河北省中部南部方言语音研究
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摘要
本文主要从方言地理学的角度描写河北省中部南部方言特征的分布，利用方言地图展示方言间的差异，探讨汉语方言历时演变的有关问题。全文共分六章。
第一章介绍河北省中部南部方言的情况及本文写作的意义、方法和材料来源。按《中国语言地图集》的划分，河北省中部南部方言从北到南分布着官话方言的北京官话怀承片，冀鲁官话保唐片、沧惠片、石济片，晋语，东南角又有一部分中原官话。本文希望能为官话和晋语研究提供材料，并为方言地理学和汉语史研究做出贡献。本文依据方言地理学和历史语言学理论，运用描写法和比较法进行研究。为写作本文，笔者调查了河北省中部南部部分方言，并参考了大量前辈时贤的研究成果，根据河北省中部南部的情况，以其境内京广、京九和京沪三条纵向的铁路为地理坐标，选取沿线37点方言作重点讨论，另选80个方言点的材料作为参照。
第二章声母。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言声母基本情况，然后讨论5个问题。
一、尖团音。分尖团的方言主要分布在本区域的中部及偏南地区。这些方言团音字声母相同，尖音字的声母有四种读音：ts ts~h s、tθtθ~hθ、t t~h s和tθ(t)tθ~h(t~h)θ。大多数方言都有精组细音字混入团音的情况，反映了尖团合流的趋势。
二、古见系开口二等字的腭化。本区域方言中，大部分见系开口二等字的今声母已腭化，还有一小部分字存在舌根音声母或有文白异读。北部和东部方言中“更_五-耕客隔”4个字的声母演变比较特殊，经历了以下变化过程：
三、古知庄章的今声母。本区域东部和南部一些方言古知庄章分类与普通话不同，可分为两种类型。本节描写两种类型的代表点——沧州和衡水。另外，永年的分类和读音比较特殊，文中作为特例描写。普通话中有一部分庄组字、个别知_二组字今读ts组声母，这些字在本区域古知庄章与普通话一致的方言中有16个常用字，这些字多有t(?)组声母的白读音；在古知庄章与普通话不一致的方言中，其声母按规律或读ts组声母或读t(?)组声母。
四、古日母字。本区域方言古日母字与普通话读音不同的点集中在南部。止摄日母字的读音分3种：(?)(?)、(?)(?)、(?)，止摄之外的日母字读音分5种：(?)-、1-、(?)-和1-、(?)和1-、z。
五、古微疑影云以的今声母。古影疑母开口一二等在北京话读(?)声母的字，在本区域方言中主要有三种读音：n、η和γ；古微疑影云以五母北京话读(?)声母合口呼的字，在本区域方言中有两种读音：(?)和v。这两组字的声母在地理分布上有一定联系。
第三章韵母。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言韵母的基本情况，然后描写古舒声韵、入声韵、儿尾与儿化3方面的现象。
一、古舒声韵。分5个小问题。1、开合口。本区域方言存在一些古开口字今读合口呼和古合口字今读开口呼的现象，这些字集中在果摄、蟹止摄、山臻摄和通摄。有变化的以来母字最多，其次是泥组字和端组字。在不分尖团的方言中，精组合口三等字韵母撮口呼与合口呼的不同往往还影响到声母的腭化与否。2、有-i、-ei异读的唇音字。蟹摄开口三四等、止摄开口三等及无入声韵方言舒化后的臻开三质韵、梗开三昔韵和梗开四锡韵唇音字无条件分化为-i、-ei两种读音，还有一部分字有-i、-ei文白异读。3、iai、uau、iε韵母。iai韵母：古蟹摄开口二等见系字在一部分方言中与假开三精组字韵母不同；uau韵母指《中原音韵》萧豪韵的合口韵母，本区域一些方言还有个别字读uau韵母；iε韵母：北京话中t(?) t(?)~h (?) (?)声母拼γ韵母的字，在正定方言中为iε韵母，和《中原音韵》中属歌戈韵的古果开一见系字韵母不同，在辛集、深泽、东光、邱县、魏县、大名方言中也有类似现象。4、本区域东部和南部有一部分方言存在复元音韵母ai uai和au iau单元音化的现象。5、本区域东部和南部大部分方言存在古咸山摄字鼻音韵尾脱落、主要元音鼻化的现象，一小部分方言古深臻摄字的鼻音韵尾也存在这种现象。
二、古入声韵。本区域无入声韵方言中，古宕江曾梗通5摄入声字普遍存在文白异读现象。宕江摄在南部方言有白读音的字数比中部方言少，造成这种现象的原因：南部方言宕江摄文读音由中原官话传入的时间比中部早，因此保留的白读音字数少。曾梗摄白读音各地普遍多，原因是文读音传入时间晚，对白读音的影响小。通摄多为口语不常用字，故而保留白读音的字在各方言普遍不多。另外，宕开一铎韵来母字在河北省中部部分方言中有开口呼韵母的文读音；通合三精组字及日母“褥“字在部分方言读y韵母，或有y韵母的又读，本文认为应属旧文读。在本文重点讨论的4个保留入声韵方言中，除沙河外今入声韵母的古韵来源基本相同，沙河与其他3个方言也有对应关系。各方言都有入声舒化的现象：舒化比例从北到南渐次降低，从古声母的角度看，古清入舒化比例最低，古次浊入次之。古全浊入最高。
三、儿尾与儿化。保定一带方言存在部分韵母后跟“儿”时读儿尾的现象，其他韵母及本区域其他方言韵母后跟“儿”时一般为儿化韵。本区域方言儿化韵母合并得比普通话多。
第四章声调。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言声调的基本情况，然后描写3个方面的语言现象。
一、调值和调型。描写本区域有代表性方言的调值和调型及其在地理上的分布规律：阴平以降升调最多，主要分布在本地区东部；阳平多是高降调，半数以上方言如此；上声基本上是降升调和高平调两分；去声一般是降调，尤以高降调居多。
二、古入声调。在无入声方言中，古全浊入声字大多归阳平。各方言都有少量归其他声调的字：归去声比例较高的集中在北京官话区及邻近的冀鲁官话区，新乐以南归阴平的比例高于其北部和东部各点，归上声的字最少。古次浊入多归去声。也有少数字归到其他声调的现象，南部一些方言归阴平的比例较其他方言略高。古清入字在北京官话及冀鲁官话保唐片中今分归阴阳上去4声，沧惠片及石济片多归阴平，总体趋势是越往南归阴平的比例越高。保留入声调的方言中，都有一部分字和舒声调的字合并。古清入字今读去声的字所占比例都不小，古全浊入今读阳平(在元氏今读平声)比例最高，古次浊入今读去声的字占优势。
三、去声在轻声前的分化。保定一带方言去声后跟轻声时能区分阴阳去，这种现象的产生应是由于声母清浊来源不同。
第五章特字举例。本章举声母、韵母、声调在古今演变上不合一般规律或虽然符合古今演变规律，但与普通话有明显不同的字。形成特字的主要原因有：受声旁或其他字的影响，保存古音的异读，外方言的影响，别义异读等。
第六章结论。讨论3个方面的问题。
一、河北省中部南部方言的分区。以往对河北省中部南部方言的分区都存在一些问题。本文以《地图集》和《河北省志·方言志》为基础，对河北省中部南部方言作了重新分区。
二、行政区划、自然地理和交通线路对方言的形成都有一定作用，相比之下，历史行政区划的作用更大。
三、河北省中部南部方言是多种特点渐变的连续体。由于河北省中部南部主体部分是平原，因此行政区划、自然地理和交通线路并不影响河北省中部南部方言分布大局，河北省中部南部方言特征在地理上是渐变的。
This paper mainly describes the distribution of the characteristics of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province from the point of view of dialect geography, showing the differences among the dialects by linguistic atlas and discussing questions on the changing of Chinese over time. There are 6 chapters in this paper.
The first chapter introduces the condition of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province as well as the significance of writing this paper, the method of study and the getting of the materials. According to The Chinese Linguistic Atlas, the dialects in he middle and south of Hebei Province including Huaicheng piece of Beijing Mandarin; Baotang piece, Canghui piece and Shiji piece of Jilu Mandarin; Zhengcao piece of Zhongyuan Mandarin; and Jin dialect .I hope this paper could provide materials to the study of Mandarin and Jin dialect and contribute to the study of dialect geography and the history of Chinese language. This paper was written according to the theories of dialect geography and historical linguistics, using the methods of disruption and comparison. The materials used in this paper were got in two ways, one is to investigate on the spot , the other is to use the achievements of others . The three lengthwise railways of Jingguang, Jingjiu and jinghu are used as geographical coordinates according to the situation of the middle and south of Hebei Province. 37 dialects along the railways are centered on and 80 others are referred to.
The second chapter is about the initials. First, it introduces the general condition of the initials of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province briefly, then 5 questions are discussed.
Ⅰ. Sharp and rounded sounds .The dialects which have the distinction of sharp and rounded sounds are mainly distributed in the middle and southern parts of this district. The initials of the rounded sounds in these dialects are the same and there are 4 types of pronunciations of the initials of the sharp sounds: ts ts~h s , tθtθ~hθ,t t~h s, in Guluying dialect, the initials of the finals with Medial -i- of group Jing divided into t t~h and t9 tθ~h irregularly. In most of the dialects, there are such thing that the characters of finals with Medial -i- or -y- of group Jing are mixed up with the rounded sound. This reflects the tendency of the mixture of sharp and rounded sounds.
Ⅱ. The palatalization of the initials of the kaikou characters of the 2~(nd) division of jian xi. In the dialects of this district, most of the initials of the kaikou characters of the 2~(nd) division of jian xi were palatalized, but there are a few characters which have velar initials or have different pronunciations as literary language and vernacular respectively. The initials of 'geng geng ke ge (更_五-耕客隔) in the northern and eastern dialects experienced such special change as
Ⅲ. The initials of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang. In the eastern and southern part of this district, there are some dialects in which the classification and pronunciation of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are different from those of Putonghua and can be divided into two types. The classification and pronunciation of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang of the two representative dialects of the two types respectively and a special dialect - Yongnian dialect are described here .There are some characters in group zhuang and a few of initial zhi-2nd whose initials are pronounced as initial group ts in Putonghua . In the dialects whose Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are the same as those of Putonghua in this part, there are 16 such characters which are often used. Most of the characters have vernacular initial of group t(?). In the dialects whose Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are different from those of Putonghua, these characters are pronounced as group t(?)- or group t(?)- according to the rule. But the finals of the characters of the entering tone usually have the vernaculars which are the same as the other dialects.
Ⅳ. The characters of initial ri. The dialects in which the pronunciations of the characters of initial ri are different from those of Putonghua in this district are mainly in the south. There are 3 types of pronunciations of the characters of initial ri in group zhi: (?)(?) ,(?)(?), (?). And there are 5 types of pronunciations of the characters of initial ri except group zhi: (?),l-,(?)- &l-,(?)-& l-, z .
Ⅴ. The initials of wei yi ying yun yi. Of the kaikou characters of the 1 st and 2nd division in initials ying and yi which are pronounced as 9- in Beijing dialect, there are 3 types of pronunciations of their initials in the middle and south of Hebei Province: n ,ηandγ. And there two types of pronunciations of the initials of wei yi ying yun yi whose finals are pronounced as hekouhu in Beijing dialect. The above two groups of initials have relations in geographical distribution.
The third chapter is on the finals. First, the general condition of the initials is introduced and 3 languange phenomena are described.
Ⅰ. The MC lax thyme. 5 questions are discussed in this part. 1. kaihekou. There are some characters which were pronounced as kaikou but now hekouhu and also some characters pronounced hekou but now kaikouhu in this district. These characters are mainly in group guo , groups xie & zhi , group long ,groups shan & zhen .The MC initials of most of the characters are of initial lai, the second large in amount are of group ni and group duan . In dialects whose initials of the characters of finals with Medial -i- or -y- in groups jing and &jian are the same, the pronunciation of the finals with Medial -y- or -i- usually affects the palatalization of the initials. 2. The characters with labial initials which have two kinds of finals as i and ei. The finals of the characters with labial initials in the 3rd and 4th division of kaikou of group xie, the 3rd and 4th division of kaikou of group zhi and the laxed 3rd division of rhyme zhi in kaikou group zhen, 3rd division of rhyme xi in kaikou group geng and 4th division of rhyme xi in group geng are divided into -i or -ei unconditionally and there are some characters which have different pronunciations of literary language and vernacular. 3. Finals of iai, uau and iε. - iai: in some dialects , the rhyme of the characters of jian xi of the 2nd division in group xie is different from that of the characters of group jing of the 3rd division in group jia . -uau refers to the finals with Medial -u- in rhymes xiao & hao in zhongyuanyinyun . In some dialects in this part, there are a few characters whose rhymes are pronounced as uau . -iε: the rhymes of the characters which are combined by initials of t(?) t(?)~h (?) (?)with final y in Beijing dialect are pronounced as -iεin Zhengding dialect, as is different from that of characters of jian xi of the 1st division in group guo belonging to rhyme Ge-ge in Zhongyuanyinyun . There are similar phenomenon in the dialects of Shenze, Xinji, Dongguang, Qiuxian,Weixian and Daming.4. In some dialects in the north and east of this district, the finals of diphthongs and triphthongs ai uai and au iau are monophthongized. 5. In most of the dialects in the east and south of this district, the nasal endings of the characters of groups of xian & shan are omitted, and the nucleus are nasalized. There is the same phenomenon in the nasal ending of the characters of group shen & zhen in a few dialects.
Ⅱ.The MC entering rhyme.In the dialects in which there are no entering rhyme in this district, there are different pronunciations of literary language and vernacular of the finals of the characters of MC entering rhyme. The amount of the characters having vernacular are fewer in the south than in the north. The reason is that the literary pronunciation of groups dang &jiang came into the district very early and earlier into the south than into the north, and it had strong influence on the vernacular. The coming of the literary pronunciation of groups zeng & geng was much later and it has much little influence on the vernacular. The characters in group tong are mostly not often used in the daily life, so the characters which have vernacular are rare in each dialect generally. Besides, there are literary pronunciation of finals without Medial of the 1st division of rhyme duo in group dang of initial lai in some dialects in the middle of Hebei Province; group jing of hekou 3rd division in group tong and ru (褥) of initial ri are read -y in some dialects. The paper holds the view that this pronunciation should be regarded as old and literary. In the 4 dialects with entering rhymes in this district, the 3 have almost the same origin of the present day entering rhymes except Shahe while in which the entering rhymes have corresponding relationship with those of the other 3. There is the phenomenon of laxilization of the entering rhymes in each dialect. The rate of laxilization goes low from north to the south. Taking the point of view of the MC initials, the rate of laxilization of the voiceless entering rhyme is the lowest, that of the voiced sonorant entering thyme is higher, and that of the voiced obstruent is the highest.
Ⅲ. er-wei and er-hua. There is a phenomenon that when er(儿) follows some rhymes, it is pronouned as er-wei in the dialects around Baoding. When er(儿) follows other rhymes and in other dialects, it is er-hua. The rhymes are much fewer after they melt with er(儿) in the dialects in this part than those in Putonghua.
The fourth chapter is on tones. The general condition of tones of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province is introduced first, and then 3 language phenomena are described.
Ⅰ. Mould and pitch of the tones. The mould and pitch of the tones of the representative dialects in this district and their distribution are described. Most of the first tones are falling-rising, and mainly located in the eastern of this district. The second tones of more than half of the dialects in this district are high falling. Generally, the third tone is half falling-rising and half high level. Most of the fourth tones are falling tone, especially high falling tone.
Ⅱ. The MC entering tone. In the dialects without entering tone, most of the characters of the MC entering tone with voiced obstruent initials are read as the second tone. And there are some characters read as other tones in each dialect. The highest rate in reading the fourth tones centers on Bejing Mandarin and its neighbor Jilu Mandarin. In the dialects south to Xinle, the rate of reading the first tone is higher than in the north and east, The characters read the third tone are the fewest. Most of the characters of MC entering tone with voiced sonorant are read the fourth tone in each dialect. There is also the phenomenon that some characters are read other tones. The rate of read the 1st tone in the south is higher than in other dialects. The characters of ancient entering tone with voiceless initials are divided into four tones in Beijing Mandarin and Baotang piece of Jilu Mandarin, and most of them are read the 1st tone in Canghui piece and Shiji piece of Jilu Mandarin. The general tendency is that the rate of reading the 1st tone becomes higher southward. In the dialects with entering tone, there are some characters read other tones most of which with the voiceless initials the second tone, with the voiced sonorant initials the fourth tone.
Ⅲ. In the dialects around Baoding, when the fourth tone is followed by a neutral tone, yinyang can be distinguished, as is caused by the origin of the voiced or voiceless If the initials.
The fifth chapter is about some special pronounced characters. There are some characters whose initials, finals or tones are not read regularly. The reason is analyzed briefly here: influenced by the phonetic element or other characters, having other fanqie, influenced by other dialects, having had different pronunciation in the past, influenced by other dialects, to distinguish different meanings, etc.
The sixth chapter is the conclusion.. 3 questions are diacussed.
Ⅰ. There are questions on the division of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province before, this part re-divided the dialects.
Ⅱ. Historic administrative division, natural geography and traffic lines all have influence on the dialect in this district, influence of the historic administration division is larger.
Ⅲ. Dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province are changed gradually in district. They become a continuous body.
第一章介绍河北省中部南部方言的情况及本文写作的意义、方法和材料来源。按《中国语言地图集》的划分，河北省中部南部方言从北到南分布着官话方言的北京官话怀承片，冀鲁官话保唐片、沧惠片、石济片，晋语，东南角又有一部分中原官话。本文希望能为官话和晋语研究提供材料，并为方言地理学和汉语史研究做出贡献。本文依据方言地理学和历史语言学理论，运用描写法和比较法进行研究。为写作本文，笔者调查了河北省中部南部部分方言，并参考了大量前辈时贤的研究成果，根据河北省中部南部的情况，以其境内京广、京九和京沪三条纵向的铁路为地理坐标，选取沿线37点方言作重点讨论，另选80个方言点的材料作为参照。
第二章声母。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言声母基本情况，然后讨论5个问题。
一、尖团音。分尖团的方言主要分布在本区域的中部及偏南地区。这些方言团音字声母相同，尖音字的声母有四种读音：ts ts~h s、tθtθ~hθ、t t~h s和tθ(t)tθ~h(t~h)θ。大多数方言都有精组细音字混入团音的情况，反映了尖团合流的趋势。
二、古见系开口二等字的腭化。本区域方言中，大部分见系开口二等字的今声母已腭化，还有一小部分字存在舌根音声母或有文白异读。北部和东部方言中“更_五-耕客隔”4个字的声母演变比较特殊，经历了以下变化过程：
三、古知庄章的今声母。本区域东部和南部一些方言古知庄章分类与普通话不同，可分为两种类型。本节描写两种类型的代表点——沧州和衡水。另外，永年的分类和读音比较特殊，文中作为特例描写。普通话中有一部分庄组字、个别知_二组字今读ts组声母，这些字在本区域古知庄章与普通话一致的方言中有16个常用字，这些字多有t(?)组声母的白读音；在古知庄章与普通话不一致的方言中，其声母按规律或读ts组声母或读t(?)组声母。
四、古日母字。本区域方言古日母字与普通话读音不同的点集中在南部。止摄日母字的读音分3种：(?)(?)、(?)(?)、(?)，止摄之外的日母字读音分5种：(?)-、1-、(?)-和1-、(?)和1-、z。
五、古微疑影云以的今声母。古影疑母开口一二等在北京话读(?)声母的字，在本区域方言中主要有三种读音：n、η和γ；古微疑影云以五母北京话读(?)声母合口呼的字，在本区域方言中有两种读音：(?)和v。这两组字的声母在地理分布上有一定联系。
第三章韵母。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言韵母的基本情况，然后描写古舒声韵、入声韵、儿尾与儿化3方面的现象。
一、古舒声韵。分5个小问题。1、开合口。本区域方言存在一些古开口字今读合口呼和古合口字今读开口呼的现象，这些字集中在果摄、蟹止摄、山臻摄和通摄。有变化的以来母字最多，其次是泥组字和端组字。在不分尖团的方言中，精组合口三等字韵母撮口呼与合口呼的不同往往还影响到声母的腭化与否。2、有-i、-ei异读的唇音字。蟹摄开口三四等、止摄开口三等及无入声韵方言舒化后的臻开三质韵、梗开三昔韵和梗开四锡韵唇音字无条件分化为-i、-ei两种读音，还有一部分字有-i、-ei文白异读。3、iai、uau、iε韵母。iai韵母：古蟹摄开口二等见系字在一部分方言中与假开三精组字韵母不同；uau韵母指《中原音韵》萧豪韵的合口韵母，本区域一些方言还有个别字读uau韵母；iε韵母：北京话中t(?) t(?)~h (?) (?)声母拼γ韵母的字，在正定方言中为iε韵母，和《中原音韵》中属歌戈韵的古果开一见系字韵母不同，在辛集、深泽、东光、邱县、魏县、大名方言中也有类似现象。4、本区域东部和南部有一部分方言存在复元音韵母ai uai和au iau单元音化的现象。5、本区域东部和南部大部分方言存在古咸山摄字鼻音韵尾脱落、主要元音鼻化的现象，一小部分方言古深臻摄字的鼻音韵尾也存在这种现象。
二、古入声韵。本区域无入声韵方言中，古宕江曾梗通5摄入声字普遍存在文白异读现象。宕江摄在南部方言有白读音的字数比中部方言少，造成这种现象的原因：南部方言宕江摄文读音由中原官话传入的时间比中部早，因此保留的白读音字数少。曾梗摄白读音各地普遍多，原因是文读音传入时间晚，对白读音的影响小。通摄多为口语不常用字，故而保留白读音的字在各方言普遍不多。另外，宕开一铎韵来母字在河北省中部部分方言中有开口呼韵母的文读音；通合三精组字及日母“褥“字在部分方言读y韵母，或有y韵母的又读，本文认为应属旧文读。在本文重点讨论的4个保留入声韵方言中，除沙河外今入声韵母的古韵来源基本相同，沙河与其他3个方言也有对应关系。各方言都有入声舒化的现象：舒化比例从北到南渐次降低，从古声母的角度看，古清入舒化比例最低，古次浊入次之。古全浊入最高。
三、儿尾与儿化。保定一带方言存在部分韵母后跟“儿”时读儿尾的现象，其他韵母及本区域其他方言韵母后跟“儿”时一般为儿化韵。本区域方言儿化韵母合并得比普通话多。
第四章声调。先概括介绍河北省中部南部方言声调的基本情况，然后描写3个方面的语言现象。
一、调值和调型。描写本区域有代表性方言的调值和调型及其在地理上的分布规律：阴平以降升调最多，主要分布在本地区东部；阳平多是高降调，半数以上方言如此；上声基本上是降升调和高平调两分；去声一般是降调，尤以高降调居多。
二、古入声调。在无入声方言中，古全浊入声字大多归阳平。各方言都有少量归其他声调的字：归去声比例较高的集中在北京官话区及邻近的冀鲁官话区，新乐以南归阴平的比例高于其北部和东部各点，归上声的字最少。古次浊入多归去声。也有少数字归到其他声调的现象，南部一些方言归阴平的比例较其他方言略高。古清入字在北京官话及冀鲁官话保唐片中今分归阴阳上去4声，沧惠片及石济片多归阴平，总体趋势是越往南归阴平的比例越高。保留入声调的方言中，都有一部分字和舒声调的字合并。古清入字今读去声的字所占比例都不小，古全浊入今读阳平(在元氏今读平声)比例最高，古次浊入今读去声的字占优势。
三、去声在轻声前的分化。保定一带方言去声后跟轻声时能区分阴阳去，这种现象的产生应是由于声母清浊来源不同。
第五章特字举例。本章举声母、韵母、声调在古今演变上不合一般规律或虽然符合古今演变规律，但与普通话有明显不同的字。形成特字的主要原因有：受声旁或其他字的影响，保存古音的异读，外方言的影响，别义异读等。
第六章结论。讨论3个方面的问题。
一、河北省中部南部方言的分区。以往对河北省中部南部方言的分区都存在一些问题。本文以《地图集》和《河北省志·方言志》为基础，对河北省中部南部方言作了重新分区。
二、行政区划、自然地理和交通线路对方言的形成都有一定作用，相比之下，历史行政区划的作用更大。
三、河北省中部南部方言是多种特点渐变的连续体。由于河北省中部南部主体部分是平原，因此行政区划、自然地理和交通线路并不影响河北省中部南部方言分布大局，河北省中部南部方言特征在地理上是渐变的。
This paper mainly describes the distribution of the characteristics of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province from the point of view of dialect geography, showing the differences among the dialects by linguistic atlas and discussing questions on the changing of Chinese over time. There are 6 chapters in this paper.
The first chapter introduces the condition of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province as well as the significance of writing this paper, the method of study and the getting of the materials. According to The Chinese Linguistic Atlas, the dialects in he middle and south of Hebei Province including Huaicheng piece of Beijing Mandarin; Baotang piece, Canghui piece and Shiji piece of Jilu Mandarin; Zhengcao piece of Zhongyuan Mandarin; and Jin dialect .I hope this paper could provide materials to the study of Mandarin and Jin dialect and contribute to the study of dialect geography and the history of Chinese language. This paper was written according to the theories of dialect geography and historical linguistics, using the methods of disruption and comparison. The materials used in this paper were got in two ways, one is to investigate on the spot , the other is to use the achievements of others . The three lengthwise railways of Jingguang, Jingjiu and jinghu are used as geographical coordinates according to the situation of the middle and south of Hebei Province. 37 dialects along the railways are centered on and 80 others are referred to.
The second chapter is about the initials. First, it introduces the general condition of the initials of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province briefly, then 5 questions are discussed.
Ⅰ. Sharp and rounded sounds .The dialects which have the distinction of sharp and rounded sounds are mainly distributed in the middle and southern parts of this district. The initials of the rounded sounds in these dialects are the same and there are 4 types of pronunciations of the initials of the sharp sounds: ts ts~h s , tθtθ~hθ,t t~h s, in Guluying dialect, the initials of the finals with Medial -i- of group Jing divided into t t~h and t9 tθ~h irregularly. In most of the dialects, there are such thing that the characters of finals with Medial -i- or -y- of group Jing are mixed up with the rounded sound. This reflects the tendency of the mixture of sharp and rounded sounds.
Ⅱ. The palatalization of the initials of the kaikou characters of the 2~(nd) division of jian xi. In the dialects of this district, most of the initials of the kaikou characters of the 2~(nd) division of jian xi were palatalized, but there are a few characters which have velar initials or have different pronunciations as literary language and vernacular respectively. The initials of 'geng geng ke ge (更_五-耕客隔) in the northern and eastern dialects experienced such special change as
Ⅲ. The initials of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang. In the eastern and southern part of this district, there are some dialects in which the classification and pronunciation of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are different from those of Putonghua and can be divided into two types. The classification and pronunciation of Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang of the two representative dialects of the two types respectively and a special dialect - Yongnian dialect are described here .There are some characters in group zhuang and a few of initial zhi-2nd whose initials are pronounced as initial group ts in Putonghua . In the dialects whose Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are the same as those of Putonghua in this part, there are 16 such characters which are often used. Most of the characters have vernacular initial of group t(?). In the dialects whose Zhi-Zhuang-Zhang are different from those of Putonghua, these characters are pronounced as group t(?)- or group t(?)- according to the rule. But the finals of the characters of the entering tone usually have the vernaculars which are the same as the other dialects.
Ⅳ. The characters of initial ri. The dialects in which the pronunciations of the characters of initial ri are different from those of Putonghua in this district are mainly in the south. There are 3 types of pronunciations of the characters of initial ri in group zhi: (?)(?) ,(?)(?), (?). And there are 5 types of pronunciations of the characters of initial ri except group zhi: (?),l-,(?)- &l-,(?)-& l-, z .
Ⅴ. The initials of wei yi ying yun yi. Of the kaikou characters of the 1 st and 2nd division in initials ying and yi which are pronounced as 9- in Beijing dialect, there are 3 types of pronunciations of their initials in the middle and south of Hebei Province: n ,ηandγ. And there two types of pronunciations of the initials of wei yi ying yun yi whose finals are pronounced as hekouhu in Beijing dialect. The above two groups of initials have relations in geographical distribution.
The third chapter is on the finals. First, the general condition of the initials is introduced and 3 languange phenomena are described.
Ⅰ. The MC lax thyme. 5 questions are discussed in this part. 1. kaihekou. There are some characters which were pronounced as kaikou but now hekouhu and also some characters pronounced hekou but now kaikouhu in this district. These characters are mainly in group guo , groups xie & zhi , group long ,groups shan & zhen .The MC initials of most of the characters are of initial lai, the second large in amount are of group ni and group duan . In dialects whose initials of the characters of finals with Medial -i- or -y- in groups jing and &jian are the same, the pronunciation of the finals with Medial -y- or -i- usually affects the palatalization of the initials. 2. The characters with labial initials which have two kinds of finals as i and ei. The finals of the characters with labial initials in the 3rd and 4th division of kaikou of group xie, the 3rd and 4th division of kaikou of group zhi and the laxed 3rd division of rhyme zhi in kaikou group zhen, 3rd division of rhyme xi in kaikou group geng and 4th division of rhyme xi in group geng are divided into -i or -ei unconditionally and there are some characters which have different pronunciations of literary language and vernacular. 3. Finals of iai, uau and iε. - iai: in some dialects , the rhyme of the characters of jian xi of the 2nd division in group xie is different from that of the characters of group jing of the 3rd division in group jia . -uau refers to the finals with Medial -u- in rhymes xiao & hao in zhongyuanyinyun . In some dialects in this part, there are a few characters whose rhymes are pronounced as uau . -iε: the rhymes of the characters which are combined by initials of t(?) t(?)~h (?) (?)with final y in Beijing dialect are pronounced as -iεin Zhengding dialect, as is different from that of characters of jian xi of the 1st division in group guo belonging to rhyme Ge-ge in Zhongyuanyinyun . There are similar phenomenon in the dialects of Shenze, Xinji, Dongguang, Qiuxian,Weixian and Daming.4. In some dialects in the north and east of this district, the finals of diphthongs and triphthongs ai uai and au iau are monophthongized. 5. In most of the dialects in the east and south of this district, the nasal endings of the characters of groups of xian & shan are omitted, and the nucleus are nasalized. There is the same phenomenon in the nasal ending of the characters of group shen & zhen in a few dialects.
Ⅱ.The MC entering rhyme.In the dialects in which there are no entering rhyme in this district, there are different pronunciations of literary language and vernacular of the finals of the characters of MC entering rhyme. The amount of the characters having vernacular are fewer in the south than in the north. The reason is that the literary pronunciation of groups dang &jiang came into the district very early and earlier into the south than into the north, and it had strong influence on the vernacular. The coming of the literary pronunciation of groups zeng & geng was much later and it has much little influence on the vernacular. The characters in group tong are mostly not often used in the daily life, so the characters which have vernacular are rare in each dialect generally. Besides, there are literary pronunciation of finals without Medial of the 1st division of rhyme duo in group dang of initial lai in some dialects in the middle of Hebei Province; group jing of hekou 3rd division in group tong and ru (褥) of initial ri are read -y in some dialects. The paper holds the view that this pronunciation should be regarded as old and literary. In the 4 dialects with entering rhymes in this district, the 3 have almost the same origin of the present day entering rhymes except Shahe while in which the entering rhymes have corresponding relationship with those of the other 3. There is the phenomenon of laxilization of the entering rhymes in each dialect. The rate of laxilization goes low from north to the south. Taking the point of view of the MC initials, the rate of laxilization of the voiceless entering rhyme is the lowest, that of the voiced sonorant entering thyme is higher, and that of the voiced obstruent is the highest.
Ⅲ. er-wei and er-hua. There is a phenomenon that when er(儿) follows some rhymes, it is pronouned as er-wei in the dialects around Baoding. When er(儿) follows other rhymes and in other dialects, it is er-hua. The rhymes are much fewer after they melt with er(儿) in the dialects in this part than those in Putonghua.
The fourth chapter is on tones. The general condition of tones of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province is introduced first, and then 3 language phenomena are described.
Ⅰ. Mould and pitch of the tones. The mould and pitch of the tones of the representative dialects in this district and their distribution are described. Most of the first tones are falling-rising, and mainly located in the eastern of this district. The second tones of more than half of the dialects in this district are high falling. Generally, the third tone is half falling-rising and half high level. Most of the fourth tones are falling tone, especially high falling tone.
Ⅱ. The MC entering tone. In the dialects without entering tone, most of the characters of the MC entering tone with voiced obstruent initials are read as the second tone. And there are some characters read as other tones in each dialect. The highest rate in reading the fourth tones centers on Bejing Mandarin and its neighbor Jilu Mandarin. In the dialects south to Xinle, the rate of reading the first tone is higher than in the north and east, The characters read the third tone are the fewest. Most of the characters of MC entering tone with voiced sonorant are read the fourth tone in each dialect. There is also the phenomenon that some characters are read other tones. The rate of read the 1st tone in the south is higher than in other dialects. The characters of ancient entering tone with voiceless initials are divided into four tones in Beijing Mandarin and Baotang piece of Jilu Mandarin, and most of them are read the 1st tone in Canghui piece and Shiji piece of Jilu Mandarin. The general tendency is that the rate of reading the 1st tone becomes higher southward. In the dialects with entering tone, there are some characters read other tones most of which with the voiceless initials the second tone, with the voiced sonorant initials the fourth tone.
Ⅲ. In the dialects around Baoding, when the fourth tone is followed by a neutral tone, yinyang can be distinguished, as is caused by the origin of the voiced or voiceless If the initials.
The fifth chapter is about some special pronounced characters. There are some characters whose initials, finals or tones are not read regularly. The reason is analyzed briefly here: influenced by the phonetic element or other characters, having other fanqie, influenced by other dialects, having had different pronunciation in the past, influenced by other dialects, to distinguish different meanings, etc.
The sixth chapter is the conclusion.. 3 questions are diacussed.
Ⅰ. There are questions on the division of the dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province before, this part re-divided the dialects.
Ⅱ. Historic administrative division, natural geography and traffic lines all have influence on the dialect in this district, influence of the historic administration division is larger.
Ⅲ. Dialects in the middle and south of Hebei Province are changed gradually in district. They become a continuous body.
引文
①②③钱曾怡《<中古入声字在河北方言中的读音研究>序》，河北大学出版社，2000年，第2页。
①《中国大百科全书·语言文字分册》中国大百科全书出版社，1988，第78页。
①“做客”在霸州方言中义为“在别人家里拘谨、不自然”。
②这是笔者在聆听钱曾怡教授讲课时的笔记。
③洛阳的材料来自贺巍《洛阳方言记略》，《方言》1984，第4期。
④济南的材料来自李荣主编，钱曾怡著《济南方言词典》，江苏教育出版社，1997年出版。
①参见张旭《天津话研究中的几个问题》，王蕴智等主编，中华书局2004年出版，第351页。
①见中国大辞典编纂处编《汉语词典》，商务印书馆1937年初版，1957年重印第1版，凡例第14页。
①见钱曾怡主编《山东方言研究》，齐鲁书社2001年出版，83页。
①这两个例子转引自许宝华 宫田一郎主遍《汉语方言大词典》，中华书局1999年出版，第三卷第3317页。
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侍建国 1996 官话德、陌、麦三韵入声字音变 《方言》第3期
王力 1985 汉语语音史 中国社会科学出版社
王福堂 2005 汉语方言语音的演变和层次 商务印书馆
林焘 沈炯 1995 北京话儿化韵的语音分歧 《中国语文》第3期
高本汉 1994(缩印) 中国音韵学研究 赵元任 罗常培 李方桂合译 商务 印书馆
邵荣芬 1982 切韵研究 中国社会科学出版社
俞敏 1983 李汝珍《音鉴》里的入声字 《北京师范大学学报》第4期
平山久雄 2005 中古汉语的清入声与北京话声调的对应规律 《平山久雄语言 学论文集》 商务印书馆
张树铮 2006 冀鲁官话清入归派的内部差异及其历史层次 《中国语言学报》 第12期 商务印书馆
乔全生 2007 晋语的平声调及其历史演变 《中国语文》第4期
王临惠 2003 汾河流域方言的语音特点及其流变 中国社会科学出版社
杨耐思 1997 北方话“浊上变去”来源试探 《近代汉语音论》 杨耐思著 商 务印书馆
曹志耘 1998 汉语方言声调演变的两种类型 《语言研究》第1期
丁邦新 1998 汉语声调的演变 《丁邦新语言学论文集》 商务印书馆
俞敏 1988 北京话本字劄记 《方言》第2期
李荣 1965 语音演变规律的例外 《中国语文》第2期
刘淑学 2006 冀鲁官话的分区(稿) 《方言》第4期
沈明 2006 晋语的分区(稿) 《方言》第4期
贺巍 2005 中原官话分区(稿) 《方言》第2期
李荣 1985 官话方言的分区 《方言》第1期
钱曾怡 2002 汉语方言学方法论初探 《汉语方言研究的方法与实践》钱曾怡 著商务印书馆
周振鹤 游汝杰 1986 方言与中国文化 上海人民出版社
河北省地名办公室编 1985 河北政区沿革志 河北科学技术出版社
邢承荣 路秀霞 1998 古代沧州的建置沿革及沧州古城的历史变迁 《渤海学 刊》第1期
李惠民 2006a 论清末石家庄兴建铁路前后的变化 《河北师范大学学报》第 5期
江沛 熊亚平 2005 铁路与石家庄城市的崛起 《近代史研究》第3期
李惠民 2006b 近代石家庄城市化起点的人口规模研究 《河北广播电视大学学 报》第6期
J．K．Chambers & Peter Trudgill 2002 Dialectology(第二版) 北京大学 出版社
①《中国大百科全书·语言文字分册》中国大百科全书出版社，1988，第78页。
①“做客”在霸州方言中义为“在别人家里拘谨、不自然”。
②这是笔者在聆听钱曾怡教授讲课时的笔记。
③洛阳的材料来自贺巍《洛阳方言记略》，《方言》1984，第4期。
④济南的材料来自李荣主编，钱曾怡著《济南方言词典》，江苏教育出版社，1997年出版。
①参见张旭《天津话研究中的几个问题》，王蕴智等主编，中华书局2004年出版，第351页。
①见中国大辞典编纂处编《汉语词典》，商务印书馆1937年初版，1957年重印第1版，凡例第14页。
①见钱曾怡主编《山东方言研究》，齐鲁书社2001年出版，83页。
①这两个例子转引自许宝华 宫田一郎主遍《汉语方言大词典》，中华书局1999年出版，第三卷第3317页。
俞敏 1984北京音系的成长和它受的周围的影响 《方言》第4期
刘淑学 2000 中古入声字在河北方言中的读音研究 河北大学出版社
高晓虹 2003 北京话古清入字归调历史及成因考察 《语言教学与研究》第4 期
袁家骅等 2001 汉语方言概要 语文出版社
项梦冰 2005 汉语方言地理学 中国文史出版社
游汝杰 2004 汉语方言学教程 上海教育出版社
徐通锵 1991 历史语言学 商务印书馆
李荣 1983 方言研究中的若干问题 《方言》第2期
陈章太 詹伯慧 伍巍 2001汉语方言地图的绘制 《方言》第3期
张光宇 1993 汉语方言见系二等文白读的几种类型 《语文研究》第2期
张旭 2004a 天津话研究中的几个问题 《汉语汉字研究论集》王蕴智等主 编中华书局 2004b 天津话新旧两派声类分析 同上
钱曾怡 2004 古知庄章声母在山东方言中的分化及其跟精见组的关系 《中国 语文》第6期
忌浮 1964 《中原音韵》二十五声母集说 《中国语文》第5期
李思敬 1986汉语“儿”[(?)] 音史研究 商务印书馆
徐通锵 1997 语言论 东北师范大学出版社
王力 1980 汉语史稿 中华书局
麦耘 2004 汉语声介系统的演变 《乐在其中——王士元教授七十华诞庆祝 文集》石锋 沈钟伟编 南开大学出版社
张树铮 1999 山东方言“日”母字研究 《方言历史探索》张树铮著 内蒙古 人民出版社
宁继福 1985 中原音韵表稿 吉林文史出版社
林焘 耿振生 2004 音韵学概要 商务印书馆
王洪君 1999 汉语非线性音系学 北京大学出版社
张世方 2002 北京官话语音研究 北京语言大学博士学位论文
沈炯 1987 北京话合口呼零声母的语音分歧 《中国语文》第5期
张光宇 2006 汉语方言合口介音消失的阶段性 《中国语文》第4期
威妥玛 2002 语言自迩集 张卫东译 北京大学出版社
朱晓农 2006 三四等字的腭化与非腭化问题 《音韵研究》朱晓农著 商务印 书馆
钱曾怡 曹志贇 罗福腾 1987 河北省东南部39县市方音概况 《方言》第 3期
钱曾怡主编 2001 山东方言研究 齐鲁书社
赵荫棠 1956(重印本) 中原音韵研究 商务印书馆
邵荣芬 1991 《中原音韵》音系的几个问题 《中原音韵新论》 北京大学出 版社
张琨 1993 汉语方言中鼻音韵尾的消失 台湾学生书局
耿振生 2003 北京话文白异读的形成 《语言学论丛(第27辑)》 北京大学 中文系 商务印书馆
赵元任 1980 语言问题 商务印书馆
侍建国 1996 官话德、陌、麦三韵入声字音变 《方言》第3期
王力 1985 汉语语音史 中国社会科学出版社
王福堂 2005 汉语方言语音的演变和层次 商务印书馆
林焘 沈炯 1995 北京话儿化韵的语音分歧 《中国语文》第3期
高本汉 1994(缩印) 中国音韵学研究 赵元任 罗常培 李方桂合译 商务 印书馆
邵荣芬 1982 切韵研究 中国社会科学出版社
俞敏 1983 李汝珍《音鉴》里的入声字 《北京师范大学学报》第4期
平山久雄 2005 中古汉语的清入声与北京话声调的对应规律 《平山久雄语言 学论文集》 商务印书馆
张树铮 2006 冀鲁官话清入归派的内部差异及其历史层次 《中国语言学报》 第12期 商务印书馆
乔全生 2007 晋语的平声调及其历史演变 《中国语文》第4期
王临惠 2003 汾河流域方言的语音特点及其流变 中国社会科学出版社
杨耐思 1997 北方话“浊上变去”来源试探 《近代汉语音论》 杨耐思著 商 务印书馆
曹志耘 1998 汉语方言声调演变的两种类型 《语言研究》第1期
丁邦新 1998 汉语声调的演变 《丁邦新语言学论文集》 商务印书馆
俞敏 1988 北京话本字劄记 《方言》第2期
李荣 1965 语音演变规律的例外 《中国语文》第2期
刘淑学 2006 冀鲁官话的分区(稿) 《方言》第4期
沈明 2006 晋语的分区(稿) 《方言》第4期
贺巍 2005 中原官话分区(稿) 《方言》第2期
李荣 1985 官话方言的分区 《方言》第1期
钱曾怡 2002 汉语方言学方法论初探 《汉语方言研究的方法与实践》钱曾怡 著商务印书馆
周振鹤 游汝杰 1986 方言与中国文化 上海人民出版社
河北省地名办公室编 1985 河北政区沿革志 河北科学技术出版社
邢承荣 路秀霞 1998 古代沧州的建置沿革及沧州古城的历史变迁 《渤海学 刊》第1期
李惠民 2006a 论清末石家庄兴建铁路前后的变化 《河北师范大学学报》第 5期
江沛 熊亚平 2005 铁路与石家庄城市的崛起 《近代史研究》第3期
李惠民 2006b 近代石家庄城市化起点的人口规模研究 《河北广播电视大学学 报》第6期
J．K．Chambers & Peter Trudgill 2002 Dialectology(第二版) 北京大学 出版社