995.159-167,185
(7) Ralph Fasold. The Sociolinguistics of Language. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.32
(8) 方立．数理语言学．1997年9月第1版．北京：北京语言文化大学出版社，1997．1-25
(9) 何兆熊．新编语用学概要．2000年3月第1版．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2000．86-179，211-242
(10) 刘中富．秘密语．1998年5月第1版．北京：新华出版社，1998．1-44
(11) 马宏基，常庆丰．称谓语．1998年6月第1版。北京：新华出版社，1998．45-53
(12) 潘攀．论亲属称谓语的泛化．语言文字应用．1998，(2)．34-38
(13) 施宝义，宋柏年．中国文化读本．1999年4月第1版．北京：商务印书馆，1999．45-49
(14) 伍铁平．模糊语言学．1999年11月第1版．上海：上海外语教育出版社，1999．252-257
(2) Hadumod Bussmann. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.19,100,205,294,299-300,370,374,462,510
(3) Jack C. Richards, John Platt, Heidi Platt. Longman Dictionary of Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.7-8,102,276,352-353,423,429
(4) James Paul Gee. An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.13-80
(5) Jean Stilwell Peccei. Pragmatics. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.7,64-66
(6) Jenny Thomas. Meaning in Interaction: an Introduction to Pragmatics. 1995 first edition. London and New York: Longman, 1995.159-167,185
(7) Ralph Fasold. The Sociolinguistics of Language. August, 2000 first edition. Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2000.32
(8) 方立．数理语言学．1997年9月第1版．北京：北京语言文化大学出版社，1997．1-25
(9) 何兆熊．新编语用学概要．2000年3月第1版．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2000．86-179，211-242
(10) 刘中富．秘密语．1998年5月第1版．北京：新华出版社，1998．1-44
(11) 马宏基，常庆丰．称谓语．1998年6月第1版。北京：新华出版社，1998．45-53
(12) 潘攀．论亲属称谓语的泛化．语言文字应用．1998，(2)．34-38
(13) 施宝义，宋柏年．中国文化读本．1999年4月第1版．北京：商务印书馆，1999．45-49
(14) 伍铁平．模糊语言学．1999年11月第1版．上海：上海外语教育出版社，1999．252-257