斯里兰卡种姓研究
摘要
种姓是斯里兰卡社会中一个重要的社会——文化现象。斯里兰卡种姓由僧伽罗种姓和泰米尔种姓两个既相互关联又互有差异的种姓体系组成。它们均起源于印度,在斯里兰卡特定的历史和现实背景中的产生和发展,并最终形成与印度种姓相异的、世俗化的种姓体系。在研究斯里兰卡社会结构变迁、民族文化、经济发展模式、信仰与价值观核心时,种姓是一个十分重要分析维度。本文从宏观和微观相结合的视角,采用比较社会学的方法,阐释了僧伽罗族种姓和泰米尔族种姓的发展脉络,通过对比分析僧、泰种姓的异同,归纳斯里兰卡种姓的特点,深入探讨了斯里兰卡历史发展进程中种姓因素的地位与作用,进而总结斯里兰卡文化的总体特征。
本文序言部分介绍了论文的选题意义；斯里兰卡种姓相关国内外研究综合评述；主要使用的研究方法。
正文部分共分为五个章节。第一章论述了斯里兰卡僧伽罗族和泰米尔族的形成过程中的种姓因素。这两个民族的先民均是来自印度、信仰印度教的移民,他们来到斯里兰卡的时候,印度的种姓制度已经发展得相当成熟,所以种姓不是斯里兰卡自身文明发展的产物,而是在民族形成之初,便已是社会结构中的主要因素。
第二章具体论述了僧伽罗种姓和泰米尔种姓的历史发展轨迹及其种姓的具体形态与特征。僧伽罗种姓的结构呈现出与印度种姓截然不同的状态,即：婆罗门种姓彻底消失；农民种姓高维占据种姓阶序的顶端；种姓规范与社交礼仪相对弱化温和。而斯里兰卡泰米尔种姓由于始终保持印度教的信仰,无法向僧伽罗种姓那样发生质变。但在种姓构成上却呈现出于僧伽罗种姓相似的特征,即农民种姓维拉拉在实际社会生活中处于主导地位。农民种姓与婆罗门种姓地位差异,体现出斯里兰卡泰米尔种姓的世俗化倾向。高地泰米尔人作为工人被殖民者从南印度雇佣至斯里兰卡,由于长期被隔绝在茶厂、种植园中,他们的种姓体系十分松散且不完整,但种姓的等级观念和歧视依旧存在。
第三章论述了斯里兰卡种姓产生的原因。佛教的传入让僧伽罗种姓摆脱了印度教的宗教内核成为纯世俗化的社会体系；但也正是由于佛教的某些特质,让种姓在印度教之外的土壤中具备生存下来的可能。僧、泰两个民族在几千年的交往过程中,不断发生碰撞、融合。泰米尔种姓与印度种姓之间的差异,也并不完全是脱离了印度的环境后自身发展和演变的结果,这其中僧伽罗文化的作用也是不可忽视的。长达400年的殖民统治,让种姓在斯里兰卡先被人为的强化,后又被动地消失在了社会话语中,成为一种隐性的存在。而殖民政策于西方文化的冲击客观上进一步削弱了种姓。
第四章论述了斯早兰卡种姓的特点。首先民族的差异和不同地区的发展不平衡造成斯里兰卡种姓内部的多元性。这些不统一性分别投射在种姓的本质、类型、阶序、关系、规则等等各个方面。其次,斯里兰卡种姓与印度相异的最大特征,就是它的世俗化。僧伽罗种姓实现了彻底的“去宗教性”成为世俗的社会分工体系；泰米尔种姓虽然无法摆脱印度教的核心,但宗教意义与社会经济需要之间的分离,以及种姓结构的松散弱化均暗示着远离宗教性的世俗化倾向。
第五章论述了斯里兰卡种姓对当代社会生活、政治以及民族争端的影响。在社会生活方面,种姓所代表的血缘、身份与地位认同一直没有消失,在婚姻、交往、就业等各方面依然影响着斯里兰卡人的判断与选择；在政治方面,斯里兰卡家族政治的产生、政党及选举体制的运营背后都能看到种姓这只手的操控作用；在民族争端方面,泰米尔极端民族主义思潮及运动的产生有着深刻的种姓背景,而战后和平重建的过程中,种姓依旧在社会资源分配和社会秩序恢复进程中起到消极的作用。
通过对斯里兰卡种姓的分析和总结,本文最终得出结论：斯里兰卡社会文化的特质决定了种姓存在的必然,而斯里兰卡独有的社会发展轨迹造就了斯里兰卡种姓有别于印度的显著世俗化特征。在斯里兰卡社会发展的进程中,种姓的影响始终存在,不过这种影响在很大程度上是负面的,种姓更多地对斯里兰卡的社会发展起制约作用。
Caste is an important social-cultural phenomenon in the Sri Lanka society. The Sri Lanka castes are composed of the Sinhalese and the Tamil, two caste systems with both connections and differences. Originating from India, Sinhalese and Tamil came into being and developed against the specific historic and realistic background of Sri Lanka, and eventually formed a secular caste system different from the Indian caste. In the research into Sri Lanka's social structural shift, economic development pattern, beliefs and values, castes provide a very important analytical dimension. From both macro and micro perspectives, this essay applies a comparative sociology method to expound the evolution line of Sinhalese and Tamil and generalize the characteristics of the Sri Lanka caste through contrasting the similarities and differences between Sinhalese and Tamil. This essay also discusses in depth the role and position of caste in Sri Lanka's history, and further summarizes the general feature of the Sri Lanka culture.
The introduction of this essay introduces the meaning of choosing this subject; a comprehensive review of the relevant domestic and foreign researches on the Sri Lanka caste; the research method mainly applied in the essay.
The main body of the essay consists of five chapters. Chapter one expounds the caste factor during the process when the Sri Lankan Sinhalese and Tamil come into being. Their ancestors were Indian immigrants who believe in Hinduism. When they came to Sri Lanka, the Indian caste system was rather mature, so caste was not the result of Sri Lanka's civilization development, but already a main factor in the social structure when the nation was founded in the first place.
Chapter two explains in details the historical trajectory of Sinhalese and Tamil castes and their main patterns and features. The structure of Sinhalese caste shows a totally different situation from the Indian caste: namely, the Brahamin caste has completely disappeared; Govi, a peasant caste, stands at the top of the caste order; caste standards and social courtesies become relatively weakened and mild, while the Tamil caste could not undergo such metamorphosis as has happened to the Sinhalese, for the caste has kept their Hinduism belief. But Tamil's structure demonstrates a similar characteristic to that of Sinhalese, namely, the peasant caste Welalla is the dominant in the real social life. The difference between the peasant caste and Brahamin is reflected in Tamil's inclination to be secular. The Highland Tamil people were hired by the colonists as workers from South India to Sri Lanka. Secluded in the tea factories and plantations for a long time, their caste system was loose and incomplete, but the sense of hierarchy and discrimination still existed.
Chapter three touches upon the reason for the creation of Sri Lanka's caste system. The introduction of Buddhism ridded the Sinhalese of its religious core and made it a purely secular social system; but also due to Buddhism's certain qualities, the caste system had the possibility to survive without the existence of Hinduism. Through thousands of years of exchange, the Sinhalese and the Tamil constantly collided with and interfused into each other. The differences between the Tamil caste and the Indian caste were not completely due to their separating from the Indian environment, and especially, the role of Sinhalese culture was not negligible. Over four centuries of colonial rule, the caste system in Sri Lanka was first artificially strengthened, and then passively disappeared in the social discourse, and finally became an invisible existence. The colonial policy and the western cultural impact further weakened the caste system objectively.
Chapter four discusses the characteristics of the Sri Lanka caste. First, national differences and the imbalances between the developments of different regions resulted in the pluralism within the Sri Lanka caste system. These non-uniformities were respectively reflected in various aspects of the caste including its nature, type, order, relation, and rules. Second, the biggest difference between the Sri Lanka caste and the Indian caste is its secularization. The Sinhalese caste that is no longer religious becomes a secular social labor distribution system; although the Tamil caste could not extricate itself from the core of Hinduism, its religious meaning has separated from the social and economic demands. In addition, the caste system become loosened and weakened, indicating the inclination to turn from religious to secular.
Chapter five expounds the Sri Lanka castes' influence on the modern social life, politics and national disputes. On social life, blood relationship, identity and status recognition represented by the caste have never disappeared, and they continued to effect Sri Lankans' judgment and choice in marriage, exchange, employment, etc; on politics, caste acted as an manipulative hand behind the birth of Sri Lanka's family politics, the operation of party and election system; on national disputes, the Tamil extreme ethnic nationalism current and movement was bom against the profound background of caste, while, during the post-war peaceful reconstruction, caste played a negative role in the social resource distribution and social order restoration process.
Through analyses and summaries of the Sri Lanka castes, this essay comes to the conclusion: the feature of the Sri Lanka society and culture determines the necessity of caste's existence, while the unique social development trajectory of Sri Lanka causes the caste's secularization that is obviously different from the Indian castes. During the Sri Lanka's social development, the influence of caste is permanent. But such influence is mostly negative, and plays a restrictive role on Sri Lanka's social development.
本文序言部分介绍了论文的选题意义；斯里兰卡种姓相关国内外研究综合评述；主要使用的研究方法。
正文部分共分为五个章节。第一章论述了斯里兰卡僧伽罗族和泰米尔族的形成过程中的种姓因素。这两个民族的先民均是来自印度、信仰印度教的移民,他们来到斯里兰卡的时候,印度的种姓制度已经发展得相当成熟,所以种姓不是斯里兰卡自身文明发展的产物,而是在民族形成之初,便已是社会结构中的主要因素。
第二章具体论述了僧伽罗种姓和泰米尔种姓的历史发展轨迹及其种姓的具体形态与特征。僧伽罗种姓的结构呈现出与印度种姓截然不同的状态,即：婆罗门种姓彻底消失；农民种姓高维占据种姓阶序的顶端；种姓规范与社交礼仪相对弱化温和。而斯里兰卡泰米尔种姓由于始终保持印度教的信仰,无法向僧伽罗种姓那样发生质变。但在种姓构成上却呈现出于僧伽罗种姓相似的特征,即农民种姓维拉拉在实际社会生活中处于主导地位。农民种姓与婆罗门种姓地位差异,体现出斯里兰卡泰米尔种姓的世俗化倾向。高地泰米尔人作为工人被殖民者从南印度雇佣至斯里兰卡,由于长期被隔绝在茶厂、种植园中,他们的种姓体系十分松散且不完整,但种姓的等级观念和歧视依旧存在。
第三章论述了斯里兰卡种姓产生的原因。佛教的传入让僧伽罗种姓摆脱了印度教的宗教内核成为纯世俗化的社会体系；但也正是由于佛教的某些特质,让种姓在印度教之外的土壤中具备生存下来的可能。僧、泰两个民族在几千年的交往过程中,不断发生碰撞、融合。泰米尔种姓与印度种姓之间的差异,也并不完全是脱离了印度的环境后自身发展和演变的结果,这其中僧伽罗文化的作用也是不可忽视的。长达400年的殖民统治,让种姓在斯里兰卡先被人为的强化,后又被动地消失在了社会话语中,成为一种隐性的存在。而殖民政策于西方文化的冲击客观上进一步削弱了种姓。
第四章论述了斯早兰卡种姓的特点。首先民族的差异和不同地区的发展不平衡造成斯里兰卡种姓内部的多元性。这些不统一性分别投射在种姓的本质、类型、阶序、关系、规则等等各个方面。其次,斯里兰卡种姓与印度相异的最大特征,就是它的世俗化。僧伽罗种姓实现了彻底的“去宗教性”成为世俗的社会分工体系；泰米尔种姓虽然无法摆脱印度教的核心,但宗教意义与社会经济需要之间的分离,以及种姓结构的松散弱化均暗示着远离宗教性的世俗化倾向。
第五章论述了斯里兰卡种姓对当代社会生活、政治以及民族争端的影响。在社会生活方面,种姓所代表的血缘、身份与地位认同一直没有消失,在婚姻、交往、就业等各方面依然影响着斯里兰卡人的判断与选择；在政治方面,斯里兰卡家族政治的产生、政党及选举体制的运营背后都能看到种姓这只手的操控作用；在民族争端方面,泰米尔极端民族主义思潮及运动的产生有着深刻的种姓背景,而战后和平重建的过程中,种姓依旧在社会资源分配和社会秩序恢复进程中起到消极的作用。
通过对斯里兰卡种姓的分析和总结,本文最终得出结论：斯里兰卡社会文化的特质决定了种姓存在的必然,而斯里兰卡独有的社会发展轨迹造就了斯里兰卡种姓有别于印度的显著世俗化特征。在斯里兰卡社会发展的进程中,种姓的影响始终存在,不过这种影响在很大程度上是负面的,种姓更多地对斯里兰卡的社会发展起制约作用。
Caste is an important social-cultural phenomenon in the Sri Lanka society. The Sri Lanka castes are composed of the Sinhalese and the Tamil, two caste systems with both connections and differences. Originating from India, Sinhalese and Tamil came into being and developed against the specific historic and realistic background of Sri Lanka, and eventually formed a secular caste system different from the Indian caste. In the research into Sri Lanka's social structural shift, economic development pattern, beliefs and values, castes provide a very important analytical dimension. From both macro and micro perspectives, this essay applies a comparative sociology method to expound the evolution line of Sinhalese and Tamil and generalize the characteristics of the Sri Lanka caste through contrasting the similarities and differences between Sinhalese and Tamil. This essay also discusses in depth the role and position of caste in Sri Lanka's history, and further summarizes the general feature of the Sri Lanka culture.
The introduction of this essay introduces the meaning of choosing this subject; a comprehensive review of the relevant domestic and foreign researches on the Sri Lanka caste; the research method mainly applied in the essay.
The main body of the essay consists of five chapters. Chapter one expounds the caste factor during the process when the Sri Lankan Sinhalese and Tamil come into being. Their ancestors were Indian immigrants who believe in Hinduism. When they came to Sri Lanka, the Indian caste system was rather mature, so caste was not the result of Sri Lanka's civilization development, but already a main factor in the social structure when the nation was founded in the first place.
Chapter two explains in details the historical trajectory of Sinhalese and Tamil castes and their main patterns and features. The structure of Sinhalese caste shows a totally different situation from the Indian caste: namely, the Brahamin caste has completely disappeared; Govi, a peasant caste, stands at the top of the caste order; caste standards and social courtesies become relatively weakened and mild, while the Tamil caste could not undergo such metamorphosis as has happened to the Sinhalese, for the caste has kept their Hinduism belief. But Tamil's structure demonstrates a similar characteristic to that of Sinhalese, namely, the peasant caste Welalla is the dominant in the real social life. The difference between the peasant caste and Brahamin is reflected in Tamil's inclination to be secular. The Highland Tamil people were hired by the colonists as workers from South India to Sri Lanka. Secluded in the tea factories and plantations for a long time, their caste system was loose and incomplete, but the sense of hierarchy and discrimination still existed.
Chapter three touches upon the reason for the creation of Sri Lanka's caste system. The introduction of Buddhism ridded the Sinhalese of its religious core and made it a purely secular social system; but also due to Buddhism's certain qualities, the caste system had the possibility to survive without the existence of Hinduism. Through thousands of years of exchange, the Sinhalese and the Tamil constantly collided with and interfused into each other. The differences between the Tamil caste and the Indian caste were not completely due to their separating from the Indian environment, and especially, the role of Sinhalese culture was not negligible. Over four centuries of colonial rule, the caste system in Sri Lanka was first artificially strengthened, and then passively disappeared in the social discourse, and finally became an invisible existence. The colonial policy and the western cultural impact further weakened the caste system objectively.
Chapter four discusses the characteristics of the Sri Lanka caste. First, national differences and the imbalances between the developments of different regions resulted in the pluralism within the Sri Lanka caste system. These non-uniformities were respectively reflected in various aspects of the caste including its nature, type, order, relation, and rules. Second, the biggest difference between the Sri Lanka caste and the Indian caste is its secularization. The Sinhalese caste that is no longer religious becomes a secular social labor distribution system; although the Tamil caste could not extricate itself from the core of Hinduism, its religious meaning has separated from the social and economic demands. In addition, the caste system become loosened and weakened, indicating the inclination to turn from religious to secular.
Chapter five expounds the Sri Lanka castes' influence on the modern social life, politics and national disputes. On social life, blood relationship, identity and status recognition represented by the caste have never disappeared, and they continued to effect Sri Lankans' judgment and choice in marriage, exchange, employment, etc; on politics, caste acted as an manipulative hand behind the birth of Sri Lanka's family politics, the operation of party and election system; on national disputes, the Tamil extreme ethnic nationalism current and movement was bom against the profound background of caste, while, during the post-war peaceful reconstruction, caste played a negative role in the social resource distribution and social order restoration process.
Through analyses and summaries of the Sri Lanka castes, this essay comes to the conclusion: the feature of the Sri Lanka society and culture determines the necessity of caste's existence, while the unique social development trajectory of Sri Lanka causes the caste's secularization that is obviously different from the Indian castes. During the Sri Lanka's social development, the influence of caste is permanent. But such influence is mostly negative, and plays a restrictive role on Sri Lanka's social development.
引文
1 M.N.Srinivas Religon and Society among the Coorgs of South India, Oxford University Press,1952,p.212
2 J.C.Heesterman, "Caste, Village and Indian Society", in The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship and Society, The University of Chicago Press, 1985, p.180
3 该数据来自斯里兰卡政府人口普查与数据部官方网站http//www.statistics.govlk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=Activities/TentativelistofPublications
4 斯里兰卡地形中部高,四周低,斯里兰卡人习惯上称以古都康提(Kandy)为中心的中部山区为“高地”,沿海地区为“低地”。斯里兰卡的种植园大都位于中部山区地带,故这一地区的泰米尔人也被称为“高地泰米尔人”。在斯里兰卡的官方话语中,这类人群习惯上被称为“印度泰米尔人”,与聚居于北部的“斯里兰卡泰米尔人”相对应,由于本文还涉及居住在南印度的“印度泰米尔人”之概念,故为了避免概念的混淆,在描述斯里兰卡的这类人群时,本文使用“高地泰米尔人”的叫法。
5 王兰：《僧伽罗社会的种姓制度》,南亚研究,2004第1期,第69页。
6 Robert Knox, An historical relation of the island Ceylon in the east indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681.第二章第三节
7 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon-the Sinhalese system in Transition, Rutgers University Press, 1953
8 Bryan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture-The Religious Foundations ofSudra Domination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University, 1982
9 Janice Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947-1976,Cambridge University Press, 1979
10 Michael Roberts, Caste Conflict and Elite Formation-The Rise of a Karava Elite in Sri Lanka, 1500-1931, Cambridge University Press, 1982
11 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960
Nur Yalman. Under the Bo Tree-Studies in Caste, Kinship and Marriaze in the Interior of Cevlon. University of California Press, 1967
13 M. M. M.Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec., 2000), p.40-59
14 Robert S. Perinbanayagam, Caste, Religion and Ritual in Ceylon, Anthropological Quarterly, Vol.38, No.4 (Oct., 1965), p.218-227
15 Nur Yalman, On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon and Malabar, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.93, No.1 (Jan.-Jun.,1963), p.25-58
16 Dennis B. McGilvray, Paraiyar Drummers of Sri Lanka: Consensus and Constraint in an Untouchable Caste, American Ethnologist, Vol.10, No.1 (Feb., 1983), p.97-115
17 M. M. M. Mahroof, The European Factor in the Caste System: The Sri Lankan Model, Social Scientist, Vol.25, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,1997), p.3-18 200441:51, p.51-77
18 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 1/2 (Spring-Summer, 1967), p.19-42
19 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 40, No. 1981), p.1145-1157
20 Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Cultural Dimension of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka, Asian Survey, Vol.21, No.11 (Nov., Sri Lanka, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.49, No.1 (Feb.,1990), p.78-96
21 Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-Entry Crisis in Northern
26 RJayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975
29 Simon Casie Chitty, The Castes, Customs, Manners and Literature of the Tamils, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, Madras, 1988
32 也译为：“阁提”、“迦蒂”、“迦提”。
33 学者一般倾向认为,这首赞歌是婆罗门后期添加到《梨俱吠陀》中的,目的是将其神圣的起源和至高无上的地位合理化。瓦尔那四等级的划分应当出现在更晚的后吠陀时代。
34 林承节：《印度史》,人民出版社,2004年,第24页。
35 崔连仲：《关于种姓的几个概念》,《南亚研究》,1983年第3期,第65-66页。
36 刘欣如：《印度种姓制的渊源》,《史学理论研究》,1988年第2期,第111页。
37 参见唐代以前各正史中的用法。《史记·匈奴传》：“一国之政犹一体也。父兄死,则妻其妻,恶种姓之失也。”《后汉书·循吏列传》：“又骆越之民无嫁娶礼法,各因淫好,无适对匹,不识父子之性,夫妇之道,……是岁风雨顺节,谷稼丰衍。其产子者,始知种姓。”《北史·附国传》：“所居种姓自相率领,土俗与附国同,言语少殊。不统一,其人并无姓氏。”
38 大唐天竺三藏地婆诃罗译：《广大庄严经》,卷第一,胜族品第三
39 姚秦三藏弗若多罗共鸠摩罗什译：《十律诵》,第九卷。转引自崔连仲：《关于种姓的几个概念》,《南亚研究》,1983年第3期,第67页。
40 转引自邱永辉,《现代印度的种姓制度》,四川人民出版社,1996年,第3页。
41 S.P. Nagendra, The traditional Theory of Caste, in T.K.N Unnithan, Indra Deva and Yogendra Sing eds. Towards a Sociology if Culture in India: Essays in Honour of Professor D.P.Mukherji. New Delhi:Prentice Hall of India, 1965, p. 267-268
42 蒋新忠译：《摩奴法论》,中国社会科学出版社,1986年,第12页
43 同上,第12-13页
44 崔连仲：《古代印度种姓制度》,《历史研究》,1977年第4期,第103页
45 [法]路易·杜蒙著,王志明译：《阶序人,卡斯特体系及其衍生现象》,台北：远流出版事业股份有限公司,1992年,第138页。
46 周树华：《神圣与凡俗：二分法建构的宗教生活——涂尔干<宗教生活的基本形式>的宗教起源研究》,《宗教学研究》,2008年第2期,第177-180页。
47 转引自吕凯文：《初期佛教的种姓系谱学——佛教对“种姓起源神话”的考察与改写》,《华梵人文学报》,2005第4期,B-5
48 列宁：《民粹主义空想计划的典型》,《列宁全集》,第2卷,第404页。
49 林承节：《印度史》,人民出版社,2004年,第31页。
50 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,商务印书馆,1972年,第37-38页。
51 [东晋]法显撰,章巽校注：《法显传校注》,中华书局,1985年,第125页。
52 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,商务印书馆,1972年,第41页。
53 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VII, p.53
54 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VIII, p.57
56 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka,1912, VII, p.53
57 Ibid,, VIII, p.58
58 Ibid,, VIII, p.58
61 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VII, p.54
64 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912,IX,p.60
65 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第3页。
66 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第5页。
67 同上,第7页。
68 贾夫纳是斯里兰卡北部半岛的名称,直到今天仍是斯里兰卡泰米尔人的聚居地。
69 (?)一词在僧伽罗语中取“农民”之意。
70 Garrett.C.Mendis, Ceylon under the British, CAC Colombo, 1944, p.43
71 V. Suryanarayan, In search of a new identity, Frontline, Volume 18-Issue 16, Aug.04 - 17, 2001
72 《岛史》(巴利文：Dipavamsa,另有中文译名《岛王统史》、《洲史》),斯里兰卡最古的编年史诗体历史文献,
采用巴利文写成,作者不详,大约成书于公元4至5世纪。《岛史》是古代斯里兰卡历史的原始史料,后世的一些重要著作,亦取材于这部书。《大史》的部分内容就取材自《岛史》。
75 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.6
83 罗伯特·诺克斯Robert Knox (1642-1720),英国东印度公司船员,1659被康提国王囚禁并在锡兰(斯里兰卡古称)生活了20年之久,在著作《锡兰岛国之历史关系》(An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon,1681)一书中最早对僧伽罗社会种姓结构进行了详细的描述。
84 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, London, 1681, Part Ⅲ, ChapterⅡ
85 杰奥·里贝罗(Joao Ribeiro),葡萄牙海军军官,1640-1658年间驻守斯里兰卡低地地区长达18年,他关于锡兰的著作《锡兰的历史悲剧》(Historical Tragedy of the island of Ceylon) 写于 1685,
86 translated from the Portuguese by P. E. Pieris, The historic tragedy of the island of Ceilao/Captain Joao Ribeiro, New Delhi:Asian educational services, 1999, p.29-31
87 詹姆斯·科迪纳(James Cordiner),1799-1804年任英军驻防科伦坡的唯一的驻军牧师,同时也是全岛所有学校的校长。于1807年出版专著《锡兰详述》(A Description of Ceylon, with narratives of a Tour round the Island in 1800, the Expedition to Candy in 1803, and a Visit to Ramasseram in 1804)
88 约翰·戴维John Davy (1790-1868),曾任英国军队医院特派观察员,足迹踏遍各英殖民地,1821年出版专著《锡兰内岛及其居民情况报告》(An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and Its Inhabitants)
89 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,1821, p.111-112
90 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick:Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 65-70
91 Norbert Rouland, Legal Anthropology (translated by Phillipe G Planel), London, Athlone Press, 1988, p.138 2004, p.55
92 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review
93 Colvin R. de Silva. Cevlon under the British Occupation. Vol.1. Colombo.1953. p.216 2004,p.59
94 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review
95 Colvin R. de Silva, Ceylon under the British Occupation, Vol.2, Colombo, 1953, p.388-391
96 D.A.Kotelawele, Some Aspect of Social Change in the South West of Sri Lanka, 1700-1833, Social Science Review,No.4, 1988,p.75
97 Ibid, p.72-75; Michael Roberts, Caste Conflict and Elite Formation: The Rise of a Karava Elite in Sri Lanka 1500-1931, Cambride, 1982, p.90-92
98 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.62
99 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004.p.63.64
100 早先的陪审员名单并没有明确列出种姓或者说严格根据种姓来挑选,但有证据显示陪审员都是从传统贵族阶层即高种姓阶层中挑选出来的。转引自.fohn D. Rogers,Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.64
101 Bertran Bastiampillai, Caste in Northen Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Journal of the Social Sciences, Vol.11(1-2),1988, p.50
102 LE.Lee, Census of Ceylon 1891,Colombo, 1892
103 John D. Rogers,Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.74
104 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.85
106 如 John Davy, Bryce Ryan
107 下表中标有*的种姓为低地地区特有种姓；标有§的种姓为高地地区特有种姓。
108 Janice Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947-1976,London:Cambridge University Press, 1979,p.35
109 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,l 821, p.113
110 拉达拉或许有刹帝利和婆罗门的渊源,但并不代表所有的拉达拉都拥有这样的出身。介于僧伽罗种姓中婆罗门很早就已经消失,刹帝利局限在范围很小的皇室家系内部,且朝代更迭经常造成皇室血脉断裂或流散,到今天根本无法确切判断婆罗门和刹帝利在僧伽罗种姓中的踪迹。但介于僧伽罗种姓对内婚和种姓血统的推崇,从某些拉达拉的家族姓里还是可以找到其皇室血统的蛛丝马迹。所以二者不能完全等同,但也不能否认其中存在一些合理的历史关联。
111 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,1821, p.124
112 见本章第一节。
113 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.132
114 见本章第一节。
115 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the Royal Society, London, 1681, Part Ⅲ, ChapterⅡ, p.146
116 印度中世纪以来,村社中一个或几个低种姓家庭服务并依附于某一高种姓地主家庭的世袭关系。
117 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the Royal Society, London, 1681, Part III, ChapterⅡ, p.146
118 同上
119 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec., 2000), p.41
120 见本文第一章第三节。
121 菲利普斯·保达罗斯(Philippus Baldaeus),荷兰传教士,17世纪与荷兰军队共同抵达贾夫纳。是第一位用文字记载斯里兰卡北部泰米尔人生活、语言和文化的欧洲人。并将他的见闻写成《锡兰岛的真实描述》(A ture and exact Description of the great island of Ceylon)一书。于1671年出版
122 转引自Bryan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture-The Religious Foundations of Sudra Domination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University, 1982, p.36
123 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.45
124 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.46
125 John D. Rogers,Coste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004, p.61
126 Edited by Russell R. Ross and Andrea Matles Savada, Sri Lanka: A Country Study, Library of Congress, Federal Research Division, 1988, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lktoc.html
127 由于高地泰米尔人生活在不同的种植园内,而康格尼在南印度招募劳工时具有一定的区域性,所以每个种植园内的种姓构成都不一样,由于本文将高地泰米尔人作为一个整体来进行讨论,故仅列出具有代表性的、在大部分种植园内都能找到的几个主要洁净种姓。不同种植园内的种姓详细构成见RJayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.p.16-25
128 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.64
129 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.67
130 Ibid,p.68
131 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.65
132 《佛说长阿含经》卷第六,第二分初,小缘经第一
133 刘家和,《印度早期佛教的种姓制度观》,北京师范大学学报(社会科学),1962年,第二期,第4页。
134 宋法贤译《众许摩诃帝经》,卷二
135 后秦弘始年佛陀耶舍共竺佛念译,《长阿含经》,卷十三,第三分,阿摩画经,第一
136 同上,卷第二十二,第四分,世记经,世本缘品第十二
137 E.W.Burligame, Buddhist Legends,London, 1969, Pt.2, p.38-39
138 T.W.Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, Calcutt, 1950,p.40-42
139 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.37
140 Human Rights Watch Report. Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern. March, 2001. Human Rights Watch, 19 Feb,2007.
141 种姓是否为印度社会独有现象这一命题仍然存在争议,但即便是持否定态度的马克思·韦伯(Max Weber)等学者也肯定了在受印度文化深刻影响的斯里兰卡存在种姓。对于佛教社会中的种姓问题,美国的印度学家J.H.霍顿(J.H.Hutton)认为在缅甸也存在类似种姓的社会体系,见其1946年编著的《印度的种姓：本质、职能与起源》(Caste in India. Its Nature, Function, and Origin, Chap LX),但详细研究僧伽罗种姓的美国社会学家布莱斯·莱恩认为,缅甸相应的社会体系不属于种姓范畴,在全世界范围内,只有僧伽罗佛教社会存在种姓。
142 见本文第一章第三节。不过《大史》对于僧伽罗族起源描述的真实性在史学界一直存在争议,僧伽罗皇室最早与泰米尔族的姻亲关系因此也缺乏历史的定论。我们只能认为这样的叙述折射出的一个历史现实是：早期印度(北方和南方)人曾经往来于斯里兰卡和次大陆之间,并在这个岛上定居。
143 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第4页。
144 Composed in the late 5th or early 6th Cemtury CE,by Ven.Mahanama Thera.This translation by Wilhelm Geiger(1912), The Mahavamsa,the great chronicle of Sri Lanka, chapter XXI, p.133
145 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第6页。
146 波隆纳鲁瓦(Polonnaruwa)王朝的第一位僧伽罗国王,1070年从朱罗人手中夺回都城阿努拉特布拉,后将僧伽罗王国的都城从阿努拉特布拉迁往波隆纳鲁瓦,一直到1110年在位。
147 维杰耶巴乎一世之子,其母为羯陵伽人,在维杰耶巴乎一世逝世后的皇室争斗中取得胜利,他的统治维持到1132年。
148 维迦罗摩巴忽一世之子,1132-1153年在位。
149 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,北京：商务印书馆,1972年,第138页。
150 波罗迦罗摩巴忽一世(Parakramabahu I),维杰耶巴乎一世死后于1153年即位,被认为是斯里兰卡历史上功绩最为卓著的国王。他统治期间,没有发生过南印度泰米尔国家的侵略。僧伽罗国家经济繁荣、军事强大,发展到自己的鼎盛时期。他于1187年去世。
151 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第9页。
152 de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 2005, p.121
153 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,1953, p.11
155 GC.Mendis, Ceylon Today and Yesterday: Main Currents of Ceylon History, Associated Newspapers of Ceylon,1963, p.50
156 Tilak Hettiarachchy, The Sinhala peasant in a changing society: ecological change among the Sinhala peasants from 1769 A.D. to 1909 A.D., Lake House Investments,1982, p.12
157 见本文第二章第三节。
158 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.50
159 这里指的是荷兰东印度公司。
160 转引自Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.52
161 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode, New-Street-Square,1821, p.133
162 M. M. M. Mahroof, The European Factor in the Caste System:The Sri Lankan Model, Social Scientist, Vol.25, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,1997), p.14
163 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol.40, No.1/2 (Spring-Summer,1967), p.26
164 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.47
165 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol.40, No. 1/2 (Spring-Summer,1967),p.28
166 Burrows, S. M. Industrial schools and school gardens in Ceylon. Board of Education:Special Reports on Educational Subjects, Vol.14, Part III, Appendix 7, Cd.2379. London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1905, p.341
167 J.CHeesterman. "Caste, Village and Indian Society",in The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kinship and Society, The University of Chicago Press, 1985, p.180
168 实际上,从第二级划分出的斯里兰卡泰米尔人、高地僧伽罗人、低地僧伽罗人内部还能划分出更细的第三极甚至第四级子群体,但这些子群体在种姓这个问题上,总得来说并不具备自成一体的、影响范围广泛的特征,故本文在此不进行一一的讨论,仅从相互具有明显区别的第二层级这个层面上探讨斯里兰卡种姓复合性的特征。
169 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.4-5
171 John'Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, Londo: pririted by A&R Spottiswood,New-Street-Square,1821, p.130
173 这一地区及其首府的僧伽罗语名称是马哈努瓦拉((?)Mahanuwara),“康提”是西方人对这里的称呼。
174 事实上,高地地区存在个别的卡拉瓦村庄,可能是从低地地区移居过去的。萨拉加玛村庄也少量存在,不过无法考证他们是从低地移居而来的,还是从前高地萨拉加玛种姓的少量遗存。但他们无论从人数还是社会功能上在高地地区都是微不足道的。
175 婆罗门在高地泰米尔人中的存在并不是一个常态,根据印度学者R.Jayaraman对斯里兰卡中部三个种植园的调查,劳工移民中婆罗门的人数非常少。由于高地泰米尔人生活在不同的种植园内,且相互之间几乎没有往来,所以不同种植园的种姓结构会有差异,并不是每个种植园都有婆罗门。见 R.Jayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.p.47
176 个别服务种姓除外,如理发师、洗衣工种姓。
177 [德]马克斯·韦伯著,康乐、简惠美译,《印度的宗教—印度教与佛教》,广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第40页。
178 [德]马克斯·韦伯著,康乐、简惠美译,《印度的宗教—印度教与佛教》,广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第40页。
179 蒋新忠译:《摩奴法论》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1986年,第2页。
180 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.7
182 [法]路易·杜蒙著,王志明译：《阶序人,卡斯特体系及其衍生现象》,台北：远流出版事业股份有限公司,1992年,第386-387页
183 王士录：《谈种姓于阶级的区别和联系》,《历史教学》,1983年第7期,第45-46页。
184 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 153
186 Ibid, p.311。莱恩之所以将精英阶层形容为“穿着裤子的”,是由于斯里兰卡男子的传统服饰为纱笼(Saroon),
185 Ibid, p. 176-177类似筒裙,由一块长方形的布系于腰间。城市中从事体力劳动的下层民众通常着这一传统服饰。而中上层的精英阶层则按照西方习惯穿衬衣和长裤。
187 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 158
188 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.318
189 UNP在1947年大选中赢得全部95席中的44席,LSSP赢得10席位列第二,ACTC仅赢得9席,屈居第三。见：A.Jeyaratnam Wilson, Politics in Sri Lanka,1947-1979, London:Macmillan, 1979, p.156
194 Tara Coomaraswamy, Parlimentary Representation in Sri Lanka 1931-1986, unpublished PHD thesis,University of Sussex, 1988, p.240
196 [台湾]张世泽,张世强：《论湿婆信仰复兴运动与种姓制度对于当代斯里兰卡泰米尔民族运动发展之影响》,《问题与研究》,2007年,第46卷第3期,第34页。
197 Rober N.Kearney, Language and the Rise of Separatism, Asian Survey, Vol 18, No.6, 1978, p.528-530
198 Bryan Pfaffenberger, "The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-entry Crisis in Northern Sri Lanka", Journal of Asian Studies,49 (1),1990, p.78
199 泰米尔伊拉姆的主要精神是：合并斯里兰卡岛北部省和东部省,并以此“泰米尔传统故乡”作为领土范围,建立一个主权独立、奉行世俗主义和社会主义的泰米尔国家。见：AJeyaratnam Wilson, The Colombo Man, the Jaffna Man and the Batticaloa Man: Regional Identities and the Rise of the Federal Party, Boulder, 1994,p.138
200 [台湾]张世泽,张世强：《论湿婆信仰复兴运动与种姓制度对于当代斯里兰卡泰米尔民族运动发展之影响》,《问题与研究》,2007年,第46卷第3期,第65页。
201 LTTE实际上还是吸引了部分反对温和路线和种姓歧视的维拉拉青年。在成立初期,也有如乌玛·梅哈斯瓦兰(Uma Maheswaran)等维拉拉进入领导层,不过人数十分有限。
202 Michael Roberts, Saivite Symbols, Sacrifice and Tamil Tiger Rites, Social Analysis 49 (1),2005, p.67-93.
203 Trawick, Margaret, Reasons for Violence:A Preliminary Ethnographic Account of the LTTE, in S. Gamage & I.B. Watson (eds.), Conflict and Community in Contemporary Sri Lanka, New Delhi: Sage,1999, p. 141
205 1998年,联合国特别代表出版了《关于国内流离失所者的指导原则》,根据这一原则给出的定义,国内流离失所是指那些被强迫逃离家园或习惯住处的个人或群体,逃离的原因主要是为避免武装冲突、普遍的暴力、对人权的侵犯或天灾人祸,而这种逃离并没有跨越国际承认的国家边界。
207由于战乱和LTTE出于战略隐瞒人口数量的企图,20世纪80年代以后贾夫纳地区没有进行过有效的人口普查,故我们无法得知这一地区的实际人口数量。根据官方估计,在2006年贾夫纳半岛的人口大约在30万—50万之间。由于IDP人数有具体的统计数据,故占贾夫纳总人口的比例大约在1/3-1/5之间。
211 现代和平研究的开创者、著名的和平心理学家约翰·加尔通(Johan Gultung)提出的结构暴力(Structural Violence)论和积极和平(Positive Peace)论是和平心理学的两个重要理论。结构暴力是指贫穷、疾病、压制和社会歧视给人类带来的痛苦和灾难,它关注的重点是社会政治与经济结构中存在的不公平、剥削与压制等问题,以及由此导致的政治权利、经济利益分配上的不公平现象。积极和平是指消除社会的各种不平等关系,摒除“结构暴力”,以平等、协调、合作一体化为基础的和平。它不仅包括战争的消失、饥饿的消除、暴力的缺失,还包括人权威胁的解除、难民问题的解决、全球环境污染的治愈等等,更包括积极、和平的生活价值观的确立与和平社会制度的建立,更意味着人类在幸福的生存状态下,享受富裕的生活,体面、有尊严地生存。
212 于力：《印度种姓制和宗教的关系》,《思想战线》,1989年第5期,第92页。
213 Marx Weber, The Religion of India, Translated by Hans H.Gerth and don martindale, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1958, p.112
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4.[东晋]法显撰,章巽校注：《法显传校注》,中华书局,1985年。
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6.邱永辉著：《现代印度的种姓制度》,四川人民出版社,1996年。
7.尚会鹏著：《种姓与印度教社会》,北京：北京大学出版社,2001年。
8.施治生、徐建新主编：《古代国家的等级制度》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,2003年。
9.[斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,北京：商务印书馆,1972年。
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1.崔连仲：《关于种姓的几个概念问题》,《南亚研究》,1983年第3期。
2.邓殿臣：《佛教与僧伽罗文化》,《佛学研究》,1996年。
3.方谦：《从历史上和政治上看斯里兰卡的僧伽罗人-泰米尔人冲突》,《南亚研究》,1985年第4期。
4.郭家宏：《斯里兰卡民族冲突的根源》,《学海》,2005年第4期。
5.刘家和：《印度早期佛教的种姓制度观》,《北京师范大学学报(社会科学)》,1962年第2期。
6.吕凯文：《初期佛教的种姓系谱学——佛教对“种姓起源神话”的考察与改写》, 《华梵人文学报》,2005第4期。
7.刘欣如：《南亚种姓制中的社会流动性》,《史学理论研究》,1999年第4期。
8.刘欣如：《印度种姓制的渊源》,《史学理论研究》,1988年第2期。
9.[美]马歇尔·R·辛格著,马宁译：《斯里兰卡泰米尔人与僧伽罗人的民族冲突》,《民族译丛》,1993年第6期。
10.欧东明：《略论印度教与印度佛教的关系》,《南亚研究季刊》,2004年第4期。
11.[斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期。
12.[台湾]张世泽,张世强：《论湿婆信仰复兴运动与种姓制度对于当代斯里兰卡泰米尔民族运动发展之影响》,《问题与研究》,2007年,第46卷第3期。
13.王兰：《僧伽罗人的种姓制度》,《南亚研究》,2004年第1期。
14.王士录：《谈种姓于阶级的区别和联系》,《历史教学》,1983年第7期。
15.[英]迈克尔·罗伯茨,刘兴武译：《从南印度到斯里兰卡——十三世纪以来的贸易、移民和神话传播》,《民族译丛》,1984年第3期。
16.于力：《印度种姓制和宗教的关系》,《思想战线》,1989年第5期。
17.郑涛：《佛教平等思想及其当代价值启示》,《青海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2011年第2期。
18.周树华：《神圣与凡俗：二分法建构的宗教生活——涂尔干<宗教生活的基本形式>的宗教起源研究》,《宗教学研究》,2008年第2期。
1. A.Jeyaratnam Wilson, Politics in Sri Lanka, 1947-1979, London: Macmillan, 1979
2. Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon-the Sinhalese system in Transition, Rutgers University Press, 1953
3. Bryan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture-The Religious Foundations of Sudra Domination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University, 1982
4. Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912
5. Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960
6. Garrett.C.Mendis, Ceylon under the British, CAC Colombo,1944
7. GC.Mendis, Ceylon Today and Yesterday: Main Currents of Ceylon History, Associated Newspapers of Ceylon, 1963
8. J.C.Heesterman, "Caste, Village and Indian Society", in The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship and Society, The University of Chicago Press,1985
9. John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and of Its Inhabitants, Printed by A&R Spottiswoode, New-Street-Square, London, 1821
10. Janice Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947-1976, Cambridge University Press, 1979
11. L.F.Lee, Census of Ceylon 1891,Colombo, 1892
12. Marx Weber, The Religion of India, Translated by Hans H.Gerth and don martindale, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1958
13. M.N.Srinivas, Religon and Society Among the Coorgs of South India, Oxford University Press, 1952
14. Michael Roberts, Caste Conflict and Elite Formation-The Rise of a Karava Elite in Sri Lanka, 1500-1931, Cambridge University Press, 1982
15. Norbert Rouland, translated by Phillipe G. Planel, Legal Anthropology, London, Athlone Press,1988
16. Nur Yalman, Under the Bo Tree-Studies in Caste, Kinship and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon, University of California Press, 1967
17. R. Jayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975
18. Robert Knox, An historical relation of the island Ceylon in the east indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the Royal Society, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681.
19. Simon Casie Chitty, The Castes, Customs, Manners and Literature of the Tamils, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, Madras, 1988
20. Shakeela Jabba, Does Caste Matter? A study of Caste and Poverty in Sinhalese Society, Colombo:Centre for poverty analysis, 2005
21. Tilak Hettiarachchy, The Sinhala peasant in a changing society: ecological change among the Sinhala peasants from 1769 A.D. to 1909 A.D., Lake House Investments, 1982
22. T.W.Rhys Davids, Buddhist India,Calcutta, 1950
1. Ajit Roy, Caste and Class: An Interlinked View, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 14, No. 7/8, Annual Number: Class and Caste in India (Feb., 1979), p. 297-299+301+303-304+306-307+309+311-312
2. Ambrose Pinto, Caste Discrimination and UN, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 39 (Sep.28-Oct.4,2002), p. 3988-3990
3. Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Cultural Dimension of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka, Asian Survey, Vol. 21, No. 11 (Nov., 1981), p. 1145-1157
4. Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-Entry Crisis in Northern Sri Lanka, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.49, No. 1,1990, p. 78-96
5. Colvin R. de Silva, Ceylon under the British Occupation, Vol.1, Colombo, 1953
6. D.A.Kotelawele, Some Aspect of Social Change in the South West of Sri Lanka, 1700-1833, Social Science Review,No.4, 1988
7. Dennis B. McGilvray, Paraiyar Drummers of Sri Lanka: Consensus and Constraint in an Untouchable Caste, American Ethnologist, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Feb., 1983), p. 97-115
8. Dipankar Gupta, Caste and Politics: Identity over System, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), p. 409-427
9. Eric Meyer, The Specificity of Sri Lanka: Towards a Comparative History of Sri Lanka and India, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.31, No.7 (Feb.17,1996), p.395-398
10. Francois Houtart and Genevieve, Religion and Castes-South India An Introduction/ Religion et Castes -- L'Inde du Sud En guise d'introduction Lemercinier, Social Compass 1981
11. Hans-Dieter Evers, Kinship and Property Rights in a Buddhist Monastery in Central Ceylon, American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 69, No.6 (Dec, 1967), p.703-710
12. I. P. Desai, Caste and Politics, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.2, No. 17 (Apr. 29, 1967), p. 797-799
13. John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004 41:51, p.51-77
14. J. Pandian, Political Emblems of Caste Identity: An Interpretation of Tamil Caste Titles, Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), p. 190-197
15. Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol.40, No. 1/2 (Spring - Summer, 1967), p. 19-42
16. Michael Roberts, Saivite Symbols, Sacrifice and Tamil Tiger Rites, Social Analysis 49 (1),2005, p.67-93
17. M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol.28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec, 2000), p. 40-59
18. M. M. M. Mahroof, The European Factor in the Caste System: The Sri Lankan Model, Social Scientist, Vol. 25, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec,1997), p.3-18
19. N. K. Sarkar, Population Trends and Population Policy in Ceylon, Population Studies, Vol.9, No.3 (Mar.,1956), p.195-216
20. Nur Yalman, On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon and Malabar, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.93, No. 1(Jan.-Jun.,1963), p.25-58
21. Rober N.Kearney, Language and the Rise of Separatism, Asian Survey, Vol 18, No.6, 1978, p.528-530
22. Robert S. Perinbanayagam, Caste, Religion and Ritual in Ceylon, Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 38, No.4 (Oct.,1965), p.218-227
23. Tara Coomaraswamy, Parlimentary Representation in Sri Lanka 1931-1986, unpublished PHD thesis,University of Sussex, 1988
24. T. L. Green, Cross Cultural Educational Adaptation in Ceylon, Journal of Educational Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 7, Cross-Cultural Factors in Education of Underdeveloped
Regions (Mar.,1956), p. 292—304
25.Trawick, Margarel, Reasons for Violence: A Preliminary Ethnographic Account of the LTTE, in S. Gamage & I.B. Watson (eds.), Conflict and Community in Contemporary Sri Lanka, New Delhi: Sage, 1999, p.141
26. V Suryanarayan, In search of a new identity, Frontline, Volume 18 - Issue 16, Aug. 04-17, 200l
27. W. Ivor Jennings, Politics in Ceylon, Far Eastern Survey, Vol. 21, No. 17 (Dec. 3, 1952), p.177-180
28.YKrishan, Buddhism and the Caste System, The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Vol. 9, N0. 1,1986, p.71-84 3.#12
4.#12
5.#12
6.#12
7.#12
8.#12
9.#12
1. Human Rights Watch Report, Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern, March, 2001. Human Rights Watch, 19 Feb,2007. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/globalcaste/caste0801-03.htm
2. Edited by Russell R. Ross and Andrea Matles Savada, Sri Lanka: A Country Study, Library of Congress, Federal Research Division, 1988, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lktoc.html
2 J.C.Heesterman, "Caste, Village and Indian Society", in The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship and Society, The University of Chicago Press, 1985, p.180
3 该数据来自斯里兰卡政府人口普查与数据部官方网站http//www.statistics.govlk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=Activities/TentativelistofPublications
4 斯里兰卡地形中部高,四周低,斯里兰卡人习惯上称以古都康提(Kandy)为中心的中部山区为“高地”,沿海地区为“低地”。斯里兰卡的种植园大都位于中部山区地带,故这一地区的泰米尔人也被称为“高地泰米尔人”。在斯里兰卡的官方话语中,这类人群习惯上被称为“印度泰米尔人”,与聚居于北部的“斯里兰卡泰米尔人”相对应,由于本文还涉及居住在南印度的“印度泰米尔人”之概念,故为了避免概念的混淆,在描述斯里兰卡的这类人群时,本文使用“高地泰米尔人”的叫法。
5 王兰：《僧伽罗社会的种姓制度》,南亚研究,2004第1期,第69页。
6 Robert Knox, An historical relation of the island Ceylon in the east indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681.第二章第三节
7 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon-the Sinhalese system in Transition, Rutgers University Press, 1953
8 Bryan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture-The Religious Foundations ofSudra Domination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University, 1982
9 Janice Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947-1976,Cambridge University Press, 1979
10 Michael Roberts, Caste Conflict and Elite Formation-The Rise of a Karava Elite in Sri Lanka, 1500-1931, Cambridge University Press, 1982
11 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960
Nur Yalman. Under the Bo Tree-Studies in Caste, Kinship and Marriaze in the Interior of Cevlon. University of California Press, 1967
13 M. M. M.Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec., 2000), p.40-59
14 Robert S. Perinbanayagam, Caste, Religion and Ritual in Ceylon, Anthropological Quarterly, Vol.38, No.4 (Oct., 1965), p.218-227
15 Nur Yalman, On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon and Malabar, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.93, No.1 (Jan.-Jun.,1963), p.25-58
16 Dennis B. McGilvray, Paraiyar Drummers of Sri Lanka: Consensus and Constraint in an Untouchable Caste, American Ethnologist, Vol.10, No.1 (Feb., 1983), p.97-115
17 M. M. M. Mahroof, The European Factor in the Caste System: The Sri Lankan Model, Social Scientist, Vol.25, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,1997), p.3-18 200441:51, p.51-77
18 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 1/2 (Spring-Summer, 1967), p.19-42
19 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 40, No. 1981), p.1145-1157
20 Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Cultural Dimension of Tamil Separatism in Sri Lanka, Asian Survey, Vol.21, No.11 (Nov., Sri Lanka, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.49, No.1 (Feb.,1990), p.78-96
21 Bryan Pfaffenberger, The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-Entry Crisis in Northern
26 RJayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975
29 Simon Casie Chitty, The Castes, Customs, Manners and Literature of the Tamils, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, Madras, 1988
32 也译为：“阁提”、“迦蒂”、“迦提”。
33 学者一般倾向认为,这首赞歌是婆罗门后期添加到《梨俱吠陀》中的,目的是将其神圣的起源和至高无上的地位合理化。瓦尔那四等级的划分应当出现在更晚的后吠陀时代。
34 林承节：《印度史》,人民出版社,2004年,第24页。
35 崔连仲：《关于种姓的几个概念》,《南亚研究》,1983年第3期,第65-66页。
36 刘欣如：《印度种姓制的渊源》,《史学理论研究》,1988年第2期,第111页。
37 参见唐代以前各正史中的用法。《史记·匈奴传》：“一国之政犹一体也。父兄死,则妻其妻,恶种姓之失也。”《后汉书·循吏列传》：“又骆越之民无嫁娶礼法,各因淫好,无适对匹,不识父子之性,夫妇之道,……是岁风雨顺节,谷稼丰衍。其产子者,始知种姓。”《北史·附国传》：“所居种姓自相率领,土俗与附国同,言语少殊。不统一,其人并无姓氏。”
38 大唐天竺三藏地婆诃罗译：《广大庄严经》,卷第一,胜族品第三
39 姚秦三藏弗若多罗共鸠摩罗什译：《十律诵》,第九卷。转引自崔连仲：《关于种姓的几个概念》,《南亚研究》,1983年第3期,第67页。
40 转引自邱永辉,《现代印度的种姓制度》,四川人民出版社,1996年,第3页。
41 S.P. Nagendra, The traditional Theory of Caste, in T.K.N Unnithan, Indra Deva and Yogendra Sing eds. Towards a Sociology if Culture in India: Essays in Honour of Professor D.P.Mukherji. New Delhi:Prentice Hall of India, 1965, p. 267-268
42 蒋新忠译：《摩奴法论》,中国社会科学出版社,1986年,第12页
43 同上,第12-13页
44 崔连仲：《古代印度种姓制度》,《历史研究》,1977年第4期,第103页
45 [法]路易·杜蒙著,王志明译：《阶序人,卡斯特体系及其衍生现象》,台北：远流出版事业股份有限公司,1992年,第138页。
46 周树华：《神圣与凡俗：二分法建构的宗教生活——涂尔干<宗教生活的基本形式>的宗教起源研究》,《宗教学研究》,2008年第2期,第177-180页。
47 转引自吕凯文：《初期佛教的种姓系谱学——佛教对“种姓起源神话”的考察与改写》,《华梵人文学报》,2005第4期,B-5
48 列宁：《民粹主义空想计划的典型》,《列宁全集》,第2卷,第404页。
49 林承节：《印度史》,人民出版社,2004年,第31页。
50 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,商务印书馆,1972年,第37-38页。
51 [东晋]法显撰,章巽校注：《法显传校注》,中华书局,1985年,第125页。
52 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,商务印书馆,1972年,第41页。
53 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VII, p.53
54 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VIII, p.57
56 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka,1912, VII, p.53
57 Ibid,, VIII, p.58
58 Ibid,, VIII, p.58
61 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912, VII, p.54
64 Composed by Ven.Mahanama Thera. Translated by Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka, 1912,IX,p.60
65 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第3页。
66 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第5页。
67 同上,第7页。
68 贾夫纳是斯里兰卡北部半岛的名称,直到今天仍是斯里兰卡泰米尔人的聚居地。
69 (?)一词在僧伽罗语中取“农民”之意。
70 Garrett.C.Mendis, Ceylon under the British, CAC Colombo, 1944, p.43
71 V. Suryanarayan, In search of a new identity, Frontline, Volume 18-Issue 16, Aug.04 - 17, 2001
72 《岛史》(巴利文：Dipavamsa,另有中文译名《岛王统史》、《洲史》),斯里兰卡最古的编年史诗体历史文献,
采用巴利文写成,作者不详,大约成书于公元4至5世纪。《岛史》是古代斯里兰卡历史的原始史料,后世的一些重要著作,亦取材于这部书。《大史》的部分内容就取材自《岛史》。
75 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.6
83 罗伯特·诺克斯Robert Knox (1642-1720),英国东印度公司船员,1659被康提国王囚禁并在锡兰(斯里兰卡古称)生活了20年之久,在著作《锡兰岛国之历史关系》(An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon,1681)一书中最早对僧伽罗社会种姓结构进行了详细的描述。
84 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, London, 1681, Part Ⅲ, ChapterⅡ
85 杰奥·里贝罗(Joao Ribeiro),葡萄牙海军军官,1640-1658年间驻守斯里兰卡低地地区长达18年,他关于锡兰的著作《锡兰的历史悲剧》(Historical Tragedy of the island of Ceylon) 写于 1685,
86 translated from the Portuguese by P. E. Pieris, The historic tragedy of the island of Ceilao/Captain Joao Ribeiro, New Delhi:Asian educational services, 1999, p.29-31
87 詹姆斯·科迪纳(James Cordiner),1799-1804年任英军驻防科伦坡的唯一的驻军牧师,同时也是全岛所有学校的校长。于1807年出版专著《锡兰详述》(A Description of Ceylon, with narratives of a Tour round the Island in 1800, the Expedition to Candy in 1803, and a Visit to Ramasseram in 1804)
88 约翰·戴维John Davy (1790-1868),曾任英国军队医院特派观察员,足迹踏遍各英殖民地,1821年出版专著《锡兰内岛及其居民情况报告》(An Account of the Interior of Ceylon and Its Inhabitants)
89 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,1821, p.111-112
90 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick:Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 65-70
91 Norbert Rouland, Legal Anthropology (translated by Phillipe G Planel), London, Athlone Press, 1988, p.138 2004, p.55
92 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review
93 Colvin R. de Silva. Cevlon under the British Occupation. Vol.1. Colombo.1953. p.216 2004,p.59
94 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review
95 Colvin R. de Silva, Ceylon under the British Occupation, Vol.2, Colombo, 1953, p.388-391
96 D.A.Kotelawele, Some Aspect of Social Change in the South West of Sri Lanka, 1700-1833, Social Science Review,No.4, 1988,p.75
97 Ibid, p.72-75; Michael Roberts, Caste Conflict and Elite Formation: The Rise of a Karava Elite in Sri Lanka 1500-1931, Cambride, 1982, p.90-92
98 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.62
99 John D. Rogers, Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004.p.63.64
100 早先的陪审员名单并没有明确列出种姓或者说严格根据种姓来挑选,但有证据显示陪审员都是从传统贵族阶层即高种姓阶层中挑选出来的。转引自.fohn D. Rogers,Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.64
101 Bertran Bastiampillai, Caste in Northen Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Journal of the Social Sciences, Vol.11(1-2),1988, p.50
102 LE.Lee, Census of Ceylon 1891,Colombo, 1892
103 John D. Rogers,Caste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004,p.74
104 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.85
106 如 John Davy, Bryce Ryan
107 下表中标有*的种姓为低地地区特有种姓；标有§的种姓为高地地区特有种姓。
108 Janice Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese, 1947-1976,London:Cambridge University Press, 1979,p.35
109 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,l 821, p.113
110 拉达拉或许有刹帝利和婆罗门的渊源,但并不代表所有的拉达拉都拥有这样的出身。介于僧伽罗种姓中婆罗门很早就已经消失,刹帝利局限在范围很小的皇室家系内部,且朝代更迭经常造成皇室血脉断裂或流散,到今天根本无法确切判断婆罗门和刹帝利在僧伽罗种姓中的踪迹。但介于僧伽罗种姓对内婚和种姓血统的推崇,从某些拉达拉的家族姓里还是可以找到其皇室血统的蛛丝马迹。所以二者不能完全等同,但也不能否认其中存在一些合理的历史关联。
111 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode,New-Street-Square,1821, p.124
112 见本章第一节。
113 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.132
114 见本章第一节。
115 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the Royal Society, London, 1681, Part Ⅲ, ChapterⅡ, p.146
116 印度中世纪以来,村社中一个或几个低种姓家庭服务并依附于某一高种姓地主家庭的世袭关系。
117 Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon, in the east-indies, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the Royal Society, London, 1681, Part III, ChapterⅡ, p.146
118 同上
119 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec., 2000), p.41
120 见本文第一章第三节。
121 菲利普斯·保达罗斯(Philippus Baldaeus),荷兰传教士,17世纪与荷兰军队共同抵达贾夫纳。是第一位用文字记载斯里兰卡北部泰米尔人生活、语言和文化的欧洲人。并将他的见闻写成《锡兰岛的真实描述》(A ture and exact Description of the great island of Ceylon)一书。于1671年出版
122 转引自Bryan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture-The Religious Foundations of Sudra Domination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University, 1982, p.36
123 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.45
124 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.46
125 John D. Rogers,Coste as a social category and identity in colonial Lanka, Indian Economic Social History Review 2004, p.61
126 Edited by Russell R. Ross and Andrea Matles Savada, Sri Lanka: A Country Study, Library of Congress, Federal Research Division, 1988, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lktoc.html
127 由于高地泰米尔人生活在不同的种植园内,而康格尼在南印度招募劳工时具有一定的区域性,所以每个种植园内的种姓构成都不一样,由于本文将高地泰米尔人作为一个整体来进行讨论,故仅列出具有代表性的、在大部分种植园内都能找到的几个主要洁净种姓。不同种植园内的种姓详细构成见RJayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.p.16-25
128 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.64
129 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.67
130 Ibid,p.68
131 Edited by E.R.Leach, Aspect of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-west Pakistan, Cambridge University Press, 1960, p.65
132 《佛说长阿含经》卷第六,第二分初,小缘经第一
133 刘家和,《印度早期佛教的种姓制度观》,北京师范大学学报(社会科学),1962年,第二期,第4页。
134 宋法贤译《众许摩诃帝经》,卷二
135 后秦弘始年佛陀耶舍共竺佛念译,《长阿含经》,卷十三,第三分,阿摩画经,第一
136 同上,卷第二十二,第四分,世记经,世本缘品第十二
137 E.W.Burligame, Buddhist Legends,London, 1969, Pt.2, p.38-39
138 T.W.Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, Calcutt, 1950,p.40-42
139 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.37
140 Human Rights Watch Report. Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern. March, 2001. Human Rights Watch, 19 Feb,2007.
141 种姓是否为印度社会独有现象这一命题仍然存在争议,但即便是持否定态度的马克思·韦伯(Max Weber)等学者也肯定了在受印度文化深刻影响的斯里兰卡存在种姓。对于佛教社会中的种姓问题,美国的印度学家J.H.霍顿(J.H.Hutton)认为在缅甸也存在类似种姓的社会体系,见其1946年编著的《印度的种姓：本质、职能与起源》(Caste in India. Its Nature, Function, and Origin, Chap LX),但详细研究僧伽罗种姓的美国社会学家布莱斯·莱恩认为,缅甸相应的社会体系不属于种姓范畴,在全世界范围内,只有僧伽罗佛教社会存在种姓。
142 见本文第一章第三节。不过《大史》对于僧伽罗族起源描述的真实性在史学界一直存在争议,僧伽罗皇室最早与泰米尔族的姻亲关系因此也缺乏历史的定论。我们只能认为这样的叙述折射出的一个历史现实是：早期印度(北方和南方)人曾经往来于斯里兰卡和次大陆之间,并在这个岛上定居。
143 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第4页。
144 Composed in the late 5th or early 6th Cemtury CE,by Ven.Mahanama Thera.This translation by Wilhelm Geiger(1912), The Mahavamsa,the great chronicle of Sri Lanka, chapter XXI, p.133
145 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第6页。
146 波隆纳鲁瓦(Polonnaruwa)王朝的第一位僧伽罗国王,1070年从朱罗人手中夺回都城阿努拉特布拉,后将僧伽罗王国的都城从阿努拉特布拉迁往波隆纳鲁瓦,一直到1110年在位。
147 维杰耶巴乎一世之子,其母为羯陵伽人,在维杰耶巴乎一世逝世后的皇室争斗中取得胜利,他的统治维持到1132年。
148 维迦罗摩巴忽一世之子,1132-1153年在位。
149 [斯里兰卡]尼古拉斯、帕拉纳维达纳著,李荣熙译：《锡兰简明史》,北京：商务印书馆,1972年,第138页。
150 波罗迦罗摩巴忽一世(Parakramabahu I),维杰耶巴乎一世死后于1153年即位,被认为是斯里兰卡历史上功绩最为卓著的国王。他统治期间,没有发生过南印度泰米尔国家的侵略。僧伽罗国家经济繁荣、军事强大,发展到自己的鼎盛时期。他于1187年去世。
151 [斯里兰卡]西利玛·吉利巴慕尼：《古代和中世纪斯里兰卡的泰米尔人：民族同一性的历史根源》,《民族译丛》,1987年第5期,第9页。
152 de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 2005, p.121
153 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,1953, p.11
155 GC.Mendis, Ceylon Today and Yesterday: Main Currents of Ceylon History, Associated Newspapers of Ceylon,1963, p.50
156 Tilak Hettiarachchy, The Sinhala peasant in a changing society: ecological change among the Sinhala peasants from 1769 A.D. to 1909 A.D., Lake House Investments,1982, p.12
157 见本文第二章第三节。
158 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.50
159 这里指的是荷兰东印度公司。
160 转引自Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.52
161 John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, London: printed by A&R Spottiswoode, New-Street-Square,1821, p.133
162 M. M. M. Mahroof, The European Factor in the Caste System:The Sri Lankan Model, Social Scientist, Vol.25, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,1997), p.14
163 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol.40, No.1/2 (Spring-Summer,1967), p.26
164 M. M. M. Mahroof, A Conspectus of Tamil Caste Systems in Sri Lanka: Away from a Parataxis, Social Scientist, Vol. 28, No. 11/12 (Nov.-Dec.,2000), p.47
165 Michael M. Ames, The Impact of Western Education on Religion and Society in Ceylon, Pacific Affairs, Vol.40, No. 1/2 (Spring-Summer,1967),p.28
166 Burrows, S. M. Industrial schools and school gardens in Ceylon. Board of Education:Special Reports on Educational Subjects, Vol.14, Part III, Appendix 7, Cd.2379. London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1905, p.341
167 J.CHeesterman. "Caste, Village and Indian Society",in The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kinship and Society, The University of Chicago Press, 1985, p.180
168 实际上,从第二级划分出的斯里兰卡泰米尔人、高地僧伽罗人、低地僧伽罗人内部还能划分出更细的第三极甚至第四级子群体,但这些子群体在种姓这个问题上,总得来说并不具备自成一体的、影响范围广泛的特征,故本文在此不进行一一的讨论,仅从相互具有明显区别的第二层级这个层面上探讨斯里兰卡种姓复合性的特征。
169 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.4-5
171 John'Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, Londo: pririted by A&R Spottiswood,New-Street-Square,1821, p.130
173 这一地区及其首府的僧伽罗语名称是马哈努瓦拉((?)Mahanuwara),“康提”是西方人对这里的称呼。
174 事实上,高地地区存在个别的卡拉瓦村庄,可能是从低地地区移居过去的。萨拉加玛村庄也少量存在,不过无法考证他们是从低地移居而来的,还是从前高地萨拉加玛种姓的少量遗存。但他们无论从人数还是社会功能上在高地地区都是微不足道的。
175 婆罗门在高地泰米尔人中的存在并不是一个常态,根据印度学者R.Jayaraman对斯里兰卡中部三个种植园的调查,劳工移民中婆罗门的人数非常少。由于高地泰米尔人生活在不同的种植园内,且相互之间几乎没有往来,所以不同种植园的种姓结构会有差异,并不是每个种植园都有婆罗门。见 R.Jayaraman, Caste Continuities in Ceylon-A study of the Social Structure of Three Tea Plantations, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1975.p.47
176 个别服务种姓除外,如理发师、洗衣工种姓。
177 [德]马克斯·韦伯著,康乐、简惠美译,《印度的宗教—印度教与佛教》,广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第40页。
178 [德]马克斯·韦伯著,康乐、简惠美译,《印度的宗教—印度教与佛教》,广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第40页。
179 蒋新忠译:《摩奴法论》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1986年,第2页。
180 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.7
182 [法]路易·杜蒙著,王志明译：《阶序人,卡斯特体系及其衍生现象》,台北：远流出版事业股份有限公司,1992年,第386-387页
183 王士录：《谈种姓于阶级的区别和联系》,《历史教学》,1983年第7期,第45-46页。
184 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 153
186 Ibid, p.311。莱恩之所以将精英阶层形容为“穿着裤子的”,是由于斯里兰卡男子的传统服饰为纱笼(Saroon),
185 Ibid, p. 176-177类似筒裙,由一块长方形的布系于腰间。城市中从事体力劳动的下层民众通常着这一传统服饰。而中上层的精英阶层则按照西方习惯穿衬衣和长裤。
187 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p. 158
188 Bryce Ryan, Caste in Modern Ceylon, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1953, p.318
189 UNP在1947年大选中赢得全部95席中的44席,LSSP赢得10席位列第二,ACTC仅赢得9席,屈居第三。见：A.Jeyaratnam Wilson, Politics in Sri Lanka,1947-1979, London:Macmillan, 1979, p.156
194 Tara Coomaraswamy, Parlimentary Representation in Sri Lanka 1931-1986, unpublished PHD thesis,University of Sussex, 1988, p.240
196 [台湾]张世泽,张世强：《论湿婆信仰复兴运动与种姓制度对于当代斯里兰卡泰米尔民族运动发展之影响》,《问题与研究》,2007年,第46卷第3期,第34页。
197 Rober N.Kearney, Language and the Rise of Separatism, Asian Survey, Vol 18, No.6, 1978, p.528-530
198 Bryan Pfaffenberger, "The Political Construction of Defensive Nationalism: The 1968 Temple-entry Crisis in Northern Sri Lanka", Journal of Asian Studies,49 (1),1990, p.78
199 泰米尔伊拉姆的主要精神是：合并斯里兰卡岛北部省和东部省,并以此“泰米尔传统故乡”作为领土范围,建立一个主权独立、奉行世俗主义和社会主义的泰米尔国家。见：AJeyaratnam Wilson, The Colombo Man, the Jaffna Man and the Batticaloa Man: Regional Identities and the Rise of the Federal Party, Boulder, 1994,p.138
200 [台湾]张世泽,张世强：《论湿婆信仰复兴运动与种姓制度对于当代斯里兰卡泰米尔民族运动发展之影响》,《问题与研究》,2007年,第46卷第3期,第65页。
201 LTTE实际上还是吸引了部分反对温和路线和种姓歧视的维拉拉青年。在成立初期,也有如乌玛·梅哈斯瓦兰(Uma Maheswaran)等维拉拉进入领导层,不过人数十分有限。
202 Michael Roberts, Saivite Symbols, Sacrifice and Tamil Tiger Rites, Social Analysis 49 (1),2005, p.67-93.
203 Trawick, Margaret, Reasons for Violence:A Preliminary Ethnographic Account of the LTTE, in S. Gamage & I.B. Watson (eds.), Conflict and Community in Contemporary Sri Lanka, New Delhi: Sage,1999, p. 141
205 1998年,联合国特别代表出版了《关于国内流离失所者的指导原则》,根据这一原则给出的定义,国内流离失所是指那些被强迫逃离家园或习惯住处的个人或群体,逃离的原因主要是为避免武装冲突、普遍的暴力、对人权的侵犯或天灾人祸,而这种逃离并没有跨越国际承认的国家边界。
207由于战乱和LTTE出于战略隐瞒人口数量的企图,20世纪80年代以后贾夫纳地区没有进行过有效的人口普查,故我们无法得知这一地区的实际人口数量。根据官方估计,在2006年贾夫纳半岛的人口大约在30万—50万之间。由于IDP人数有具体的统计数据,故占贾夫纳总人口的比例大约在1/3-1/5之间。
211 现代和平研究的开创者、著名的和平心理学家约翰·加尔通(Johan Gultung)提出的结构暴力(Structural Violence)论和积极和平(Positive Peace)论是和平心理学的两个重要理论。结构暴力是指贫穷、疾病、压制和社会歧视给人类带来的痛苦和灾难,它关注的重点是社会政治与经济结构中存在的不公平、剥削与压制等问题,以及由此导致的政治权利、经济利益分配上的不公平现象。积极和平是指消除社会的各种不平等关系,摒除“结构暴力”,以平等、协调、合作一体化为基础的和平。它不仅包括战争的消失、饥饿的消除、暴力的缺失,还包括人权威胁的解除、难民问题的解决、全球环境污染的治愈等等,更包括积极、和平的生活价值观的确立与和平社会制度的建立,更意味着人类在幸福的生存状态下,享受富裕的生活,体面、有尊严地生存。
212 于力：《印度种姓制和宗教的关系》,《思想战线》,1989年第5期,第92页。
213 Marx Weber, The Religion of India, Translated by Hans H.Gerth and don martindale, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1958, p.112
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