转型时期中国农村治理结构的法学透视
摘要
上世纪80年代以来,中国社会在经济、政治、法律等诸方面都经历了逐渐深入、逐渐全面的转型。在经济上,从计划经济向社会主义市场经济转型,国家的行政机制和行政手段逐步从经济领域退出,国家对人们经济行为和经济活动管制日趋松动。在政治上,与市场经济相适应的民主意识日益浓厚,在这种意识的推动下治理方式的民主化程度有了很大提高。在法律上,这种转型不仅存在于以法律形式对经济和政治转型的确认,而且—在更重要的意义上—存在于对法律本身价值的体会、认同和向民主法治的演进,与此相适应,中国农村治理经历了一个从人民公社模式向村民自治模式转变的过程。在这一过程中,国家虽然始终起着主导作用,但以村民自治为核心的民主制度是我国农村治理的最新形态,它的社会价值和法律价值,表现在它不仅能够促进农村社会各项事业发展,更为重要的是能够不断地促进人的全面发展。民性养于制度、民权存乎社会。这种治理制度的价值就在于能够提高作为农村社会主体的农民的主体意识、参与意识和民主意识。它不仅提供了一整套建设农村民主的规则、程序和经验,而且为中国农村锻炼了一大批初步具有现代意识的农民。本文以控制型治理和自治型治理的理论为基础,从法学的角度,分析了在这一转变过程中,国家、社会扮演的角色以及由此带来的社会法律关系和法治理念的变化。对农村治理模式的转变、国家权力和村民自治权利在农村治理中的互动与互补进行了透视,试图厘清农村社会发展中,国家与社会的关系,以期对我国农村民主政治和法制建设的理论研究有所贡献。
Existing two order and rules in the social process forming: one is spontaneous formation of spontaneous order and rules which is not decide by the people’s will. And the other is the one that formed by the unique talents and endowments of human themselves. These two different order and rules formed a complete society, by virtue of the theory of Double Social Model of Mr. Yin Yi, here I divide the social governance into two parts: State control of the dominant model of governance and civil rights at the core of the autonomous governance model. Some empirical analysis about the transition of rural governance have been done from a law point of view.
For the first part: The changing of China's rural governance structure.
The changing of rural governance model after China’s setting up reflects the reform process that a traditional political state did in the rural community systems, leaving profound historical traces in the process of the rural political experiments. China's modernization process is together with the national structure. Before opened, the national strength of the grass-roots social control only to counties, while rural regions has been controlled by the secular rule authority and elders from generation to generation. The Communist Party of China who based on the aspirations of achieving modernization and establishing a socialistic society have been placing the rural community about the political integration on an extremely important position within the 30 years since new China was founded. Eventually, it has up to the national grassroots organization of the Chinese community complete control by the Movement of People's Communes. State power has infiltrated into every corner of society in an unprecedented way. Especially during the period of the people's commune, state power and social organizations are as one, it' s model which are highly concentrated and unified of governance seriously suppressed the development of the rural community. The urgent demand of governance reform and innovation appealed by the simple folk paved a new condition for autonomy of the villagers and development.
For the second part: Empirical Analysis of the governance structure of contemporary Rural China.
Organic Law of Villagers Committee supplied an overall blueprint for the transition period of China's rural governance: dealing with affairs in accordance with the law by the villagers themselves, developing rural grass-roots democracy, advancing self-management, self-education and self-service; The way for village autonomy is-democratic elections, democratic decision-making, democratic management and democratic supervision; Villagers are the main body of the civil body politic, not the villagers of village committee members of the minority. This model of governance as villager autonomy for the core under the context of the national market economy is a commitment in system and protection of farmers' individual rights, which marked relatively isolation of the state power and autonomy rights of rural, and redefining of national and social boundaries. At the same time, it brought changing in the rural community on their life value and pattern: From the beginning of consciousness in political power to the awareness of the legitimacy of autonomy, from feeling the ethical attachment to the rationale of the spirit of the law, from the identity of ethics to the lease of legal relations changing. All these lay a solid social foundation for China's democratic construction and accumulate valuable technical experience.
For the third part: Conflicts between villagers autonomy and state intervention.
There comes out two forces in rural governance in the country: Top to bottom powers and the autonomy of the rural grass-roots social rights. The way to solve the conflict turned out to be three organizations established during the national system of governance in rural process, by name of rural party organizations, village-level self-government organizations System, management of rural collective economic organization. As an external system, villagers autonomy was intervened variously by the State, but after several rounds of the general election practice, its focus has transplant from the organization development and villagers rights protection in the form of the substance to protect the rights of villagers. Village autonomy has become an inalienable and non-negotiable democracy right in the hundreds of millions of villagers, and an important element political way of life of them. Meanwhile considering the political, economic or cultural foundation and the faith of laws, China is still indispensable to the growth of this autonomy rights soil. There are some systemic shortcomings on the play of this autonomy rights. Mainly for the deterioration of the property, subject to democratic, non-participation in decision-making and losers for tests. To overcome these shortcomings, and gradually establish a rational harmony of a modern rural society, has become an important construction of the rural governance structure goals and essential requirements during a transition period.
For the fourth part: Structure theoretical construct during the transition of rural governance.
The process of rural China management structure changing during the transition which is under modernization background is dominated by the state system of rural social arrangements. In the condition of strong national society, rural society in the country can only be established within the framework of the system chosen, the state authority is the most fundamental factors of the rural social system. But the state is not omnipotent, its lead of the rural community-driven is limited, and it is influenced by various factors and constraints including the structure of the rural interests. As the main one of rural interests, the state is not of a fully ration. On institutional arrangements, it would like to deal with various interests social relations according to the its will itself and may take compulsory measures to implement its system arrangement. While in the process of the transmission system, the interests of local governments at all levels stratified countries will also create a system of rules variations, and sometimes will be resistance from the local authority. The transition period in China's rural areas management node configuration changes is also a process of rural social relations status to contract process of change. The rural community is at the very time of transition that the main political and legal changing from a family to units and then to individual. This is a transition from which the traditional social or family hierarchy towards social stratification of modern open society, and the only way that China's rural areas move to a modern, democratic society. If the essence of contract is a system that every person acts without any external pressure, influence and constraints, and expresses their wishes and behavior freely, so that the contract itself is a democratic order. It indicates the degree of democratization and liberalization of our society.
Based on the above analysis, the author concludes with a transition period of the rural governance structure theory building ideas:
(1) In accordance with the separation of powers and the idea of partition, rationally determine boundaries of the autonomy of state power and the rights of farmers. The country should adopt the rule of law, the interests of rural society and the country's main development goals can be finalized of expect by adopting mandatory legal, to establish a rule of law– compliance mode, by which the rural community affairs and national objectives can be districted appropriately. (2) To determine the border of village autonomy in accordance with the concept of the protection of the rights of the individual.
The fuzzy border of rural autonomy rights which means that the rights and obligations are of uncertainty will make organizations have no economic rights and unprediction of the individual. On the system design, I agree with Xu Yong and Yu Jianrong's agricultural capital of composition, meeting the market needs of the organization by the allocation of capital of the elements of the agricultural production. Judging from the current political and social situation in China's rural areas and organizations of all kinds of resources, the main basis of equality and the membership organization through DMC about a way of a clear relationship between rights and obligations and reasonable mechanism for withdrawal should be the most practical and effective market-oriented organization.
(3) In accordance with the concept of giving priority to the development community, distinct the country's democracy and rational between democracy and community boundaries. Modern society is a society which country and social society isolate relatively. The development of market economy will soon collapse the urban and rural structure, at the same time a New Community based on public community will form the basic organization of this society. Community democracy and the democratic national level will be a new mode of interpretation of the mutual relations. In that sense, one could say that a villager autonomy at the core of rural governance model, in essence, is based on the market economy in order to integrate the new era of China's rural interests and authority structure, and to design the system accordance with the democratic concept. It may now or in a very long period of time, is not a democratic structure of the rural society, but its ideas and efforts to achieve the rights of the individual-based, national system based on the legal system and the concept of cultural norms, is a rural community development community the spirit and respect for individual rights social rules. This is what China to move toward democracy and the rule of law foundation.
Existing two order and rules in the social process forming: one is spontaneous formation of spontaneous order and rules which is not decide by the people’s will. And the other is the one that formed by the unique talents and endowments of human themselves. These two different order and rules formed a complete society, by virtue of the theory of Double Social Model of Mr. Yin Yi, here I divide the social governance into two parts: State control of the dominant model of governance and civil rights at the core of the autonomous governance model. Some empirical analysis about the transition of rural governance have been done from a law point of view.
For the first part: The changing of China's rural governance structure.
The changing of rural governance model after China’s setting up reflects the reform process that a traditional political state did in the rural community systems, leaving profound historical traces in the process of the rural political experiments. China's modernization process is together with the national structure. Before opened, the national strength of the grass-roots social control only to counties, while rural regions has been controlled by the secular rule authority and elders from generation to generation. The Communist Party of China who based on the aspirations of achieving modernization and establishing a socialistic society have been placing the rural community about the political integration on an extremely important position within the 30 years since new China was founded. Eventually, it has up to the national grassroots organization of the Chinese community complete control by the Movement of People's Communes. State power has infiltrated into every corner of society in an unprecedented way. Especially during the period of the people's commune, state power and social organizations are as one, it' s model which are highly concentrated and unified of governance seriously suppressed the development of the rural community. The urgent demand of governance reform and innovation appealed by the simple folk paved a new condition for autonomy of the villagers and development.
For the second part: Empirical Analysis of the governance structure of contemporary Rural China.
Organic Law of Villagers Committee supplied an overall blueprint for the transition period of China's rural governance: dealing with affairs in accordance with the law by the villagers themselves, developing rural grass-roots democracy, advancing self-management, self-education and self-service; The way for village autonomy is-democratic elections, democratic decision-making, democratic management and democratic supervision; Villagers are the main body of the civil body politic, not the villagers of village committee members of the minority. This model of governance as villager autonomy for the core under the context of the national market economy is a commitment in system and protection of farmers' individual rights, which marked relatively isolation of the state power and autonomy rights of rural, and redefining of national and social boundaries. At the same time, it brought changing in the rural community on their life value and pattern: From the beginning of consciousness in political power to the awareness of the legitimacy of autonomy, from feeling the ethical attachment to the rationale of the spirit of the law, from the identity of ethics to the lease of legal relations changing. All these lay a solid social foundation for China's democratic construction and accumulate valuable technical experience.
For the third part: Conflicts between villagers autonomy and state intervention.
There comes out two forces in rural governance in the country: Top to bottom powers and the autonomy of the rural grass-roots social rights. The way to solve the conflict turned out to be three organizations established during the national system of governance in rural process, by name of rural party organizations, village-level self-government organizations System, management of rural collective economic organization. As an external system, villagers autonomy was intervened variously by the State, but after several rounds of the general election practice, its focus has transplant from the organization development and villagers rights protection in the form of the substance to protect the rights of villagers. Village autonomy has become an inalienable and non-negotiable democracy right in the hundreds of millions of villagers, and an important element political way of life of them. Meanwhile considering the political, economic or cultural foundation and the faith of laws, China is still indispensable to the growth of this autonomy rights soil. There are some systemic shortcomings on the play of this autonomy rights. Mainly for the deterioration of the property, subject to democratic, non-participation in decision-making and losers for tests. To overcome these shortcomings, and gradually establish a rational harmony of a modern rural society, has become an important construction of the rural governance structure goals and essential requirements during a transition period.
For the fourth part: Structure theoretical construct during the transition of rural governance.
The process of rural China management structure changing during the transition which is under modernization background is dominated by the state system of rural social arrangements. In the condition of strong national society, rural society in the country can only be established within the framework of the system chosen, the state authority is the most fundamental factors of the rural social system. But the state is not omnipotent, its lead of the rural community-driven is limited, and it is influenced by various factors and constraints including the structure of the rural interests. As the main one of rural interests, the state is not of a fully ration. On institutional arrangements, it would like to deal with various interests social relations according to the its will itself and may take compulsory measures to implement its system arrangement. While in the process of the transmission system, the interests of local governments at all levels stratified countries will also create a system of rules variations, and sometimes will be resistance from the local authority. The transition period in China's rural areas management node configuration changes is also a process of rural social relations status to contract process of change. The rural community is at the very time of transition that the main political and legal changing from a family to units and then to individual. This is a transition from which the traditional social or family hierarchy towards social stratification of modern open society, and the only way that China's rural areas move to a modern, democratic society. If the essence of contract is a system that every person acts without any external pressure, influence and constraints, and expresses their wishes and behavior freely, so that the contract itself is a democratic order. It indicates the degree of democratization and liberalization of our society.
Based on the above analysis, the author concludes with a transition period of the rural governance structure theory building ideas:
(1) In accordance with the separation of powers and the idea of partition, rationally determine boundaries of the autonomy of state power and the rights of farmers. The country should adopt the rule of law, the interests of rural society and the country's main development goals can be finalized of expect by adopting mandatory legal, to establish a rule of law– compliance mode, by which the rural community affairs and national objectives can be districted appropriately. (2) To determine the border of village autonomy in accordance with the concept of the protection of the rights of the individual.
The fuzzy border of rural autonomy rights which means that the rights and obligations are of uncertainty will make organizations have no economic rights and unprediction of the individual. On the system design, I agree with Xu Yong and Yu Jianrong's agricultural capital of composition, meeting the market needs of the organization by the allocation of capital of the elements of the agricultural production. Judging from the current political and social situation in China's rural areas and organizations of all kinds of resources, the main basis of equality and the membership organization through DMC about a way of a clear relationship between rights and obligations and reasonable mechanism for withdrawal should be the most practical and effective market-oriented organization.
(3) In accordance with the concept of giving priority to the development community, distinct the country's democracy and rational between democracy and community boundaries. Modern society is a society which country and social society isolate relatively. The development of market economy will soon collapse the urban and rural structure, at the same time a New Community based on public community will form the basic organization of this society. Community democracy and the democratic national level will be a new mode of interpretation of the mutual relations. In that sense, one could say that a villager autonomy at the core of rural governance model, in essence, is based on the market economy in order to integrate the new era of China's rural interests and authority structure, and to design the system accordance with the democratic concept. It may now or in a very long period of time, is not a democratic structure of the rural society, but its ideas and efforts to achieve the rights of the individual-based, national system based on the legal system and the concept of cultural norms, is a rural community development community the spirit and respect for individual rights social rules. This is what China to move toward democracy and the rule of law foundation.
引文
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22.[美]汉密尔顿、杰伊、麦迪逊:《联邦党人文集》,程逢如等译,商务印书馆 1980 年版。
23.[法]E·迪尔凯姆:《社会学方法的准则》,狄玉明译,商务印书馆1995 年第 1 版。
24.[美]科恩:《论民主》,聂崇信等译,商务印书馆 1988 年第 1 版。
25.[英]约翰·密尔:《论自由》,任宝马癸 译,商务印书馆 1959 年第 1版。
26.[荷]斯宾诺莎:《政治论》,冯炳昆译,商务印书馆 1999 年第 1 版。
27.[德]萨维尼:《论立法与法学当代使命》,许章润译,中国法制出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
28.邓正来:《哈耶克法律哲学的研究》,法律出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
29.[英]哈耶克:《法律立法与自由》邓正来等译,中国大百科全书出版社 2000 年第 1 版。
30.[法]卢梭:《社会契约论》,何兆武译,商务印书馆 2003 年第 3 版。
31.毛寿龙:《政治社会学》,社会科学出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
32.[法]马克·布洛赫:《法国农村史》,余中先等译,商务印书馆 1991年第 1 版。
33.吕思勉:《中国制度史》,上海世纪出版集团 2005 年第 2 版。
34.杨鸿烈:《中国法律思想史》,中国政法大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
35.瞿同祖:《瞿同祖法学论著集》,中国政法大学 2004 年修订版。
36.杜润生:《杜润生自述:中国农村体制变革重大决策纪实》,人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版。
37.朱宇:《中国乡域治理结构:回顾与前瞻》,黑龙江人民出版社 2006年第 1 版。
38.张德元、何开荫等:《变迁—安徽改革述论》
39.周其仁:《产权与制度变迁—中国改革的经验研究》,社会科学文献出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
40.许传玺主编:《中国社会转型时期的法律发展》,法律出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
41.刘豪兴主编:《农村社会学》,中国人民在学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
42.林尚立:《制度创新与国家成长》,天津人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版。
43.尹伊君:《社会变迁的法律解释》,商务印书馆 2003 年第 1 版。
44.潘嘉玮、周贤日:《村民自治与行政权的冲突》,中国人民大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
45.江山:《中国法理念》,中国政法大学出版社 2005 年第 4 版。
46.苏力:《道路通向城市:转型中国的治法》,法律出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
47.李昌麒主编:《中国农村法治发展研究》,人民出版社 2006 年第 1 版。
48.[英]帕特克里·敦利威:《民主官僚制与公共选择》,张庆东译,中国青年出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
49.夏勇:《中国民权哲学》,生活·读书·新知三联书店 2004 年第 1 版。
50.何怀宏:《伦理学是什么》,北京大学出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
51.季卫东:《法治秩序的建构》,中国政法大学出版社 1999 年第 1 版。
52.张厚安、徐勇、项继权等:《中国农村村级治理——22 个村的调查与比较》,华中师范大学出版社 2000 年第 1 版。
53.张英洪:《农民权利论》,中国经济出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
54.温铁军:《三农问题与世纪反思》,生活·读书·新知三联书店 2005年第 1 版。
55.罗豪才等:《软法与公共治理》,北京大学出版社 2006 年第 1 版。
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57.张静:《基层政权:乡村制度诸问题》,上海人民出版社 2007 第 1 版。
58.徐忠明、任强:《中国法律精神》,广东人民出版社 2007 年第 1 版。
59.苏力:《送法下乡——中国基层司法制度研究》2000 年第 1 版。
60.《毛泽东选集》人民出版社 1991 年第 2 版。
61.《邓小平文选》人民出版社 1994 年第 2 版。
62.[美]费正清:《美国与中国》张理宗译,世界知识出版社 1999 年第1 版。
63.[美]麦克尼尔:《新社会契约论》,中国政法大学出版社 1994 年第 1 版。
64.[德]黑格尔:《法哲学原理》范扬、张企泰译,人民出版社 1991 年第 1 版。
65.许纪霖、陈达凯:《中国现代化史》,上海三联书店员 1997 年第 1 版。
66.[英]梅因:《古代法》,商务印书馆 1984 年第 1 版。
67.[美]V·奥斯特罗姆等:《制度分析与发展的反思—问题与抉择》,商务印书馆 1996 年第 1 版。
1.汤艳文:《差序格局——中国社会与政治关系转型的“中轴”》,《复旦政治学评论》2006 年第四辑。
2.马宝成:《宏观视野中的中国乡镇体制改革》,《三农中国》2005 年第2 期。
3.曹锦清:《中国农村转型:转向何方》,《三农中国》2004 年第 3 期。
4.季卫东:《法治与普遍信任——关于中国秩序原理重构的法社会学视角》,《法哲学与法社会学论丛》2006 年第 1 期。
5.陈端洪:《人民主权的观念结构》,《中外法学》2007 年第 3 期。
6.胡水君:《民主政治下的为民之道——对政治、行政及其关系的一个分析》,《法学研究》2007 年第 3 期。
7.关保英:《行政法学分析逻辑的认识》,《中国法学》2007 年第 3 期。
8.童庐、吴从环:《组织重构:乡村现代化的社会基础》,《天津社会科学》1998 年第 4 期。
9.沈延生:《村政的兴衰与重建》,《战略与管理》1998 年第 6 期。
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[3]费孝通:《乡土中国 生育制度》,北京大学出版社 1998 年第 1 版,第 26 页。
[4]费孝通:《乡土中国 生育制度》,北京大学出版社 1998 年第 1 版,第 30 页。
[5]《毛泽东选集》第一卷,人民出版社 1991 年第 2 版,第 131 页。
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[7]张德元、何开荫等:《变迁—安徽农村改革述论》,安徽大学出版社2007 年第 1 版,第 328 页。
[8]转引自张德元、何开荫等:《变迁—安徽农村改革述论》,安徽大学出版社 2007 年第 1 版,第 328 页。
[9]周其仁:《产权与制度变迁—中国改革的经验研究》,社会科学文献出版社 2002 年第 1 版,第 3 页。
[10]《邓小平文选》第二卷,人民出版社 1994 年第 2 版,第 315 页。
[11]刘豪兴:《农村社会学》,人民出版社 2004 年第 1 版,第 102 页。
[12]杜润生:《杜润生自述:中国农村体制变革重大决策纪实》,人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版,第 112 页。
[13]《中国民政统计年鉴》(2006),中国统计出版社 2006 年第 1 版,第16 页。
[14]林尚立等:《制度创新与国家成长》,天津人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版,第 473 页。
[15]潘嘉玮、周贤日:《村民自治与行政权的冲突》,中国人民大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版,第 47—48 页。
[16]潘丽萍:《中华法系的和谐理念》,法律出版社 2000 年第 1 版,第230 页。
[17][美]麦克尼尔:《新社会契约论》,中国政法大学出版社 1994 年第 1版,第 10—11 页。
[18]尹伊君:《社会变迁的法律解释》,商务印书馆 2003 年第 1 版,第294—295 页。
[19]潘嘉伟、周贤日:《村民自治与行政权的冲突》,中国人民大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版,第 190—191 页。
[20]张厚安、徐勇、项继权等:《中国农村村级治理—22 个村的调查比较》,华中师范大学出版社 2000 年第 1 版,第 32 页。
[21][德]黑格尔:《法哲学原理》,范扬、张企泰泽,人民出版社 1991 年第 1 版,第 16 页。
[22]《建设社会主义新农村若干问题》,中央党校县委书记培训班,内部研讨用资料,第 551 页。
[23]周其仁:《产权与制度变迁—中国改革的经验研究》,社会科学文献出版社 2002 年第 1 版,第 30—33 页。
[24]潘丽萍:《中华法系的和谐理念》,法律出版社 2002 年第 1 版,第233 页。
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[26]童庐、吴从环:《组织重构:乡村现代化的社会基础》,《天津社会科学》1998 年第 4 期,第 27 页。
[27]许纪霖、陈达凯:《中国现代化史》第 1 卷,上海三联书店 1997 年第 1 版,第 13 页。
[28][英]梅因:《古代法》,商务印书馆 1984 年第 1 版,第 96 页。
[29]郑杭生等:《当代中国社会结构和社会关系研究》,首都师范大学出版社 1991 年第 1 版,第 87 页。
[30][美]V·奥斯特罗姆等:《制度分析与发展的反思—问题与抉择》,商务印书馆 1996 年第 1 版,第 345 页。
[31]梁治平:《法治:社会转型时期的制度建构》,载许传玺主编《中国社会转型时期的法律发展》,法律出版社 2004 年第 1 版,第 115 页。
[32]于建嵘:《岳村政治—转型期中国乡村政治结构的变迁》,商务印书馆 2001 年第 1 版,第 430 页。
[33]荣敬本:《如何建立民主合作的新体制》,载《政治中国》,今日中国出版社 1998 年版,第 324 页。
[34]于建嵘:《岳村政治—转型期中国乡村政治结构的变迁》,商务印书馆 2001 年第 1 版,第 431 页。
[35]王沪宁:《当代中国村落家族文化—对中国现代化的一项探索》,上海人民出版社 1991 年版,第 273 页。
[36]于建嵘:《岳村政治—转型期中国乡村政治结构的变迁》,商务印书馆 2001 年第 1 版,第 432 页。
[37]徐勇、于建嵘:《资本农业论纲》,载《山西发展导报》经济周刊,1998 年 8 月 5 日。
[38]沈延生:《村政的兴衰与重建》,载《战略与管理》,1998 年第 6 期。
[39][法]托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,商务印书馆 1998 年版,第 67—76页。
[40]夏勇:《中国民权哲学》,生活读书新知三联书店 2004 年第 1 版,第282 页。
[41]杜润生:《杜润生自述:中国农村体制变革重大决策纪实》,人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版,第 351 页。
1.[美]约翰·罗尔斯:《正义论》,何怀宏等译,中国社会科学出版社1988 年第 1 版。
2.[德]鲁道夫·冯·耶林:《为权利而斗争》,胡宝海译,中国法制出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
3.[美]博登海默:《法理学—法律哲学与法律方法》,邓正来译,中国政法大学出版社 1999 年第 1 版。
4.[法]托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,董果良译,商务印书馆 1988 年第1 版。
5.[英]边沁:《政府片论》,沈叔平译,商务印书馆 1995 年第 1 版。
6.[美]伯尔曼:《法律与革命—西方法律传统的形成》,贺卫方等译,中国大百科全书出版社 1993 年第 1 版。
7.张文显:《二十世纪西方法哲学思潮研究》,法律出版社 1996 年第 1版。
8.张文显:《法哲学范畴研究》,中国政法大学出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
9.潘丽萍:《中华法系的和谐理念》,法律出版社 2006 年第 1 版。
10.王铭铭、王斯福主编:《乡土社会的秩序、公正与权威》,中国政法大学出版社 1997 年第 1 版。
11.贺雪峰:《新乡土中国》,广西师范大学出版社 2003 年第 1 版。
12.费孝通:《乡土中国 生育制度》,北京大学出版社 1998 年第 1 版。
13.费孝通:《江村经济—中国农民的生活》,商务印书馆 2001 年第 1 版。
14.邓正来:《市民社会理论的研究》,中国政法大学出版社 2002 年第 1版。
15.郑永流:《农民法律意识与农村法律发展》,中国政法大学出版社 2004年第 1 版。
16.于建嵘:《岳村政治—转型期中国乡村政治结构的变迁》,商务印馆2001 年第 1 版。
17.[法]马克斯·韦伯《论经济与社会中的法律》,张乃根译,中国大百科全书出版社 1998 年第 1 版。
18.[英]哈特:《法律的概念》,张文显、郑成良等译,中国大百科全书出版社,1996 年第 1 版。
19.[美]罗纳德·德沃金:《认真对待权利》,信春鹰、吴玉章译,中国大百科全书出版社 1998 年第 1 版。
20.[法]孟德斯鸠:《论法的精神》,张雁泽译,商务印书馆 1963 年第 1版。
21.[美]伯纳德·施瓦茨:《美国法律史》,王军等译,中国政法大学出版社 1990 年第 1 版。
22.[美]汉密尔顿、杰伊、麦迪逊:《联邦党人文集》,程逢如等译,商务印书馆 1980 年版。
23.[法]E·迪尔凯姆:《社会学方法的准则》,狄玉明译,商务印书馆1995 年第 1 版。
24.[美]科恩:《论民主》,聂崇信等译,商务印书馆 1988 年第 1 版。
25.[英]约翰·密尔:《论自由》,任宝马癸 译,商务印书馆 1959 年第 1版。
26.[荷]斯宾诺莎:《政治论》,冯炳昆译,商务印书馆 1999 年第 1 版。
27.[德]萨维尼:《论立法与法学当代使命》,许章润译,中国法制出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
28.邓正来:《哈耶克法律哲学的研究》,法律出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
29.[英]哈耶克:《法律立法与自由》邓正来等译,中国大百科全书出版社 2000 年第 1 版。
30.[法]卢梭:《社会契约论》,何兆武译,商务印书馆 2003 年第 3 版。
31.毛寿龙:《政治社会学》,社会科学出版社 2001 年第 1 版。
32.[法]马克·布洛赫:《法国农村史》,余中先等译,商务印书馆 1991年第 1 版。
33.吕思勉:《中国制度史》,上海世纪出版集团 2005 年第 2 版。
34.杨鸿烈:《中国法律思想史》,中国政法大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
35.瞿同祖:《瞿同祖法学论著集》,中国政法大学 2004 年修订版。
36.杜润生:《杜润生自述:中国农村体制变革重大决策纪实》,人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版。
37.朱宇:《中国乡域治理结构:回顾与前瞻》,黑龙江人民出版社 2006年第 1 版。
38.张德元、何开荫等:《变迁—安徽改革述论》
39.周其仁:《产权与制度变迁—中国改革的经验研究》,社会科学文献出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
40.许传玺主编:《中国社会转型时期的法律发展》,法律出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
41.刘豪兴主编:《农村社会学》,中国人民在学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
42.林尚立:《制度创新与国家成长》,天津人民出版社 2005 年第 1 版。
43.尹伊君:《社会变迁的法律解释》,商务印书馆 2003 年第 1 版。
44.潘嘉玮、周贤日:《村民自治与行政权的冲突》,中国人民大学出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
45.江山:《中国法理念》,中国政法大学出版社 2005 年第 4 版。
46.苏力:《道路通向城市:转型中国的治法》,法律出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
47.李昌麒主编:《中国农村法治发展研究》,人民出版社 2006 年第 1 版。
48.[英]帕特克里·敦利威:《民主官僚制与公共选择》,张庆东译,中国青年出版社 2004 年第 1 版。
49.夏勇:《中国民权哲学》,生活·读书·新知三联书店 2004 年第 1 版。
50.何怀宏:《伦理学是什么》,北京大学出版社 2002 年第 1 版。
51.季卫东:《法治秩序的建构》,中国政法大学出版社 1999 年第 1 版。
52.张厚安、徐勇、项继权等:《中国农村村级治理——22 个村的调查与比较》,华中师范大学出版社 2000 年第 1 版。
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1.汤艳文:《差序格局——中国社会与政治关系转型的“中轴”》,《复旦政治学评论》2006 年第四辑。
2.马宝成:《宏观视野中的中国乡镇体制改革》,《三农中国》2005 年第2 期。
3.曹锦清:《中国农村转型:转向何方》,《三农中国》2004 年第 3 期。
4.季卫东:《法治与普遍信任——关于中国秩序原理重构的法社会学视角》,《法哲学与法社会学论丛》2006 年第 1 期。
5.陈端洪:《人民主权的观念结构》,《中外法学》2007 年第 3 期。
6.胡水君:《民主政治下的为民之道——对政治、行政及其关系的一个分析》,《法学研究》2007 年第 3 期。
7.关保英:《行政法学分析逻辑的认识》,《中国法学》2007 年第 3 期。
8.童庐、吴从环:《组织重构:乡村现代化的社会基础》,《天津社会科学》1998 年第 4 期。
9.沈延生:《村政的兴衰与重建》,《战略与管理》1998 年第 6 期。