苏联解体以来俄罗斯对欧美力量东扩的军事回应及策略
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摘要
冷战结束,苏东集团解体之后,东欧亲苏俄政权纷纷下台,俄罗斯在东欧的势力范围一夜消失,对俄罗斯的军事战略有极大的影响。苏东的解体使俄罗斯在东欧没有了缓冲地带,在中亚及外高加索也与以往苏联时期直接掌握有着极大的不同。与此同时,欧美国家在开始对这些地区进行势力扩张,例如北约东扩及东欧国家加入欧盟等。而美国在中亚地区也有驻军并和其他区内国家进行军事合作。欧美的东扩令俄罗斯感受到威胁。由于俄罗斯一向以来均为军事大国,因此军事方面的回应成为俄罗斯对抗欧美力量东扩的重要手段。
为了对抗欧美的东扩,俄罗斯在俄罗斯欧洲地区、高加索及中亚这三个与欧美力量有接触的地区有着不同的军事部署。在俄罗斯欧洲部份,俄罗斯主要是针对东欧国家加入北约而进行相应的响应。在高加索则是针对与亲欧美的格鲁吉亚所发生的边境纠纷而作出相应的军事行动。在中亚,则是为了应付在911事件之后欧美在区内国家的驻军。
除了部署之外,俄罗斯为了对扩欧美力量的东扩也进行过两次实际的军事行动。第一次为1999年北约轰炸南斯拉夫之后,俄罗斯在没有事先通知北约的情况之下,派兵抢占科索沃首府的机场,使得俄军与北约形成对峙局面。第二次便为2008年的俄格战争,俄军对亲欧美的格鲁吉亚进行军事打击。这使得俄罗斯与欧美,特别是美国的关系非常紧张。
而对于美国希望在东欧部署反导系统一事,俄罗斯更是强烈地反对。俄罗斯认为这系统会影响到俄罗斯对美国的战略核打击能力,而核打击能力可以说是俄罗斯全球战略中的根本。为了反对美国的计划,俄罗斯作了很多相应的行动,如要在与北约接壤的飞地加里宁格勒部署弹道导弹及威胁波兰将会受到来打击等。
而面对欧美力量的东扩,俄罗斯在军事发展上也作出了相应的调整。由于俄罗斯在90年代的经济十分低迷,所以俄罗斯的军事科技发展更需要针对应付欧美力量东扩而作出调整。俄罗斯基本上集中资源去发展战略核武的战力,例如优先发展战略洲际弹道导弹等。而在战略思想方面,俄罗斯在全球进行了战略收缩,以集中在本土周边应付欧美力量东扩。而俄罗斯也鉴于自身的常规战力不及北约,所以俄罗斯调整了其核武的使用原则,降低了使用门坎,也更重视了战术核武。降低了核武的使用原则可以使俄罗斯常规部队在局部战争中未能击退入侵敌人的时候也可以使用核武来击退敌人。除此之外,俄罗斯也重视周边地区的区域联盟,以巩固俄罗斯在这些地区的影响力。
综观俄罗斯联邦成立的这二十年来,俄罗斯与欧美的关系时有起伏,其原因为即使俄罗斯基本上倾向于与欧美合作,但其对自己势力范围的认知与现实有差距,这使得当欧美扩张其势力时俄罗斯感到不满。只要俄罗斯对自己势力范围的认知与现实符合,俄罗斯与欧美的关系便会处于长期合作的状态。
After the end of cold war and the collapse of the Eastern Europe Communist regimes, Russia lost its sphere of influence at one night. This made a serious effect on the Russia's strategy. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc resulted in the lost of buffering zone of Russia in Eastern Europe. The situation in Central Asia and Transcaucasia was also hugely different from that of the era of Soviet direct control. At the same time, the Western countries started to enlarge their influence in these areas, but Russia felt threatened by such movement. Because Russia had always been a great military power, therefore military responses were the Russian crucial methods to deal with the enlargement of the West.
To counter the West, Russia had different military deployments in Russian Europe, Transcaucasia and Central Asia. These various deployments were for the joining NATO of Eastern Europe countries, the border dispute with pro-western Georgia and the deployment of U.S. military in Central Asia after 911.
Beside the deployments, Russia also launched military action to counter the West's eastward enlargement. The first time was the capturing of the airport of the capital of Kosovo after the NATO bombing to Yugoslavia without informing the NATO. The second time was the Russia-Georgia war. The Russian strike to the pro-western Georgia tensed up the relationship between Russia and the West, especially the United States.
Russia desperately objected the U.S. planning of deploying missiles defense system in the Eastern Europe. Russia deemed this missiles defense system will threaten the capacity of Russian strategic nuclear strike, and this capacity was the core of Russian global strategy. Russia took many actions to counter the U.S. plan, including deploying missiles in Kaliningrad and threatening Poland it would be struck by nuclear weapons.
Russia also changed its military developments to deal with the Western eastward enlargement. Because of the bad economic situation in 1990s, Russia had to concentrate its resources to develop strategic nuclear capacity, such as intercontinental ballistic missiles. In the strategic concept, Russia carried out global strategic retreat to concentrate its power to deal with the West's enlargement. Russia also acknowledged its conventional forces was inferior to NATO, so it changed the principles of using nuclear weapon. Russia lowered the threshold of using nuclear weapons that it could use nuclear weapon to repulse the enemy when its conventional forces failed to do so in a regional war. Russia also valued the regional alliance; it could consolidate Russian influence in the region.
In the twenty years history since the establishment of the Federal of Russia, the Russia's relationship with the West has gone up and down. It is because even though Russia tends to cooperate with the West, the Russian perception of its own sphere of influence does not match the reality. This made Russia resented when the West enlarged their influence to the east. When Russian perception of its own sphere of influence matches the reality, the relationship between Russia and the West will become long term cooperative.
为了对抗欧美的东扩,俄罗斯在俄罗斯欧洲地区、高加索及中亚这三个与欧美力量有接触的地区有着不同的军事部署。在俄罗斯欧洲部份,俄罗斯主要是针对东欧国家加入北约而进行相应的响应。在高加索则是针对与亲欧美的格鲁吉亚所发生的边境纠纷而作出相应的军事行动。在中亚,则是为了应付在911事件之后欧美在区内国家的驻军。
除了部署之外,俄罗斯为了对扩欧美力量的东扩也进行过两次实际的军事行动。第一次为1999年北约轰炸南斯拉夫之后,俄罗斯在没有事先通知北约的情况之下,派兵抢占科索沃首府的机场,使得俄军与北约形成对峙局面。第二次便为2008年的俄格战争,俄军对亲欧美的格鲁吉亚进行军事打击。这使得俄罗斯与欧美,特别是美国的关系非常紧张。
而对于美国希望在东欧部署反导系统一事,俄罗斯更是强烈地反对。俄罗斯认为这系统会影响到俄罗斯对美国的战略核打击能力,而核打击能力可以说是俄罗斯全球战略中的根本。为了反对美国的计划,俄罗斯作了很多相应的行动,如要在与北约接壤的飞地加里宁格勒部署弹道导弹及威胁波兰将会受到来打击等。
而面对欧美力量的东扩,俄罗斯在军事发展上也作出了相应的调整。由于俄罗斯在90年代的经济十分低迷,所以俄罗斯的军事科技发展更需要针对应付欧美力量东扩而作出调整。俄罗斯基本上集中资源去发展战略核武的战力,例如优先发展战略洲际弹道导弹等。而在战略思想方面,俄罗斯在全球进行了战略收缩,以集中在本土周边应付欧美力量东扩。而俄罗斯也鉴于自身的常规战力不及北约,所以俄罗斯调整了其核武的使用原则,降低了使用门坎,也更重视了战术核武。降低了核武的使用原则可以使俄罗斯常规部队在局部战争中未能击退入侵敌人的时候也可以使用核武来击退敌人。除此之外,俄罗斯也重视周边地区的区域联盟,以巩固俄罗斯在这些地区的影响力。
综观俄罗斯联邦成立的这二十年来,俄罗斯与欧美的关系时有起伏,其原因为即使俄罗斯基本上倾向于与欧美合作,但其对自己势力范围的认知与现实有差距,这使得当欧美扩张其势力时俄罗斯感到不满。只要俄罗斯对自己势力范围的认知与现实符合,俄罗斯与欧美的关系便会处于长期合作的状态。
After the end of cold war and the collapse of the Eastern Europe Communist regimes, Russia lost its sphere of influence at one night. This made a serious effect on the Russia's strategy. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc resulted in the lost of buffering zone of Russia in Eastern Europe. The situation in Central Asia and Transcaucasia was also hugely different from that of the era of Soviet direct control. At the same time, the Western countries started to enlarge their influence in these areas, but Russia felt threatened by such movement. Because Russia had always been a great military power, therefore military responses were the Russian crucial methods to deal with the enlargement of the West.
To counter the West, Russia had different military deployments in Russian Europe, Transcaucasia and Central Asia. These various deployments were for the joining NATO of Eastern Europe countries, the border dispute with pro-western Georgia and the deployment of U.S. military in Central Asia after 911.
Beside the deployments, Russia also launched military action to counter the West's eastward enlargement. The first time was the capturing of the airport of the capital of Kosovo after the NATO bombing to Yugoslavia without informing the NATO. The second time was the Russia-Georgia war. The Russian strike to the pro-western Georgia tensed up the relationship between Russia and the West, especially the United States.
Russia desperately objected the U.S. planning of deploying missiles defense system in the Eastern Europe. Russia deemed this missiles defense system will threaten the capacity of Russian strategic nuclear strike, and this capacity was the core of Russian global strategy. Russia took many actions to counter the U.S. plan, including deploying missiles in Kaliningrad and threatening Poland it would be struck by nuclear weapons.
Russia also changed its military developments to deal with the Western eastward enlargement. Because of the bad economic situation in 1990s, Russia had to concentrate its resources to develop strategic nuclear capacity, such as intercontinental ballistic missiles. In the strategic concept, Russia carried out global strategic retreat to concentrate its power to deal with the West's enlargement. Russia also acknowledged its conventional forces was inferior to NATO, so it changed the principles of using nuclear weapon. Russia lowered the threshold of using nuclear weapons that it could use nuclear weapon to repulse the enemy when its conventional forces failed to do so in a regional war. Russia also valued the regional alliance; it could consolidate Russian influence in the region.
In the twenty years history since the establishment of the Federal of Russia, the Russia's relationship with the West has gone up and down. It is because even though Russia tends to cooperate with the West, the Russian perception of its own sphere of influence does not match the reality. This made Russia resented when the West enlarged their influence to the east. When Russian perception of its own sphere of influence matches the reality, the relationship between Russia and the West will become long term cooperative.
引文
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Aldis, A. C.,& McDermott, R. N. (2003). Russian military reform,1992-2002. London:Frank Cass.
Baranovsky, V. (2000). Russia:A Part of Europe or Apart from Europe? [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3,443-458.
Borawski, J. (1995). Partnership for Peace and beyond. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.71, No.2,233-246.
Bowen, W. Q. (2001). Missile Defence and the Transatlantic Security Relationship. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3,485-507.
Bush Aides Weighed Attack to Halt Russia-Georgia War:Books. (2010). Retrieved January 20,2010 from Bloomberg. com:http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601088&sid=anp. wbwkjbgy
Bush to Russia:'Bullying and intimidation are not acceptable'. (2008). Retrieved January 20, 2010 from Los Anglese Times:http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/presidentbush/2008/08/ georgia-russi-1. html.
Croft, S. (2002). Guaranteeing Europe's Security? Enlarging NATO Again. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.1,97-114.
Croft, S., Howorth, J., Terriff, T.,& Webber, M. (2000). NATO's Triple Challenge. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3, Europe: Where Does It Begin and End?,495-518.
Deutch, J., Brown, H.,& White, J. P. (2000). National Missile Defense:Is There Another Way? [Editorial]. [Electronic version]. Foreign Policy, No.119,91-100.
Gidadhubli, R. G. (2001, March 8). India-Russia Relations:Looking beyond Military Hardware. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.36, No.46/47,4349-4351. Gidadhubli,
R. G. (2002, March 9). Russia's Military Industrial Complex:Struggle for Revival. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.37, No.23,2215-2218.
Gresh, A. (1998). Russia's Return to the Middle East. [Editorial]. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.28, No.1,67-77.
Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security Policy After September 11. Washington D. C.:The Library of Congress.
Gupta, A. (1995, March 8). Grozny and Return to Big Powerism? [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.30, No.12,613-615.
Haslam, J. (1998). Russia's Seat at the Table:A Place Denied or a Place Delayed? [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.74, No.1,119-130.
Johnson, T. P.,& Miller, S. (1994). Russian security after the Cold War:seven views from Moscow. Washington:Brassey's.
Koshy, N. (2000, March 9). Russian Response to US Missiles. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.35, No.32,2818-2819.
Kumar, R. S. (1996). Chechnya:Russian Fiasco. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No.1,23-27.
Kramer, M. (2002). NATO, the Baltic States and Russia:A Framework for Sustainable Enlargement. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.4,731-756.
Kydd, A. (2001). Trust Building, Trust Breaking:The Dilemma of NATO Enlargement. [Editorial]. International Organization, Vol.55, No.4, The Rational Design of International,801-828.
Light, M., White, S.,& Lowenhardt, J. (2000). A Wider Europe:The View from Moscow and Kyiv. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol. 76, No.1,77-88.
Lowenhardt, J., Hill, R. J.,& Light, M. (2001). A Wider Europe:The View from Minsk and Chisinau. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3, Changing Patterns of European Security and Defence,605-620.
Lashchenova, E. (2008). Armenia on the U. S. "Chessboard". [Editorial]. Russian Politics and Law, Vol.46, no.2,24-34.
Malek, M. (2004). Russian Policy toward South Asia:An Update. [Editorial]. Asian Survey, Vol. 44, No.3,384-400.
Mathers, J. G. (2000). The Russian nuclear shield from Stalin to Yeltsin. Basingstoke Macmillan; in association with St. Antony's College.
Miller, S. E., & Trenin, D. (2004). The Russian military:power and policy. Cambridge, Mass. American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Naunn, S.,& Stulberg, A. N. (2000). The Many Faces of Modern Russia. [Editorial]. Foreign Affairs, Vol.99, No.2,45-62.
Odom, W. E. (1998). Russia's Several Seats at the Table. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.74, No.4,809-822.
Ordzhonikidze, M. (2008). Russians' Perceptions of Western. [Editorial]. Russian Politics and Law, Vol.46, No.3,43-68.
Quackenbush, S. L. (2006). National Missile Defense and Deterrence. [Editorial]. Political Research Quarterly, Vol.59, No.4,533-541.
Rontoyanni, C. (2002). So Far, so Good? Russia and the ESDP. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.4,813-830.
Rosefielde, S. (2005). Russia in the 21st century:the prodigal superpower. Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press.
Russia piles pressure on EU over missile shield. (2007). Retrieved January 20,2010 from Telegraph, co.uk:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1569495/ russia-piles-pressure-on-eu-over-missile-shield. html.
Russian National Security Concept and Nuclear Policy. (2000). Retrieved August 13,2009 from Center for Arms Control, Energy and Environmental Studies:http://www.armscontrol.ru/start/ nsc.htm.
Scheffer, J. H. (2008, March 8). European and American Missile Defence. [Editorial]. Military Technology,12-13.
Security Initiatives Temper. (2008, March 9). [Editorial]. CENTRAL EUROPE & bALTICS,5-6.
Shebarshin, L. (1993). Reflections on the KGB in Russia. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.28, No.51,2829-2832.
The Russian National Security Concept:A Liberal-Statist Synthesis. (1998). Boston:Harvard University.
Tikhomirov, V. (2001). Russia after Yeltsin. Burlington, VT:Aldershot.
Wallace, W. (2000). From the Atlantic to the Bug, from the Arctic to the Tigris? The Transformation of the EU. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3, Europe:Where Does It Begin and End?,475-493.
Walt, S. M. (1998). International Relations:One World, Many Theories. [Editorial]. Foreign Policy, No.110, Special Edition:Frontiers of Knowledge,29-32,34-36.
Woolf, A. F. (Ed.). (2006). Nuclear Arms Control:The U. S.-Russian Agenda. Washington D. C.:The Library of Congress.
Yost, D. S. (2001). Russia's Non-Strategic Nuclear Forces. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3Changing Patterns of European Security and Defence,531-551.
2 Gresh, A. (1998). Russia's Return to the Middle East. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.28, No.1, 67-77.
3刘侣萍,崔启明.北约日益重视外高加索地区的战略地位[J]．俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：70-75
4 Gibler, D. M. (1999). East or Further East? [Editorial]. Journal of Peace Research, Vol.36, No.6, 627-637.
5朱行巧.大国争斗与夹缝中的中东欧[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：76-79
6 Kostadinova, T. (2000). East European Public Support for NATO Membership:Fears and Aspirations. [Editorial]. Journal of Peace Research, Vol.37, No.2,235-249.
7中国现代国际关系研究院“俄罗斯战略形势评估”课题组.俄罗斯强势复兴及其战略影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第4期：2-8
8 Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security-Policy After September 11. Washington D.C.:The Library of Congress.
9(俄)德米特里·特列宁着,刘国锋,钮菊生译.俄罗斯与西方渐行渐远[J]．俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第2期：92-94
10 Odom, W. E. (1998). Russia's Several Seats at the Table. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.74, No.4,809-822.
11俄罗斯共有一个轰炸机军下辖两个师。
16 Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security Policy After September 11. Washington D.C.:The Library of Congress.
17 Baranovsky, V. (2000). Russia:A Part of Europe or Apart from Europe? [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3,Europe:Where Does It Begin and End?,443-458.
29 Quackenbush, S. L. (2006). National Missile Defense and Deterrence. [Editorial]. Political Research Quarterly, Vol.59, No.4,533-541.
30 Koshy, N. (2000, March 9). Russian Response to US Missiles. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.35, No.32,2818-2819.
31 Russia piles pressure on EU over missile shield. (2007). Retrieved January 20,2010 from Telegraph.co.uk:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1569495/ russia-piles-pressure-on-eu-over-missile-shield.html.
38 Yost, D. S. (2001). Russia's Non-Strategic Nuclear Forces. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3Changing Patterns of European Security and Defence,531-551.
39赵会荣.论影响乌兹别克斯坦外交决策的因素[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第1期：61-68
40朱晓中.从铁板一块到市场细分———普京时期俄罗斯对中东欧国家政策[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第3期：44-52
41 Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security Policy After September 11. Washington D.C.:The Library of Congress.
42 Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security Policy After September 11. Washington D.C.:The Library of Congress.
43 Kramer, M. (2002). NATO, the Baltic States and Russia:A Framework for Sustainable Enlargement. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol. 78, No.4,731-756.
[1]朱晓中.从铁板一块到市场细分——一普京时期俄罗斯对中东欧国家政策[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008,(3)：44-52
[2]张宁.浅析纳扎尔巴耶夫的“中亚国家联盟”主张[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第4期：21-16
[3]朱行巧.大国争斗与夹缝中的中东欧[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：76-79
[4]徐之明,王正泉.中东欧国家加入欧盟对俄罗斯的不利影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：69-73
[5]刘侣萍,崔启明.北约日益重视外高加索地区的战略地位[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：70-75
[6]李抒音.外高加索形势对俄罗斯安全环境影响分析[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第3期：73-79
[7]杨育才.国外俄罗斯民族主义研究综述[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第3期：83-88
[8]张昊琦.当代俄罗斯民族主义[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第3期：8-18
[9]张振,陈香兰.论国家民族主义对普京执政以来俄罗斯外交政策的影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第4期：61-67
[10]庞大鹏.俄美关系中的车臣问题[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第2期：39-46
[11]柳丰华.艰难的睦邻之路——苏联解体以来的俄罗斯与波罗的海三国[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第3期：53-60
[12]周伟.浅谈冷战后波美关系[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第4期：78-82
[13]熊昊.变与不变间的波兰———图斯克新政府外交政策走向[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第4期：54-60
[14]王新龙.俄伊核合作：动机、矛盾及俄罗斯的政策选择[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1 期：63-69
[15]庞大鹏.俄罗斯外交战略中的中东[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：74-81
[16](俄)德米特里·特列宁着,刘国锋,钮菊生译.俄罗斯与西方渐行渐远[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第2期：92-94
[17]侯宝泉.俄罗斯武器出口的现状及前景分析[J].东欧中亚研究,1999年第2期：69-80
[18]王海运.俄罗斯重新崛起的前景及其世界影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第1期：1-7
[19]许华.当今俄罗斯的国家形象问题[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第2期：9-16
[20]中国现代国际关系研究院“俄罗斯战略形势评估”课题组.俄罗斯强势复兴及其战略影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第4期：1-8
[21]冯玉军,蒋莉,李东.权力交接与俄罗斯未来走向[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第2期：1-8
[22]张耀.地缘政治的回归与九一一事件后美俄关系的嬗变——以中亚为个案的分析[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：51-63
[23]张露.地缘政治与美俄关系——从乌克兰大选解读冷战后美俄关系中的地缘政治因素[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：64-68
[24]丛鹏,张钰函.近年美俄关系析论[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第2期：67-71
[25]郑羽.苏联解体以来美国对中亚政策的演变(1991～2006)[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第4期：54-61
[26]胡尚哲,高永久.美国的中亚和外高加索战略的演变[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第2期：66-74
[27]庞大鹏.浅析美国对中亚政治体制评价的历史演变[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第6期：73-79
[28]吴大辉.美国对中亚的军事安全政策[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第2期：72-77
[29]毕洪业.乌克兰政局动荡背后的俄美利益博弈[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：56-62
[30]赵会荣.论影响乌兹别克斯坦外交决策的因素[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第1期：61-68
[31]王伟.“普京计划”和俄罗斯发展战略[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第3期：19-25
[32]庞大鹏.论俄罗斯的“普京计划”———兼论对中俄关系的影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：6-11
[33]李立凡.欧盟：新的中亚“战略玩家”[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第4期：47-53
[34]林治华.“颜色革命”爆发的经济学分析——吉尔吉斯斯坦与乌兹别克斯坦转轨经济比较[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：52-56
[35]安德烈·利亚勃夫·维涅诺维奇,曾宪洪编译.莫斯科如何应对“颜色革命”的挑战——克里姆林宫的“反革命”回应：依靠保守力量和民主雄辩术[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第1期：91-94
[36]吴大辉.“颜色革命”的三重诉求——兼论中俄在上海合作组织架构下抵御“颜色革命”的当务之急[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2006年第2期：1-8
[37]朱行巧.大国争斗与夹缝中的中东欧[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2008年第1期：76-79
[38]吴大辉.从战略妥协到战略反制：普京对美政策的新选择——兼论俄美关系的变化对未来中俄战略协作的影响[J].俄罗斯中亚东欧研究,2007年第5期：49-53
Amin, S. (1999, May 22). US Hegemony:Need to Reshape European Politics. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.34, No.21,1247-1248.
Aldis, A. C.,& McDermott, R. N. (2003). Russian military reform,1992-2002. London:Frank Cass.
Baranovsky, V. (2000). Russia:A Part of Europe or Apart from Europe? [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3,443-458.
Borawski, J. (1995). Partnership for Peace and beyond. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.71, No.2,233-246.
Bowen, W. Q. (2001). Missile Defence and the Transatlantic Security Relationship. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3,485-507.
Bush Aides Weighed Attack to Halt Russia-Georgia War:Books. (2010). Retrieved January 20,2010 from Bloomberg. com:http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601088&sid=anp. wbwkjbgy
Bush to Russia:'Bullying and intimidation are not acceptable'. (2008). Retrieved January 20, 2010 from Los Anglese Times:http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/presidentbush/2008/08/ georgia-russi-1. html.
Croft, S. (2002). Guaranteeing Europe's Security? Enlarging NATO Again. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.1,97-114.
Croft, S., Howorth, J., Terriff, T.,& Webber, M. (2000). NATO's Triple Challenge. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3, Europe: Where Does It Begin and End?,495-518.
Deutch, J., Brown, H.,& White, J. P. (2000). National Missile Defense:Is There Another Way? [Editorial]. [Electronic version]. Foreign Policy, No.119,91-100.
Gidadhubli, R. G. (2001, March 8). India-Russia Relations:Looking beyond Military Hardware. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.36, No.46/47,4349-4351. Gidadhubli,
R. G. (2002, March 9). Russia's Military Industrial Complex:Struggle for Revival. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.37, No.23,2215-2218.
Gresh, A. (1998). Russia's Return to the Middle East. [Editorial]. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol.28, No.1,67-77.
Goldman, S. D. (Ed.). (2002). Russian National Security Policy After September 11. Washington D. C.:The Library of Congress.
Gupta, A. (1995, March 8). Grozny and Return to Big Powerism? [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.30, No.12,613-615.
Haslam, J. (1998). Russia's Seat at the Table:A Place Denied or a Place Delayed? [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.74, No.1,119-130.
Johnson, T. P.,& Miller, S. (1994). Russian security after the Cold War:seven views from Moscow. Washington:Brassey's.
Koshy, N. (2000, March 9). Russian Response to US Missiles. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.35, No.32,2818-2819.
Kumar, R. S. (1996). Chechnya:Russian Fiasco. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No.1,23-27.
Kramer, M. (2002). NATO, the Baltic States and Russia:A Framework for Sustainable Enlargement. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.4,731-756.
Kydd, A. (2001). Trust Building, Trust Breaking:The Dilemma of NATO Enlargement. [Editorial]. International Organization, Vol.55, No.4, The Rational Design of International,801-828.
Light, M., White, S.,& Lowenhardt, J. (2000). A Wider Europe:The View from Moscow and Kyiv. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol. 76, No.1,77-88.
Lowenhardt, J., Hill, R. J.,& Light, M. (2001). A Wider Europe:The View from Minsk and Chisinau. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.77, No.3, Changing Patterns of European Security and Defence,605-620.
Lashchenova, E. (2008). Armenia on the U. S. "Chessboard". [Editorial]. Russian Politics and Law, Vol.46, no.2,24-34.
Malek, M. (2004). Russian Policy toward South Asia:An Update. [Editorial]. Asian Survey, Vol. 44, No.3,384-400.
Mathers, J. G. (2000). The Russian nuclear shield from Stalin to Yeltsin. Basingstoke Macmillan; in association with St. Antony's College.
Miller, S. E., & Trenin, D. (2004). The Russian military:power and policy. Cambridge, Mass. American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Naunn, S.,& Stulberg, A. N. (2000). The Many Faces of Modern Russia. [Editorial]. Foreign Affairs, Vol.99, No.2,45-62.
Odom, W. E. (1998). Russia's Several Seats at the Table. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.74, No.4,809-822.
Ordzhonikidze, M. (2008). Russians' Perceptions of Western. [Editorial]. Russian Politics and Law, Vol.46, No.3,43-68.
Quackenbush, S. L. (2006). National Missile Defense and Deterrence. [Editorial]. Political Research Quarterly, Vol.59, No.4,533-541.
Rontoyanni, C. (2002). So Far, so Good? Russia and the ESDP. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.78, No.4,813-830.
Rosefielde, S. (2005). Russia in the 21st century:the prodigal superpower. Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press.
Russia piles pressure on EU over missile shield. (2007). Retrieved January 20,2010 from Telegraph, co.uk:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1569495/ russia-piles-pressure-on-eu-over-missile-shield. html.
Russian National Security Concept and Nuclear Policy. (2000). Retrieved August 13,2009 from Center for Arms Control, Energy and Environmental Studies:http://www.armscontrol.ru/start/ nsc.htm.
Scheffer, J. H. (2008, March 8). European and American Missile Defence. [Editorial]. Military Technology,12-13.
Security Initiatives Temper. (2008, March 9). [Editorial]. CENTRAL EUROPE & bALTICS,5-6.
Shebarshin, L. (1993). Reflections on the KGB in Russia. [Editorial]. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.28, No.51,2829-2832.
The Russian National Security Concept:A Liberal-Statist Synthesis. (1998). Boston:Harvard University.
Tikhomirov, V. (2001). Russia after Yeltsin. Burlington, VT:Aldershot.
Wallace, W. (2000). From the Atlantic to the Bug, from the Arctic to the Tigris? The Transformation of the EU. [Editorial]. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.76, No.3, Europe:Where Does It Begin and End?,475-493.
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