小煤矿矿难频发的制度分析
摘要
我国是用煤产煤大国,进入二十一世纪,在全面建设小康社会和国内生产总值不断增长的拉动下,作为能源主体的煤炭生产持续快速增长。但煤矿,特别是小煤矿矿难事故不断发生,死亡人数居高不下。如何应对矿难事故频发,建设稳定高效的安全生产体系,已经成为亟待解决的问题。本文力图从社会学的制度分析角度,来探讨在小煤矿矿难频发这一问题中各方行为主体间的关系。尝试用内在制度和外在制度的关系来解释为何在各种安全法律、法规不断完善的情况下,小煤矿安全事故依然接连不断。并以此为根据,提出使制度有效的关键在于培养符合制度要求的相关从业者。
China is a country with the largest volume of coal in the world. In recent years, driven by the economic growth and energy demand increasing, coal production continues to grow at a rate of 10%. With the price of the coal continuously upgrading, our country also accelerates highly efficient and safety coal mine construction, and has built a large number of efficient and safety coal mines. But at the same time, the coal disasters occurrence frequently, and with a high death toll.
In this large number of security incidents, because of the low standard of small coal mines, a lot of incidents happened frequently, the number of the death toll was more than 70%of all the accident. The farmer miners groups are the major source of coal miners, but they suffered deeply. So how to fundamentally solve the problem of the small coal mines is now we have to do.
In a word, the analyses on the small coal mines’are less, they always focus on economics, laws and managements field. The shortcoming of all the analyses is that they simplify the relevant practitioners to rational people who are under the level of the society and receive the institutions passive; all the analyses are lack of the concern about the condition if the external institutions can be implemented effectively; the existing analyses always only have one theory centre., such as the economics often concern about the allocation of the resources, but they do not care about the multiple pursuit and action logic of different actors. Base on the inadequacy of the above analyses, my perspective is the institution research of the sociology. It will avoid excessive modeling the study.
Although the institution research of sociology always contains the external and internal aspects of the study, in the actual institution study, for the study and application of the institution always incline to the external aspects. The discussion of habitus and tactic by Bourdieu can be seen as an attempt to the integration of the internal institutions and the external. The habitus stressed the understanding of the tendency aspect and practice. Then body has got its core status, because no matter what kind of institutions all require actors’constant reproduction, and play a role in this way.
Although the internal institutions and external institutions can not be separated, in order to facilitate the analysis, in this paper, we call the institution mode which comes from agricultural production as internal institutions, and the mode that comes from the industrial production as external institutions. This paper will base on this relationship and talk about the incidents of the small coal mine.
The internal institutions which develop from agricultural production environment are in habit to compliance the institution. But the external institutions that formed under the industrial production environment compliance the institution from the reflection level. The attitude of the internal institutions is negative, but the external institutions are positive controlling. The understanding of purpose and means of selection are different between internal institutions and external. The internal institutions are pragmatism, just to reach the purpose. However, the external institutions have a strong ritual, and link the specific purpose and means. Due to long-term live in the stability agricultural environment, farmers often have no expectations and demands of citizens’rights. Therefore, they have week sensitivities about the external inequality and their own interests which original belong to them.
Through the surface of these reasons, the deep reason is that although we have been constantly stressed and improved the external institutions, we still have not developed the internal institutions which enable the external institutions implement effectively. For the coal mine incidents, the central government concern more about the safety issues, the requests of the safety completely follow the external institutions, but after all the central government has limited capacity. It is not possible to monitor everywhere of the local, especially most small coal mines which in the remote areas. This requires the local governments are able to combine the specific situations, and implement effectively the requirements of the central. However, the local governments are always in a contradictory position. The pressure of the local governments comes from the economic performance, not the constant incidents of the coal mines. Therefore, the governments which can not comply with external institutions often take advantage of the internal institutions’legitimacy, and in order to ease the pressure of the external institutions. Regardless of the local government officials, local coal mine owners, or the mine workers, they all base on only one-side understanding of the internal institutions. For example their understanding of the safety still remains in the understanding of famine during the agricultural production. And not understanding the safety as a requirement of institutions to achieve a purpose. In fact, the three groups create an interests union which bases on the legitimacy of the internal institutions. Therefore, there is a confrontation between the central government which in stand of the external institutions and the local union which acts in accordance with the legitimacy of the internal institutions. This confrontation has created a vicious cycle, on the one hand, the central constantly adjustments the policy, on the other hand, the local union becomes more robust under the maintenance of the internal institutions.
Based on the above analysis, we have got the following conclusions:
1、Although various laws and regulations are improving constantly, related practitioners have not developed the internal institutions that adapt to the external institutions of the industrial introduction. The related practitioners still action under the mode of the original internal institutions, and construct a union of interests which is legality and firm. Therefore, the external institutions can not be implemented effectively. That is the reason why the incidents always occurrences in the small coal mines.
2、Because of the distance feeling of the external institutions, as well as the affinity of the common internal institutions, even the related practitioners are not active consent, they also negative tolerance, during the specific production for the operational mode of the existing coal mines. The existing concerning often focuses on the business groups which are specific and related, but they do not see there is a union of interests among the local government, the miners’owners and workers. The legitimacy actions of the union all base on their internal institutions. Therefore, we should concern the conflicts between internal institutions and external institutions, and catch it as a breakthrough point to solve the problem. That is the reason why the problem is difficulty to solve.
3、The condition of the effective implementation of the external institutions is whether the related practitioners own the internal institutions that adapt to the external institutions. Although the clear, perfect external institutions are necessary, it also needs the specific implementation of the related practitioners. Therefore, the related practitioners need the corresponding internal institutions to ensure the executive willingness and implementation capacity. Moreover, there is no absolute perfect external institutions, the nature of the external institutions always constructs on the basis of the relationship with the internal institutions.
China is a country with the largest volume of coal in the world. In recent years, driven by the economic growth and energy demand increasing, coal production continues to grow at a rate of 10%. With the price of the coal continuously upgrading, our country also accelerates highly efficient and safety coal mine construction, and has built a large number of efficient and safety coal mines. But at the same time, the coal disasters occurrence frequently, and with a high death toll.
In this large number of security incidents, because of the low standard of small coal mines, a lot of incidents happened frequently, the number of the death toll was more than 70%of all the accident. The farmer miners groups are the major source of coal miners, but they suffered deeply. So how to fundamentally solve the problem of the small coal mines is now we have to do.
In a word, the analyses on the small coal mines’are less, they always focus on economics, laws and managements field. The shortcoming of all the analyses is that they simplify the relevant practitioners to rational people who are under the level of the society and receive the institutions passive; all the analyses are lack of the concern about the condition if the external institutions can be implemented effectively; the existing analyses always only have one theory centre., such as the economics often concern about the allocation of the resources, but they do not care about the multiple pursuit and action logic of different actors. Base on the inadequacy of the above analyses, my perspective is the institution research of the sociology. It will avoid excessive modeling the study.
Although the institution research of sociology always contains the external and internal aspects of the study, in the actual institution study, for the study and application of the institution always incline to the external aspects. The discussion of habitus and tactic by Bourdieu can be seen as an attempt to the integration of the internal institutions and the external. The habitus stressed the understanding of the tendency aspect and practice. Then body has got its core status, because no matter what kind of institutions all require actors’constant reproduction, and play a role in this way.
Although the internal institutions and external institutions can not be separated, in order to facilitate the analysis, in this paper, we call the institution mode which comes from agricultural production as internal institutions, and the mode that comes from the industrial production as external institutions. This paper will base on this relationship and talk about the incidents of the small coal mine.
The internal institutions which develop from agricultural production environment are in habit to compliance the institution. But the external institutions that formed under the industrial production environment compliance the institution from the reflection level. The attitude of the internal institutions is negative, but the external institutions are positive controlling. The understanding of purpose and means of selection are different between internal institutions and external. The internal institutions are pragmatism, just to reach the purpose. However, the external institutions have a strong ritual, and link the specific purpose and means. Due to long-term live in the stability agricultural environment, farmers often have no expectations and demands of citizens’rights. Therefore, they have week sensitivities about the external inequality and their own interests which original belong to them.
Through the surface of these reasons, the deep reason is that although we have been constantly stressed and improved the external institutions, we still have not developed the internal institutions which enable the external institutions implement effectively. For the coal mine incidents, the central government concern more about the safety issues, the requests of the safety completely follow the external institutions, but after all the central government has limited capacity. It is not possible to monitor everywhere of the local, especially most small coal mines which in the remote areas. This requires the local governments are able to combine the specific situations, and implement effectively the requirements of the central. However, the local governments are always in a contradictory position. The pressure of the local governments comes from the economic performance, not the constant incidents of the coal mines. Therefore, the governments which can not comply with external institutions often take advantage of the internal institutions’legitimacy, and in order to ease the pressure of the external institutions. Regardless of the local government officials, local coal mine owners, or the mine workers, they all base on only one-side understanding of the internal institutions. For example their understanding of the safety still remains in the understanding of famine during the agricultural production. And not understanding the safety as a requirement of institutions to achieve a purpose. In fact, the three groups create an interests union which bases on the legitimacy of the internal institutions. Therefore, there is a confrontation between the central government which in stand of the external institutions and the local union which acts in accordance with the legitimacy of the internal institutions. This confrontation has created a vicious cycle, on the one hand, the central constantly adjustments the policy, on the other hand, the local union becomes more robust under the maintenance of the internal institutions.
Based on the above analysis, we have got the following conclusions:
1、Although various laws and regulations are improving constantly, related practitioners have not developed the internal institutions that adapt to the external institutions of the industrial introduction. The related practitioners still action under the mode of the original internal institutions, and construct a union of interests which is legality and firm. Therefore, the external institutions can not be implemented effectively. That is the reason why the incidents always occurrences in the small coal mines.
2、Because of the distance feeling of the external institutions, as well as the affinity of the common internal institutions, even the related practitioners are not active consent, they also negative tolerance, during the specific production for the operational mode of the existing coal mines. The existing concerning often focuses on the business groups which are specific and related, but they do not see there is a union of interests among the local government, the miners’owners and workers. The legitimacy actions of the union all base on their internal institutions. Therefore, we should concern the conflicts between internal institutions and external institutions, and catch it as a breakthrough point to solve the problem. That is the reason why the problem is difficulty to solve.
3、The condition of the effective implementation of the external institutions is whether the related practitioners own the internal institutions that adapt to the external institutions. Although the clear, perfect external institutions are necessary, it also needs the specific implementation of the related practitioners. Therefore, the related practitioners need the corresponding internal institutions to ensure the executive willingness and implementation capacity. Moreover, there is no absolute perfect external institutions, the nature of the external institutions always constructs on the basis of the relationship with the internal institutions.
引文
[1] 王玉霞:《认知失调与我国矿难—我国矿难频发的一个行为经济学解释》,《财经问题研究》,2007(10)
[2] 张凤林,李保华:《矿难治理对策:一种劳动经济学分析视角》,《长安大学学报(社会科学版)》,2007(1)
[3] 刘超杰,汤道路:《论我国煤矿安全立法的不足及完善》,《煤矿安全》,2005(6)
[4] 张剑虹,楚风华,张迅雷:《我国小煤矿安全生产的法律对策研究》,《华北科技学院学报》,2006(12)
[5] 丁运年,葛家理:《我国煤炭行业潜在危机与现实矿难的成因和对策》,《中国安全科学学报》,2007(3)
[6] 陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006(5)
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[19] 毛丹,王燕峰:《J市农民为什么不愿做市民—城郊农民的安全经济学》,《社会学研究》,2006(6)
[20] 李培林,李炜:《农民工在中国转型中的经济地位和社会态度》,《社会学研究》,2007(3)
[21] 陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006(2)
[22] 陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006(2)
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[28] 陶凤鸣:《实施煤炭资源整合促进中小煤矿规范有序健康发展》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006(7)
[29] http://news.sohu.com/20060209/n241733528.shtml
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[32] 卢鉴章:《依靠科学技术进步提高煤矿安全保障能力》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006(8)
[33] 转引自王廷弼在 2007 年 9 月 22 日在全国煤炭成人高校“十一五”规划教材审稿和征订工作会议行的讲话。
[34] 陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006(5)
[35] 彭红军,李新春:《基于本质安全的煤矿安全投资要素体系构建及优先权值分析》,《中国矿业》,2006(12)
[36] 吴蔚.技能型紧缺人才培养培训:《中国矿难黑洞的休止符》,《教育与职业》,2006(8)
[37] 王疐曈：《矿难中的人才?侍馔甘印罚兜痴刹垦Э罚?007(1)
[38] http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2005-05-14/02515882806s.shtml
[39] 青木文:《德国三年培训才能当矿工》,《冶金企业文化》,2007(5)
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[41] 林德昌:《矿难的制度性分析》,《东南大学硕士学位论文》,2006
[42] 童磊,丁日佳:《成本内化:煤矿事故预防的经济激励》,《煤炭经济研究》,2006(2)
[43] [德]马克思:《资本论(第一卷)》,《人民出版社》,1975:829
[44] 相关内容可以在百度等网站进行搜索,可找到大量有关“荣福煤矿”的报道
[45] 李春玲:《断裂与碎片:当代中国社会阶层分化实证分析》,《社会科学文献出版社》,2005:60
[46] 罗真如:《[安全]何时成为我国煤矿企业文化的核心》,《企业文化与管理》, 2006(8)
[47] 费孝通:《乡土中国》,《上海世纪出版集团》,2007:252
[48] 王岐堃：《论中国矿难频发的原因及应对措施》，《社科纵横》，2006(12)
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[1]王玉霞:《认知失调与我国矿难—我国矿难频发的一个行为经济学解释》,《财经问题研究》,2007 年第 10 期。
[2]张凤林,李保华:《矿难治理对策:一种劳动经济学分析视角》,《长安大学学报(社会科学版)》,2007 年第 9 卷第 1 期。
[3]丁运年,葛家理:《我国煤炭行业潜在危机与现实矿难的成因和对策》,《中国安全科学学报》,2007 年第 17 卷第 3 期。
[4]陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006年第31卷第5期。
[5]杨利文,赵彦平:《浅析农民矿工的“权利贫困”》,《沈阳工程学院学报(社会科学版)》,2006 年第 2 卷第 3 期。
[6]毛丹,王燕峰:《J市农民为什么不愿做市民—城郊农民的安全经济学》,《社会学研究》,2006年第6期。
[7]李培林,李炜:《农民工在中国转型中的经济地位和社会态度》,《社会学研究》,2007 年第 3 期。
[8]陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006 年第 24 卷第 2 期。
[9]梁海慧:《企业社会责任缺失与煤矿事故频发》,《经济管理》,2006年第 5 期。
[10]卢鉴章:《依靠科学技术进步提高煤矿安全保障能力》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006 年第 8 期。
[11]彭红军,李新春:《基于本质安全的煤矿安全投资要素体系构建及优先权值分析》,《中国矿业》,2006 年第 15 卷第 12 期。
[12] 秦强,闫红新:《煤炭行业潜在危机及解决之道》,《中国煤炭》,2005年第 31 卷第 2 期。
[13]庾莉萍:《美国历史上的矿难及治理经验》,《中国减灾》,2007 年第 3期。
[14]陶凤鸣:《实施煤炭资源整合促进中小煤矿规范有序健康发展》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006 年第 7 期。
[15]吴蔚:《技能型紧缺人才培养培训:中国矿难黑洞的休止符》,《教育与职业》,2006 年第 8 期。
[16]王疐曈：《矿难中的人才·侍馔甘印罚兜痴刹垦Э罚·007年第1期。
[17]青木文:《德国三年培训才能当矿工》,《冶金企业文化》,2007 年第 5期。
[18]王岐堃：《论中国矿难频发的原因及应对措施》，《社科纵横》，2006年第21卷第12期。
[19]林德昌:《矿难的制度性分析》,东南大学硕士学位论文,2006 年。
[20]童磊,丁日佳:《成本内化:煤矿事故预防的经济激励》,《煤炭经济研究》,2006 年第 2 期。
[21]罗真如:《[安全]何时成为我国煤矿企业文化的核心》,《企业文化与管理》, 2006 年第8期。
[2] 张凤林,李保华:《矿难治理对策:一种劳动经济学分析视角》,《长安大学学报(社会科学版)》,2007(1)
[3] 刘超杰,汤道路:《论我国煤矿安全立法的不足及完善》,《煤矿安全》,2005(6)
[4] 张剑虹,楚风华,张迅雷:《我国小煤矿安全生产的法律对策研究》,《华北科技学院学报》,2006(12)
[5] 丁运年,葛家理:《我国煤炭行业潜在危机与现实矿难的成因和对策》,《中国安全科学学报》,2007(3)
[6] 陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006(5)
[7] [德]柯武刚、史漫飞,韩朝华译:《制度经济学》,《商务印书馆》,2000
[8] [美]戴维·斯沃茨,陶东风译:《文化与权利:布尔迪厄的社会学》,《上海译文出版社》,2006:57-60
[9] [法]皮埃尔·布迪厄,蒋梓骅译:《实践感》,《译林出版社》,2003:80
[10] [法]皮埃尔·布迪厄,蒋梓骅译:《实践感》,《译林出版社》,2003:81
[11] [法]皮埃尔·布迪厄,蒋梓骅译:《实践感》,《译林出版社》,2003:81
[12] [美]戴维·斯沃茨,陶东风译:《文化与权利:布尔迪厄的社会学》,《上海译文出版社》,2006:130-131
[13] [德]柯武刚、史漫飞,韩朝华译:《制度经济学》,《商务印书馆》,2000
[14] 费孝通:《江村经济》,《商务印书馆》,2006:131
[15] 费孝通:《乡土中国》,《上海世纪出版集团》,2007:10
[16] 费孝通:《乡土中国》,《上海世纪出版集团》,2007:271-272
[17] 费孝通:《乡土中国》,《上海世纪出版集团》,2007:10
[18] 杨利文,赵彦平:《浅析农民矿工的“权利贫困”》, 《沈阳工程学院学报(社会科学版)》,2006(3)
[19] 毛丹,王燕峰:《J市农民为什么不愿做市民—城郊农民的安全经济学》,《社会学研究》,2006(6)
[20] 李培林,李炜:《农民工在中国转型中的经济地位和社会态度》,《社会学研究》,2007(3)
[21] 陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006(2)
[22] 陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006(2)
[23] 秦强,闫红新:《煤炭行业潜在危机及解决之道[ J ]》,《中国煤炭》, 2005, 31 (2) : 30～31
[24] 丁运年,葛家理:《我国煤炭行业潜在危机与现实矿难的成因和对策》,《中国安全科学学报》,2007(3)
[25] 庾莉萍:《美国历史上的矿难及治理经验》,《中国减灾》,2007(3)
[26] 中国煤炭工业网:煤矿安全生产“十一五”规划[OL], http: / /www.chinacoal.org.cn, 2007. 03.06
[27] 李铁映:《全国人大常委会执法检查组关于检查中华人民共和国安全生产法实施情况的报告》, 2005-8-25
[28] 陶凤鸣:《实施煤炭资源整合促进中小煤矿规范有序健康发展》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006(7)
[29] http://news.sohu.com/20060209/n241733528.shtml
[30] 陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006(2)
[31] 梁海慧:《企业社会责任缺失与煤矿事故频发》,《经济管理》,2006(5)
[32] 卢鉴章:《依靠科学技术进步提高煤矿安全保障能力》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006(8)
[33] 转引自王廷弼在 2007 年 9 月 22 日在全国煤炭成人高校“十一五”规划教材审稿和征订工作会议行的讲话。
[34] 陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006(5)
[35] 彭红军,李新春:《基于本质安全的煤矿安全投资要素体系构建及优先权值分析》,《中国矿业》,2006(12)
[36] 吴蔚.技能型紧缺人才培养培训:《中国矿难黑洞的休止符》,《教育与职业》,2006(8)
[37] 王疐曈：《矿难中的人才?侍馔甘印罚兜痴刹垦Э罚?007(1)
[38] http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2005-05-14/02515882806s.shtml
[39] 青木文:《德国三年培训才能当矿工》,《冶金企业文化》,2007(5)
[40] 王岐堃：《论中国矿难频发的原因及应对措施》，《社科纵横》，2006(12)
[41] 林德昌:《矿难的制度性分析》,《东南大学硕士学位论文》,2006
[42] 童磊,丁日佳:《成本内化:煤矿事故预防的经济激励》,《煤炭经济研究》,2006(2)
[43] [德]马克思:《资本论(第一卷)》,《人民出版社》,1975:829
[44] 相关内容可以在百度等网站进行搜索,可找到大量有关“荣福煤矿”的报道
[45] 李春玲:《断裂与碎片:当代中国社会阶层分化实证分析》,《社会科学文献出版社》,2005:60
[46] 罗真如:《[安全]何时成为我国煤矿企业文化的核心》,《企业文化与管理》, 2006(8)
[47] 费孝通:《乡土中国》,《上海世纪出版集团》,2007:252
[48] 王岐堃：《论中国矿难频发的原因及应对措施》，《社科纵横》，2006(12)
[1]费孝通:《乡土中国》,上海世纪出版集团,2007 年。
[2]费孝通:《江村经济》,商务印书馆,2006 年。
[3]费孝通:《费孝通在 2003》,中国社会科学出版社,2005 年。
[4]李春玲:《断裂与碎片:当代中国社会阶层分化实证分析》,社会科学文献出版社,2005 年。
[5]李培林,李强,孙立平等:《中国社会分层》,社会科学文献出版社,2004 年。
[6]李路路,孙志祥主编:《透视不平等——国外社会阶层理论》,社会科学文献出版社,2002 年。
[7]李强:《农民工与中国社会分层》,社会科学文献出版社, 2004 年。
[8][美]戴维·斯沃茨:《文化与权利:布尔迪厄的社会学》陶东风译,上海译文出版社,2006 年。
[9][法]皮埃尔·布迪厄:《实践感》蒋梓骅译,译林出版社,2003 年。
[10][法]皮埃尔·布迪厄:《国家精英—名牌大学与群体精神》杨亚平译,商务印书馆,2004 年。
[11][法]皮埃尔·布迪厄、[美]华康德:《实践与反思:反思社会学导引》李猛,李康译,中央编译出版社,1998 年。
[12][德]柯武刚,史漫飞:《制度经济学》韩朝华译,商务印书馆,2000年。
[13]薛晓源,陈家刚主编:《全球化与新制度主义》,中央编译出版社,2004 年。
[14][冰岛]埃格特森:《经济行为与制度》吴经邦等译,商务印书馆,2004年。
[15][英]安东尼·吉登斯:《社会的构成》李康、李猛译,三联,1998 年。
[16][英]安东尼·吉登斯:《社会学方法的新规则:一种对解释性社会学的建设性批判》田佑中,刘江涛译,社会科学文献出版社, 2003年。
[17][美]邓津,林肯:《定性研究》风笑天等译,重庆大学出版社,2007年。
[18][德]马克思:《资本论(第一卷)》,人民出版社,1975年。
[19][美]曼瑟尔·奥尔森:《集体行动的逻辑》陈郁等译,上海人民出版社,1995 年。
[20][美]曼瑟尔·奥尔森:《国家的兴衰:经济增长、滞胀和社会僵化》李增刚译,上海人民出版社,2007 年。
[21][美]曼瑟尔·奥尔森:《权力与繁荣》苏长和、嵇飞译,上海人民出版社,2005 年。
[1]王玉霞:《认知失调与我国矿难—我国矿难频发的一个行为经济学解释》,《财经问题研究》,2007 年第 10 期。
[2]张凤林,李保华:《矿难治理对策:一种劳动经济学分析视角》,《长安大学学报(社会科学版)》,2007 年第 9 卷第 1 期。
[3]丁运年,葛家理:《我国煤炭行业潜在危机与现实矿难的成因和对策》,《中国安全科学学报》,2007 年第 17 卷第 3 期。
[4]陈红,祁慧,宋学峰,谭慧:《煤矿重大事故中管理失误行为影响因素结构模型》,《煤炭学报》,2006年第31卷第5期。
[5]杨利文,赵彦平:《浅析农民矿工的“权利贫困”》,《沈阳工程学院学报(社会科学版)》,2006 年第 2 卷第 3 期。
[6]毛丹,王燕峰:《J市农民为什么不愿做市民—城郊农民的安全经济学》,《社会学研究》,2006年第6期。
[7]李培林,李炜:《农民工在中国转型中的经济地位和社会态度》,《社会学研究》,2007 年第 3 期。
[8]陈宁,林汉川:《我国煤矿企业安全投入的博弈分析》,《太原理工大学学报(社会科学版)》,2006 年第 24 卷第 2 期。
[9]梁海慧:《企业社会责任缺失与煤矿事故频发》,《经济管理》,2006年第 5 期。
[10]卢鉴章:《依靠科学技术进步提高煤矿安全保障能力》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006 年第 8 期。
[11]彭红军,李新春:《基于本质安全的煤矿安全投资要素体系构建及优先权值分析》,《中国矿业》,2006 年第 15 卷第 12 期。
[12] 秦强,闫红新:《煤炭行业潜在危机及解决之道》,《中国煤炭》,2005年第 31 卷第 2 期。
[13]庾莉萍:《美国历史上的矿难及治理经验》,《中国减灾》,2007 年第 3期。
[14]陶凤鸣:《实施煤炭资源整合促进中小煤矿规范有序健康发展》,《煤炭企业管理》,2006 年第 7 期。
[15]吴蔚:《技能型紧缺人才培养培训:中国矿难黑洞的休止符》,《教育与职业》,2006 年第 8 期。
[16]王疐曈：《矿难中的人才·侍馔甘印罚兜痴刹垦Э罚·007年第1期。
[17]青木文:《德国三年培训才能当矿工》,《冶金企业文化》,2007 年第 5期。
[18]王岐堃：《论中国矿难频发的原因及应对措施》，《社科纵横》，2006年第21卷第12期。
[19]林德昌:《矿难的制度性分析》,东南大学硕士学位论文,2006 年。
[20]童磊,丁日佳:《成本内化:煤矿事故预防的经济激励》,《煤炭经济研究》,2006 年第 2 期。
[21]罗真如:《[安全]何时成为我国煤矿企业文化的核心》,《企业文化与管理》, 2006 年第8期。