摘要
利他是促成人类社会中非亲缘合作互助的重要原因。人类在儿童时期就表现出强大的利他倾向。然而,这些支撑证据大都是在平常的情境中获得的,人类的发展过程中总是会遭遇到种种逆境。目前,我们并不十分清楚儿童在逆境中是否利他如常。本文首次系统地考察了6岁和9岁儿童在巨大自然灾难中所表现出来的利他行为的特点和发展趋势。深入探讨了个人经历、共情、自我类属对儿童灾难-利他行为的促进作用,以及“强制性捐款”对随后儿童灾难-利他行为的抑制作用。本文历时四年有余,包含五项研究。
研究一:自然灾难对儿童利他行为的影响:一项历时3年的研究
目的:(1)通过对比处于儿童中期两端的个体在地震发生前后利他行为表现,洞悉生存环境的恶化将如何影响人类的利他行为。(2)考察上述影响的持续作用。
假设:(1)灾难中,儿童可能更自私或更慷慨,年长儿童可能更倾向于利他。(2)如果儿童利他行为的改变仅是对环境的应对,那么,灾难过后,儿童的行为将恢复到震前水平。
方法:在地震前一个月,地震后一个月,和地震后3年三个时间点,测试了汶川地震极重灾区农村6岁和9岁儿童的利他行为表现(实验一)。其中,地震后一个月组的16名儿童在3年后进行了再测,构成纵向组,这16名儿童不在地震3年组(实验二)。研究使用了适用于儿童的独裁者博弈的变式。
结果:(1)与地震前相比,在灾难中,年幼的儿童(6岁)更自私,年长的儿童(9岁)更利他;(2)3年后,6岁儿童的利他又回升到震前水平,9岁儿童的利他则回落到震前水平:而且,追踪组数据显示,灾难中“自私的”儿童,3年后的表现恢复到震前相同年龄段儿童的水平。
小结:研究一的结果说明,9岁儿童已经具备较成熟的社会认知能力,并根据情境的不同采取合适的行动。6岁儿童在灾难中的“自私”表现说明,虽然在学龄前,甚至更早,儿童已经在日常生活中表现出相当高水平的社会认知以及相应的利他行为,可惜的是,这时的发展成果在灾难中表现得相当脆弱。值得庆幸的是,灾难的负性影响并没有持续到3年后。
研究二共情对儿童灾难-利他行为的调节作用
目的:探索灾难改变儿童利他行为的心理机制。
假设:个体的共情能力(或共情水平)是导致儿童不同利他行为的关键因素。
方法:我们选择了芝加哥疼痛共情测试来衡量儿童的共情水平。使用了独裁者博弈以及带启动的独裁者博弈(请儿童在独裁者博弈前,浏览一组关于512地震刚刚发生时的图片)考察儿童的利他程度。
结果:研究二发现,共情水平与儿童捐赠贴画的数目多少呈正相关。对于9岁儿童,实验组(灾难启动)儿童捐赠的贴画比控制组(不启动)儿童更多。更重要的是,在浏览灾难情景后,高共情儿童捐赠额显著上扬,而低共情儿童的增长则为达到统计显著的水平。
小结:该结果验证了“共情-利他”假设。人类的利他行为可能正是建立在古老的共情机制之上。某些认知能力的发展及相关神经结构的联结是共情-利他行为所必需的,这一发展过程需要时间。生理和心智的成熟在个体利他行为的发展上有重要作用。
和有的研究不同(Rao, et al.,2011),本研究没有发现极重灾区和普通地区儿童在灾难诱发的利他行为表现上有明显区别。我们认为,对于亲历灾难的幸存者而言,在他们的个人经验里,除了感受到大自然的残酷,更有人与人之间的真诚互助。灾难经历增进个体利他行为原因可能是人们在灾难中的积极体验。为此,我们实施了研究三。
研究三积极经验对儿童灾难-利他行为的影响
目的:探讨灾难中儿童被他人关爱救助的积极经历对其利他行为的影响。
假设:被他人关爱救助的灾难积极经历可能促进儿童以后的灾难-利他行为。
方法:在研究二的基础上,我们增加了重建启动组。我们选择了20张汶川地震重建后的照片作为重建启动组的实验材料。并且,对重建启动材料和灾难启动材料从情绪的唤醒度和效价两个维度上进行了评定。两组材料在效价维度有显著差异,但唤醒度相似。
结果:(1)在目睹各地的援建成果后,9岁儿童都比平时更愿意捐赠自己的财富:(2)经历过他人关爱救助的儿童(即,本研究中的灾区儿童)在面对灾难时,相对于积极经验较少的儿童(即,本研究中的非灾区儿童)更加愿意解囊相助于人;(3)共情程度较低的灾区儿童,在积极经历被唤起后,也愿意慷慨解囊,而在单纯的灾难启动时(此时,消极经历可能也被唤起),并没有明显表现出类似的利他倾向。
小结:研究三的结果有两点启示意义:其一,利他捐赠的额度可能受到环境的影响,利他的社会氛围促进了儿童的捐赠意愿;其二,作为他人利他行为的受益者,这种积极的经验使儿童,甚至是低共情儿童,在面临相似情景时也会更加慷慨。
在研究二和研究三中的任务中,儿童捐赠的对象始终是自己的同学,而不是灾难的受害者。但是,儿童在观看了灾难图片后,都对自己同学表现了更大程度的利他。我们推测,其原因可能在于儿童面临灾难压力时,自我类属发生改变,自觉将受灾者、同学和自己归为同一群体而产生的群体内利他行为。那么,当面临自然灾难,这一伴随着人类演化过程的古老课题,儿童究竟是将自己划归为哪个群集?国家的一员,还是人类的一员呢?当儿童在面对其他国家发生同样的灾难时,是否会做出相似的举动呢?在研究四中,我们将对此展开调查。
研究四自我类属对儿童灾难-利他行为的作用
实验一中国灾难和外国灾难启动条件下,儿童灾难-利他行为的对比研究
目的:主要考察儿童灾难-利他行为表现出的自我类属效应。
假设:(1)中国灾难图片促进了年长儿童的利他行为,而外国灾难图片则不能;(2)共情程度越高的儿童越可能捐赠较多的贴画。
方法:本研究的控制组在研究二和研究三的基础上进行了改进——从CAPs中选择了20张与灾难无关的中性图片作为启动材料。另选择20张海地地震图片作为外国灾难组启动材料,这些图片在效价和唤醒度上与中国灾难图片相当。与研究二和研究三一样,实验分为两个阶段,在启动阶段,研究者向儿童展示中性图片或中国灾难图片,或外国灾难图片;随即要求儿童报告自己观看图片后的感受;在分配阶段,儿童对自己的贴画进行分配。
结果:(1)与之前的研究相似,6岁儿童的捐赠额在三种实验条件下没有明显的差异;(2)当9岁儿童观看中国灾难图片后,普遍变得对自己的同学更慷慨。相反,在观看完外国灾难图片后,并没有对自己的同学捐赠更多;(3)对于9岁儿童,共情程度与捐赠额度呈显著正相关。
小结:结果表明,早在儿童中期,人类在面对自然灾难时已经较明显地表现出“群体内偏好”。其心理机制在于儿童对自我类属的划分。根据社会认同和自我类属理论,在灾难中,儿童可能改变了对自己和他人关系的认知。但是,在当前实验条件下,我们无法区分儿童的分类维度是“国家”还是“种族”。因此,我们增加了实验二。
实验二多类属线索下,儿童应对灾难时界定自我类属的的优先选择
研究目的:考察儿童界定自我类属的优先级;
研究假设:面对灾难时,9岁儿童很可能优先选择“国家”作为优先的自我类属。因此,只有中国灾难启动才能提高儿童的捐赠额。
方法:基于实验一的发现,本实验只选择了9岁儿童作为被试。在实验一的基础上,我们增加了日本灾难启动组。三组材料的内容相近,效价和唤醒度相当。而且,日本灾难图片上没有任何文字和特殊的民族风格特征。
结果:(1)中国灾难启动组的表现比其他三组更加慷慨,且其余三组的表现无本质差异;(3)共情的调节作用依旧显著,高共情者在中国启动组中的表现比其余三组中的更加慷慨,而低共情者在四组条件下的表现几乎一样。
小结:在国家和种族线索同时存在的时候,9岁儿童优先选择国家作为自己的类属划分维度。此外,共情水平依然左右着儿童的捐赠额度。
研究五“强制性捐款”对儿童灾难-利他行为的影响
目的:考察在“强制性捐款”后,儿童利他行为的改变;探索共情机制是否具有持续作用。
假设:(1)“强制性捐款”可能会抑制儿童的灾难-利他行为;(2)高共情水平儿童很可能依旧有较好的利他表现。
方法:本研究使用了现场研究和实验室研究相结合的方法。我们在儿童刚刚进行了一次“强制性捐款”后,实施了和研究四实验一相同的实验操作。
结果:(1)与先前研究一样,6岁儿童在各个实验条件下的捐赠行为都没有实质上的差异。(2)对于9岁儿童,本实验中未发现研究四中的启动效应。即,无论是中国灾难启动还是外国灾难启动都没有使儿童有更慷慨的表现。然而,共情依然对儿童的利他行为有明显的预测作用。高共情的儿童明显比低共情儿童表现得更加无私。
小结:儿童在做了一次捐赠后,还要再次对其他的事件做捐赠时,该事件可能不会导致儿童捐赠额的增加。但更有意思的是,此时,儿童的共情水平仍然决定了儿童捐赠额的多少。我们推测,除了共情,责任感也是利他行为的动力源之一。先前发生的捐赠行为释放了儿童的部分责任感,当再次面临相似决策时,前一捐赠行为稀释了儿童再次捐赠的动机。此外,这种捐赠抑制可能也是个体的一种适应行为。
总结:儿童在灾难中利他行为的改变可能是儿童因生理和心智的成熟程度不同引起他们对不利环境(灾难)采取了不同的应对方式。共情是驱动儿童利他行为的重要原因。儿童在任务中表现的利他程度受其共情水平的调节,灾难对高共情儿童利他行为诱发作用强烈。另一方面,在应对灾难时,进化的群体选择机制9岁儿童身上已经得以显现,他们能够自发地按国家来定义自己的类属。在“强制性捐款”后,灾难不再增加儿童的利他行为。可能原因有二:(1)当儿童认为已经尽责或达到道德规范的要求后,利他行为的增长变得困难;(2)这是一种适应行为。但是共情依然和利他程度相关。
Altruism is thought to be a major contributor to the large-scale non-kinship based cooperation in human societies. Humans have been shown to act altruistically from a very young age, however, much of the supporting evidence comes from participants living in normal and affluent conditions. It is entirely unknown whether children continue to act altruistically when facing adversities. Arguably, adversity is one of the most common human experiences, we regularly encounter adverse events such as personal tragedies, political upheavals, and natural disasters. In the present thesis, we showed for the first time that experiencing a major natural disaster affects children's altruistic giving, and investigated the mental mechanism underlying the behaviors and it's developmental tendency. The promoting roles of personal experience, empathy, self-categorization in children's disaster-altruistic giving have been discussed, so did the negative effect of "mandatory donations". This project took more than four years, including five studies.
Study1. Experiencing a natural disaster alters children's altruistic giving:a three-year study.
Objective:examined the effect of experiencing a major natural disaster on children's altruistic behavior by contrast their behaviors before and after the disaster., And investigated it's continuous influence.
Hypothesis:(1) children in the1-month post-earthquake group might be more selfish or be more generous than those in the pre-earthquake group;(2) If the change was caused by natural disaster, it will change back after the disaster.
Method:6-and9-year-old children in earthquake area were selected. In EXP1, children were divided into3groups:1) the pre-quake group,2) the1-month post-quake group,3) the3-year post-quake group. In EXP2,16children of1month post-quake group were tested in three years. A modified dictator game was adopted to measure the altruism of children.
Results:whereas most6-and9-year-olds behaved altruistically before the disaster, immediately after it,6-year-olds became more selfish while9-year-olds acted even more altruistically. Further,3years after the disaster, both6-and9-year-olds' altruistic tendencies returned to the pre-earthquake level.
Summary:The immediate negative effect of the earthquake on6-year-olds suggests that altruism at that age is still fragile. And fortunately, the negative effects were not long-lasting. The enhanced altruism in9-year-olds suggests that altruism is strong sufficiently to withstand the challenge of adversity and can be enhanced at that age.
Study2. Moderated role of empathy in children's disaster-altruistic behaviors
Objective:examined the role of empathy in children's altruistic giving.
Hypothesis:witnessing devastation and human suffering caused by the natural disaster might evoke different levels of empathic responses which lead to differences in6-and9-year-olds' altruistic
Method:Children were tested with the first session involving the dictator game and the second session involving the Chicago Pain Empathy Test. For the experimental group, children read20pictures of Wenchuan earthquake before the dictator game.
Results:empathy level was positively correlated to the number of donated stickers. Nine-year-old children in disaster-priming group donated more stickers than those in control group. Importantly, after read the disaster pictures, only high-empathy children became generous, a statistic significant difference was not find in the low-empathy children.
Summary:All of these results supported the "empathy-altruism hypothesis". Human altruism might bootstrap on this phylogenetic old empathy mechanism. The marked age difference in altruistic reactions seen here suggests the important role that developmental factors may play in the ontogeny of human altruism.
The survivors had positive experience (such as receiving donations, being helped, being concerned with), besides of the negative experience on the damage and fear. Did the positive experience have function on improving children's altruism? The study3was conducted. Study3. How positive experience on disaster impacts the children's disaster-altruistic giving.
Objective:explored whether the positive experience in disaster promoted children's altruistic giving when they would be facing natural disaster.
Hypothesis:the positive experience in disaster would promote children's disaster-altruistic giving.
Method:based on study2, a rebuild group was added, in which20pictures on rebuild post Wenchuan earthquake were chosen to serve as priming materials. Moreover, arousal and valence of two picture groups were estimated, revealing that there was significant difference between valence of disaster pictures and that of rebuild pictures while the arousal dimension was not.
Results:(1) after reading the set of rebuilding pictures,9-year-olds would like to give their favorite stickers to anonymous classmates;(2) children who had positive experience donated more stickers than those who had no positive experience on disaster;(3) low empathy children in disaster area presented more generosity when their positive experience were aroused, but they didn't become generous when their negative experience was aroused.
Summary:The results of Study3were with two implications:First, altruistic giving might be affected by the contextual situation, which would improve children's altruism if there were filled with altruistic atmosphere. Second, as a survivor who was cared by others, even low empathy children would manifest their generosity to others by positive emotion was evoked when they meet a similar situation.
The receivers were proposer's classmate rather than the real victims in disaster in the tasks of Study2and Study3. However, children performed more altruistically like what had done in real disaster. We speculated that children might change their self categorization when they were facing the acute stress of disaster. That is, children would like to identify the victims, their classmates, and themselves as members from the same group, then show greater altruism. So when face the natural disaster which group will the children categories themselves in, a member of a nation, or a number of human being. Therefore, we performed the Study4.
Study4. Self-categorization moderated children's disaster-altruistic giving.
Experiment1. Self-categorization lead to different performances in children's altruistic giving for their classmates.
Objective:to examine the effect of self-categorization on children's disaster-altruistic giving.
Hypothesis:(1) reading Chinese disaster pictures might let children donate more stickers than those of reading foreign disaster pictures.(2) Children with the higher empathy score were more likely to donate more stickers.
Method:we modified the procedure in control group in which20picture from CAPs' neutral set were selected as priming materials. Additionally,20pictures about Haiti earthquake were selected as foreign disaster priming materials, and those arouse and valence were similar to Chinese disaster picture's. The procedure was the same to study2and3.
Results:(1) similar to foregoing studies, there was no significant effect in the three conditions for6-year-old children.(2) Compared to control group,9-year-old children of Chinese disaster-priming group were more generous; but those of foreign disaster-priming weren't.(3) For9-year-old children, there was a positive correlation between empathy level and donations.
Summary:results of Study4indicated that as early as in middle childhood, human began to emerge in-group preferences when facing with natural disaster. The underlying mental mechanism might be the group identification of their self categorization. In disaster, children changed the cognition of relationship between themselves and others. However, we couldn't make clear whether the dimension of classification was "nation" or "race". This question would be answered in Experiment2.
Experiment2. The classificated preference when children coped with natural disaster under several cues of categorizations.
Subjective:to examine the priority that children defined themselves' categorization.
Hypothesis:(1) children of Chinese disaster-priming group were more generous than those of the other three groups.(2) The high empathy children of Chinese disaster-priming group would donate more stickers than those of the other three groups.(3) There were no significant difference among the control group, the Japanese disaster-priming group, and the Haiti disaster-priming groups.
Method:according to the EXP1of Study4, only9-year-old children were recruited in Experiment2, and the Japanese disaster-priming group was added, in which children would read20pictures about Japanese disaster before theytook part in the dictator game.
Results:nine-year-old children selected prior "nation" as self-categorization.. Moreover, empathy and altruism were positively related.
Results:(1) the performance of6-year-old children weren't significant among all experimental conditions.(2) For9-year-old children, there was no priming effect like that of studies above. However,(3) high empathy children donated more stickers than low empathy children.
Summary:Results revealed that the sense of responsibility was one of the motive sources for altruistic behavior besides of empathy. The alternative explains was that the inhibition of donating might an adaption to environment.
General summary:experiencing disaster led younger children more selfish and older children more generous. This effect was immediate, not long-lasting. That is, children adopt different manner to deal with major environmental adversities. Empathy modulated the performance of children in disaster. Disaster improved the high empathy children' altruism behaviors and they donated more. On the other hand, the "group select" mechanism emerged on9-year-old children who defined their self-categorization by nation. After a "mandatory donation", the next natural disaster couldn't improve children's donations. There were two possible reasons:(1) when children thought they had accomplished their civil duties or obligations, it became difficult to increase their donations;(2) the decreasing of altruistic giving was an adaptive reaction. However, there was a positive correlation between empathy and altruism.
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