分裂的忠诚与信仰的边界
摘要
都铎后期，伊丽莎白继续改革教会，以政治权力确立法定宗教形态，并强迫天主教徒进国教堂，作为对女王精神权威的认可。在英格兰政府看来，只要求天主教徒在仪式上服从国教，并不追究内在信仰，已是对天主教徒的极大宽容，但对天主教徒来说，进异端教堂，是违背信仰的。为了在新教政权下生存，英格兰天主教徒一直在寻找出路。最初是试图厘清信仰与行为的界限，以为这样就能在效忠罗马和女王之间找到平衡点，可以无良心困扰地“进国教堂”，并且获得女王的宽容。于是，天主教群体投入大量精力讨论“进国教堂”问题，将澄清信仰和行为的定义和界限视为解决“进国教堂”问题的根本，更将解决“进国教堂”问题视为解决天主教危机的根本。部分服从派在争论中，将服从理论发展到极端，更大胆重新解释信仰的基本原则。在压力下脱困的这些努力，虽展现出16世纪英格兰天主教的活力和自主性，但也因此反而令该群体对信仰的理解更趋混乱，以致于16世纪末出现英格兰地方教会组织上脱离罗马教会的倾向。从对天主教徒内在信仰重要性的强调，个体身份的重新定义，到地方教会制度的变革，英格兰天主教徒的努力都未能解决天主教的生存问题，反而伤害到天主教徒的身份自信和教会的统一。罗马和耶稣会在这45年中，因为坚持原则而与英格兰政府冲突不断，让地方教会深处困境中，也遭致英格兰天主教徒的不满，但经过多年探索和挫折，英格兰天主教会更认识到，在压力下修改自身信仰的原则，只不过迎合世俗权力，更容忍国教权力对信仰的侵夺而已。他们的出路，在于推动各方认识到对立派别的相互理解、宽容和共存的价值。
After Elizabeth turned her favor to advance reformation, English catholicism,used to be in its prescribed authority, soon devolved into a prohibited deviation.Legislation by parliament required all Queen’s subjects, including catholics, to attendthe Established Church, as a recognision of Elizabeth’s spiritual authority as well asproof of their civil loyalty. Simply compelling catholics to go to church withoutfurther inquisition into their hearts, to the protestant government, that was a sign oftheir magnanimity, and by such design they wishfully expected to soothe religiousdissonance across the board; yet to the catholics, any contact with heretics washarmful to their faith. Torn between contrasting claims for loyalty by the Queen andRome, English catholics strived hard to extricate themselves out of the predicamentcreated by them attending protestant church, with some arguing its indifference toinner faith while others categorically denouncing it as heresy. Both sides engaging inthe polemic writings viewed these debates the solution to their crises, though due tocatholics’ respect for convention, they were more puzzled by the ambiguity of thenature of go to the church, and unlike Protestants, they could never go that far as tototally cast off the work—despite some catholics indeed saw it irrelevant to the faith—without their conscience disturbed.As long-drawn-out debates failed to generateany workable solution for the engaging groups, erstwhile extenuated reluctancy andrepeated stress on the priority of inner faith, played as vindications for their forcedattendance of the church, were replaced by, surging in some catholics, a thrust toreinterpret the fundamental elements of doctrine, albeit maintenance of their identityas Catholic persisted. In the long run, the tendency to redefine themselves only madeEnglish catholics branch off more from Rome, ending up with an attempt to tear apartthe church. On the other side of the strait, facing the challenge imposed by Protestantgovernment on her English branch, Rome was resolute against going to church,though to the point of too rigid to adapt to the change of situation. Through decades’ordeal and with a dim hope of reconquest, English catholics had to give up resistance,and turned to seek for a coexistence between the two erstwhile rivaling religious blocs,as it turned out to be the only solution to the end of their sufferings.
After Elizabeth turned her favor to advance reformation, English catholicism,used to be in its prescribed authority, soon devolved into a prohibited deviation.Legislation by parliament required all Queen’s subjects, including catholics, to attendthe Established Church, as a recognision of Elizabeth’s spiritual authority as well asproof of their civil loyalty. Simply compelling catholics to go to church withoutfurther inquisition into their hearts, to the protestant government, that was a sign oftheir magnanimity, and by such design they wishfully expected to soothe religiousdissonance across the board; yet to the catholics, any contact with heretics washarmful to their faith. Torn between contrasting claims for loyalty by the Queen andRome, English catholics strived hard to extricate themselves out of the predicamentcreated by them attending protestant church, with some arguing its indifference toinner faith while others categorically denouncing it as heresy. Both sides engaging inthe polemic writings viewed these debates the solution to their crises, though due tocatholics’ respect for convention, they were more puzzled by the ambiguity of thenature of go to the church, and unlike Protestants, they could never go that far as tototally cast off the work—despite some catholics indeed saw it irrelevant to the faith—without their conscience disturbed.As long-drawn-out debates failed to generateany workable solution for the engaging groups, erstwhile extenuated reluctancy andrepeated stress on the priority of inner faith, played as vindications for their forcedattendance of the church, were replaced by, surging in some catholics, a thrust toreinterpret the fundamental elements of doctrine, albeit maintenance of their identityas Catholic persisted. In the long run, the tendency to redefine themselves only madeEnglish catholics branch off more from Rome, ending up with an attempt to tear apartthe church. On the other side of the strait, facing the challenge imposed by Protestantgovernment on her English branch, Rome was resolute against going to church,though to the point of too rigid to adapt to the change of situation. Through decades’ordeal and with a dim hope of reconquest, English catholics had to give up resistance,and turned to seek for a coexistence between the two erstwhile rivaling religious blocs,as it turned out to be the only solution to the end of their sufferings.
引文
1. Hilda Nissimi,"Religious Conversion, Covert Defiance and Social Identity: A Comparative View," Numen51,no.4(2004):376.
4. Ginevra Crosignani, Thomas M. McCoog, and Michael Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, Nova Series,Vol.7(Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu,2010), xvi.
6. Arthur G. Dickens, The English Reformation (New York: Schocken Books,1964); Geoffrey R. Elton,Reformation Europe,1517-1559(Oxford, UK; Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers,1999).他们的作品一度是研究英格兰宗教史和政治史的经典，也常是如今所谓天主教研究的修正派挑战的对象。但是他们的研究并不特别涉及天主教问题，特别是埃尔顿，只专都铎制度变革，与天主教问题无关，只能说他们是忽略了这些问题的存在，但并不影响对宗教影响的整体判断。
7.韦伯写作他的名著《新教伦理与资本主义精神》时，参考了大量十七世纪清教徒的作品。里面展现了加尔文教义里的天定论对他们世界观的影响。见Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans.T. Parsons (Mineola N.Y.: Dover Publications,2003),9.
8.此类描述新教对天主教看法的作品有：Raymond D. Tumbleson, Catholicism in the English ProtestantImagination: Nationalism, Religion, and Literature,1660-1745(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1998).
10. Herbert Butterfield, The Whig Interpretation of History (New York: Norton,1965),12.
13. William Allen and Thomas F. Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594)(London: Nutt,1882),75, note.1.
14. Philip Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England (London: Burns and Oates,1944),7.
15. Charles Dodd and Mark A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of theSixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688,5vols.(London: C. Dolman,1837-43).
16. John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the Reformation of It, and theEmergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. And Queen Mary the First.... InThree Volumes. With a Large Appendix to Each Volume... By John Strype, M.A (London: Printed for John Wyat,1721).
17. John Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in theChurch of England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State,Records, and Letters,4vols.(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824).
18. Norman Jones, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the1560s (Oxford: Blackwell,1995),288.
19. Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols.(Philadelphia: John T. Green,1839).
20. John Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves,3vols.(London: Burns andOates,1872-7).
21. John H. Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs Hitherto Unpublished (London: Burns and Oates,1891).
22. John H. Pollen, ed. Unpublished Documents Relating to the English Martyrs Vol.I,1584-1603, CRS, Vol.5(London: Catholic Record Society,1908).
23. Henry Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus: Historic Facts Illustrative of the Laboursand Sufferings of Its Members in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,8vols.(London: Burns and Oates,1877-1883).
24. Thomas F. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws (London: David Nutt,1878).
25. Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594).
26.早在十九世纪中期，天主教会就萌生组建天主教出版机构的想法，一直未能付诸实施，直到二十世纪初在阿克顿大力支持下才正式成立。见：CRS, Vol.1, vii.
27. Henry Parnell, A History of the Penal Laws against the Irish Catholics: From the Treaty of Limerick to theUnion (Dublin: H. Fitzpatrick,1808); Richard R. Madden, The History of the Penal Laws Enacted against RomanCatholics (London: Thomas Richarson and Son,1847); Thomas G. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts betweenthe Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of theFaction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents (London: David Nutt,1889); Charles H. Collette, QueenElizabeth and the Penal Laws (London: Protestant Alliance,1890).
28. Shmuel N. Eisenstadt,"Max Weber on Western Christianity and the Weberian Approach to CivilizationalDynamics," The Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie14, no.2(1989):203.
29.韦伯有很多看法历来都受到质疑，比如对犹太教，中国宗教，权力与权威的看法等等，这里考察的内容主要是他的《新教伦理》一书里的“新教伦理”与“资本主义”概念。历史学家的一些有关批评，见：Hugh R.Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation and Social Change, and Other Essays (London: Secker&Warburg,1984),5;Elton, Reformation Europe,1517-1559,223-4.
30. Peter Marshall,"Disenchantment and Re-Enchantment in Europe,1250-1920," The Historical Journal54, no.2(2011):606.
31.此类作品经典的有：Robert W. Scribner,"The Reformation, Popular Magic, and the "Disenchantment of theWorld"," The Journal of Interdisciplinary History23, no.3(1993); Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early ModernEngland (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1999).
32. Marjule A. Drury,"Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique ofRecent Scholarship," Church History70, no.1(2001):100.
33. Euan Cameron, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion1250-1750(Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress,2010),22.
35. Peter George Wallace, The Long European Reformation: Religion, Political Conflict, and the Search forConformity,1350-1750(Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2004),5.
36. E. Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580(New Haven: YaleUniversity Press,2005).值得注意的是达菲并不简单论证新教影响比想象的要弱，而是说明传统有着极强的惯性，不是那么容易断裂的。而英格兰的传统，早在改革前一个世纪就已经自己慢慢在转变，为宗教改革奠定了些基础，但是他又否定这些转变来自于罗拉德派（Lollard）的影响。见：ibid., xiii-xxxvii.
37. John Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850(London: Darton, Longman and Todd,1975); JohnCedric H. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation(London: Blond and Briggs,1976).
38. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,4-5.
39. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation,19.
40. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,5.
41. Christopher Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of a Sect? Post-Reformation Catholicism inEngland," The Historical Journal21, no.1(1978):185.
42. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,5; Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of aSect? Post-Reformation Catholicism in England,"181.
43. Chistopher. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1975); Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of a Sect? Post-Reformation Catholicism in England,"181-6;Christopher Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation," Past&Present, no.93(1981):37-69; Christopher Haigh,"From Monopoly to Minority: Catholicism in Early Modern England," Transactions of theRoyal Historical Society31(1981):129-47; Christopher Haigh,"The Recent Historiography of the EnglishReformation," The Historical Journal25, no.4(1982):995-1007; Christopher Haigh,"Review: The EnglishReformation: A Premature Birth, a Difficult Labour and a Sickly Child," The Historical Journal33, no.2(1990):449-59; Christopher Haigh,"Review: Catholicism in Early Modern England: Bossy and Beyond," The HistoricalJournal45, no.2(2002):481-94.值得注意的是他在1981年关于天主教延续性的论文中一个精彩的看法：对于博西和埃夫林关于传教士来之后“拒绝教会”现象增加的说法，他认为这只说明传教士的到来使得天主教的存在引起政府的注意而已。
44. Lucy Bates,"The Limits of Possibility in England's Long Reformation," The Historical Journal53, no.4(2010):1049.
45. Michael Questier,"What Happened to English Catholicism after the English Reformation?," History85, no.277(2000):28-47; Alexandra Walsham,"Translating Trent? English Catholicism and the Counter Reformation,"Historical Research78, no.201(2005):288-310.
46.典型的有：Henry Gee, The Elizabethan Clergy and the Settlement of Religion,1558-1564(Oxford: TheClarendon Press,1898); Walter H. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625)(London: Macmillan and Co.,1904); Charles G. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1913); Arnold O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth, trans. J. R. McKee(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner,1916); John H. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study ofthe Transition from Paternal to Constitutional and Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602(London; New York: Longmans, Green,1916); John H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of QueenElizabeth: A Study of Their Politics, Civil Life, and Government: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent ofthe Counter-Reformation (London: Longmans, Green,1920); Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation inEngland.
47. Alexandra Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early ModernEngland (Woodbridge, Suffolk; Rochester, NY: Boydell Press,1993),118.
58. Stephen E. Lahey, Philosophy and Politics in the Thought of John Wyclif (Cambridge, U.K.; New York:Cambridge University Press,2003),211.
59. Ibid.,200-1.
60.持此种看法的主要有：A. G. Dickens, Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York:1509-1558(London:Hambledon Press,1982); A. Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1988).
61.倾向这一点的有：Christopher Haigh,"The English Reformation: A Premature Birth, a Difficult Labour and aSickly Child," The Historical Journal33, no.2(1990):449-59; Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: TraditionalReligion in England, C.1400-C.1580.
62. Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580, preface to the secondedition, xxv-xxvi.
63. Dickens, Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York:1509-1558,9.
64. H.A. Oberman and D. Weinstein, The Two Reformations: The Journey from the Last Days to the New World(New Haven: Yale University Press,2003),12.奥伯曼认为这个时候基督教信仰有更多入世倾向的教导，但这些并不否定修道制度的价值，也没有造成普遍的反修道制度的情绪。后来亨利八世没收修院教产，有英格兰特殊的经济与政治因素。按他的看法，修道制度并没有被贬到一文不值的地步，亨利的极端行为应该没有思想上的逻辑。
65. Vivian H. H. Green, Renaissance and Reformation: A Survey of European History between1450and1660(London: Edward Arnold,1964),33.
66. H. A. Enno van Gelder, The Two Reformations in the16th Century; a Study of the Religious Aspects andConsequences of Renaissance and Humanism (The Hague: M. Nijhoff,1961),328.班顿（Roland H. Bainton）也写到伊拉斯谟两次到英格兰，都受到热情接待，对英格兰的知识分子有很大的影响力。见：Roland H. Bainton,Erasmus of Christendom (New York: Scribner,1969),55-77；101-28.
67. Lucy E. C. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press;Oxford University Press,2000),21.
72. Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation (New York, NY: Basil Blackwell,1987),12-31.
73. Bernard M. G. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation (London; New York: Longman,1981),56.
74. Timothy F. Lull, ed. Martin Luther's Basic Theological Writings (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,1989),193.
75.天主教的礼仪，对路德来说，也是罗马教会的“事工”之一，用无谓的仪式来取悦上帝，反而弱化了内心的信仰，对信仰是一种损害。路德区分了几种寻求“公义”的方式，政治的，礼仪的，法律的和信仰的。他认为前面几种“公义”皆处于后一种即信仰之下。前面几种“公义”属于此世的范畴，人可以获得，但是在信仰的范畴，则是人所不能把握的神秘事物。在人可以追求到的几种“公义”中，对现世都有各自的意义，其中值得注意的是礼仪上的“公义”，路德认为家长或者教师可以用之来端正年轻人的行为，当然这也只是现世的意义而已。见：Martin Luther,"ACommentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians,1531(Selections)," inMartin Luther, Selections from His Writings, ed. John Dillenberger (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,1961),100-1.
76. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation,58.
77. Lull, ed. Martin Luther's Basic Theological Writings,115.
80. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation,105-9.
81. Gervase E. Duffield, ed. The Work of Thomas Cranmer: Introduced by J.L. Packer (Appleford, Berks: SuttonCourtenay Press,1964), xii.
82."……be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament, that the King our Sovereign Lord, his heirs andsuccessors, kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted, and reputed the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church ofEngland, called Anglicana Ecclesia."见：Gerald L. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701(Cambridge: James Clarke,2004),114.
83."……and that our said Sovereign Lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm, shall have full power andauthority from time to time to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors,heresies, abuses, offences, contempt, and ceremonies, whatsoever they be, which by any manner spiritual authority orjuristiction ought or may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, mostto the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion,"见：ibid.,114.
84. Ibid.,113.
85. Ibid.,162-74.
86."Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy, crept into divers men's hearts, may vanish away,they shall not set forth or extol any images, relics or miracles for any superstition or lucre, nor allure the people byany enticements to the pilgrimage of any saint, otherwise than is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by theauthority of the King's Majesty and condescended upon by the prelates and clergy of this his realm in Convocation asthough it were proper or peculiar to that saint to give this commodity or that, seeing all goodness, health and graceought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very author of the same, and of none other,for withouthim that cannot be given;"见：ibid.,176.
87. G. W. Bernard, The King's Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church (New Haven:Yale University Press,2005),276-92.
88. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,180.
89.对于1536到1538年两部《训谕》表现出来的明显变化，达菲看到的是这个时代宗教激进思潮推动的结果。政治史家埃尔顿更把它看作激进派别推动改革进程的一个手段。不过这两种看法更多地看到外部环境的作用，却没有注意到两部训谕之间的内在联系，也即这么一个重要问题，那就是激进派为什么会不满1536年的法令？还是阿斯顿（Margaret Aston）注意到了1536年法令的缺陷，及其需要修改的迫切性。阿斯顿注意到了1536年禁止圣徒圣像但却不禁止基督神像，以及对一系列天主教因素不太彻底的禁令引起的混乱，这些都不得不迅速在1538年的版本中修正。见：M. Aston, England's Iconoclasts: Laws against Images, vol.1(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1988),245; G.R. Elton, England under the Tudors (London: Routledge,1991),155; Duffy, TheStripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580,406-10.
90. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,224.
91. Glyn Redworth,"A Study in the Formulation of Policy: The Genesis and Evolution of the Act of Six Articles,"The Journal of Ecclesiastical History37, no.1(1986):42-67; Elton, England under the Tudors,156-9.
92."……and refer the explication of obscure places to men of higher judgement in Scriptue.""……and in the sameexhort your hearers to the works of charity, mercy and faith specially prescribed and commanded in Scripture, andnot to repose their trust or affiance in any other works devised by men's fantasies beside Scripture;"同见：Bray,ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,180.
93. Ibid.,319.
94."I, A.B., do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the Queen's Highness is the only SupremeGovernor of this realm, and of all other her Highness's dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual orecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal, and that no foeign prince, person, prelate, state or potentate has, or oughtto have, any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual, within thisrealm;"见：ibid.,323.
95."Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy crept into men's hearts, may vanish away, theyshall not set forth or extol any images, relics or miracles, for any superstition or lucre, nor allure the people by anyenticements, to the pilgrimage of any saint or image, but reproving the same, they shall teach that all goodness, healthand grace ought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very author and giver of the same, and of noneother."见：ibid.,336.
96."The Queen's Majesty being most desirous of all other earthly things, that her people should live in charity bothtowards God and man, and therein abound in good works, willeth and straightly commandeth all manner her subjectsto forbear all vain and contentious disputations in matters of religion, and not to use in despite or rebuke of anyperson, these convictious words: Papist, or Papistical heretic, schismatic or sacramentary, or any suchlike words ofreproach."见：ibid.,345.
97."……and that from and after the said feast of the nativity of St John Baptist next coming (24June1559), alland every person and persons inhabiting within this realm or any other the Queen's Majesty's dominions, shalldiligently and faithfully, having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent,endeavour themselves to resort to theirparish church or chapel accustomed,"见：ibid.,332.
98. Ibid.,275.
99. Ibid.,276.
100.法令拟简称为《重申王权法令》（An Act for the Assurance of the Queens Majesties Royal Power over all Statesand Subjects within her Dominions）。法令全文可见：William Cawley, The Laws of Q. Elizabeth, K. James, and K.Charles the First. Concerning Jesuites, Seminary Priests, Recusants, Etc., and Concerning the Oaths of Supremacyand Allegiance Explained by Divers Judgments and Resolutions of the Reverend Judges (London: Printed for J.Wright and R. Chiswell,1680),33-47.
101. Leslie Ward,"The Treason Act of1563: A Study of the Enforcement of Anti‐Catholic Legislation,"Parliamentary History8, no.2(1989):289.
102.该法令拟简称为《叛乱法令》（An Act whereby certain offences be made treason)。此法令不载于考利（William Cawley)的《反天主教法令集》，不知何故。但该法令显然是第一部直接针对天主教问题的法令。法令里规定了种种对女王的不敬行为都视作为叛乱罪，包括语言文字上对女王人身安全的威胁，妄图颠覆王位的行为和对女王声名的诋毁。天主教徒对女王有各种称呼：异端、教会分裂者、暴君、不信者和王位篡夺者，这些说法都明令禁止。结合同年紧接着通过的第二条法令《教皇谕令限制令》（An Act against the bringing in andputting in execution of Bulls and other instruments from the see of Rome,13Elizabeth I, c.2)可以看出，这两条法令实际上又重申了十多年前的《至尊法令》和《统一法令》，且又加重了惩罚力度。见：Prothero, Select Statutes andOther Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),57-63.
103. Horton Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603(Princeton:Princeton Univ. Press,1970),23.
104.1571年的《三十九条信纲》是在1553年由克兰麦执笔的《四十二条信纲》（The Forty-two Articles,1553)的基础上修改颁发的。《四十二条信纲》颁发于1553年一月份，但同年七月份爱德华即夭折，因此搁置施行，直到1563年被伊丽莎白重新启用，至1571年的版本成为官方宗教形态的标准。各版本修改历史请参见：Bray,ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,284.
105."We are accounted righteous before God noly for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by faith, andnot for our own works or deservings. Wherefore, that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine,and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification."见：ibid.,291.
106."Albeit that good works, which are the fruits of faith, cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God'sjudgement; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and livelyfaith, in so much that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known, as a tree discerned by the fruit."见：Davies,Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,291-2.
107. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,276.
108. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,7.
109. Ibid.,3.
110. Ibid.,9-25.特兰特会议的这份宣言并不见于特兰特会议相关的文集中，不过在马丁（Gregory Martin，ca.1542-1582)1578年的《论教会分裂》（A Treatise of Schisme）和加尼特（Henry Garnet,1555-1606)的《论基督徒的弃绝》（ATreatise of Christian Renunciation）两书中都提到了这份宣言。
111. Ibid.,27.
见：Joseph Wilhelm,"Heresy," in The CatholicEncyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company,1910). Jun.2012
116.关于教皇的真实态度，即教皇是否默许天主教徒宣誓承认女王的精神权威及参与国教仪式并且对此颁发宽免令，存在不同意见。关于教皇是否私下颁发宽免令的讨论，都来自于英格兰间谍戴努（E. Dennum）向伊丽莎白提供的一份报告。这份报告收录在斯特赖普的《宗教改革年谱》中，见：John Strype, Annals of theReformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in the Church of England, During QueenElizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State, Records, and Letters, vol.1, part2(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824),55-7.亨利吉认为教皇的确有这样的举动，允许英格兰教士假装宣誓，暗中施以宽免。他认为这一策略是成功的，因为得到教会的默许，因此这个时候才有大量的教士宣誓效忠，见：Gee, The Elizabethan Clergy and the Settlement of Religion,1558-1564,198-9.但是迈尔却认为这份文件是十七世纪伪造的。假如教皇曾经真的颁布这么一部宽免令，与天主教会的原则是不合的，也很难解释为什么当初还是有那么多的天主教教士拒绝效忠并遭裭职（按他认可的数目，大概有700人左右，在他认可的其时全体教士总数8000人中占到8.8%），见：Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,30.对此不同见解，仍然不得不存疑，因为迈尔并没有足够的证据说明这份报告是伪造的，似乎只是因为他觉得这份文件过于荒谬而已。不过按照下文教皇写给四位英格兰天主教徒的信看来（假如这份书信不是伪造的），私下颁发宽免令也算是为英格兰教众着想的合理策略。
117.因没有关于此人的传记，生卒年不可考，不过根据前引书注167所列的关于他的若干零散记录，他最后一次被记录下来的活动是在1592年1月。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformityin Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,67.关于威尔逊最后一次出现的记录，可见：Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth and James I, vol.3Reign of Elizabeth,1591-1594(London: Longman, Brown,1867),176.
118. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,66.
119.莫罗内主教于1555-1579年担任英格兰代言枢机（Cardinal Protector of England）。按惯例，各修会和国家在枢机主教团中都有一名代表，称为“代言枢机”（cardinal procurator），因在描述这一名称时，有时“代理”(procurator)与“保护”互用，又称为“保护枢机”。其中代表国家的代言枢机又称“王室枢机”。“代言枢机”制度可以追溯到十三世纪，枢机主教团里都有各个地区和各修会的代言人。此后，各个民族国家势力兴起，教廷为了更好地协调各国关系，更重视这一制度。代言枢机一般由教皇任命，征得国王同意。虽然一直有相似制度，但“英格兰代言枢机”这一职位正式定名在1492年，一直沿用到1539年宗教改革后。此后英格兰教会分裂，罗马单方面任命英格兰代言枢机，莫罗内便从1555年开始担任此职。
120. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,67.
121. Ibid.,61.
122."If you associate yourselfes at sacramente or servise that is contrarie to the unitie of Chryste his Churche ye fallin scysme, that is to saye ye be seperated from christe his churche and beinge in that state (as sayeth St. Augustyne)although youe lead ever so good a lyffe in the sight of the worlde the wrathe of God hanghethe over youe,&diengein the state, shall lose the everlastynge lyfe in heaven."见：ibid.,61.
126. Eamon Duffy and D. M. Loades, eds., The Church of Mary Tudor (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006), xiii.
127. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,59.
128. CRS, Vol.9,63-9.
129. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,81.
130. Ibid.,82.
131. Ibid.,68.
132. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),196.
133. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,139.
134. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study of Their Politics, Civil Life, andGovernment: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent of the Counter-Reformation,293.
135. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,137.
136.该文献现藏于梵蒂冈私人档案馆，没有署名，但最可能的作者应该是波塞维诺（Antonio Possevino，S.J.，1533-1611），最初由克赖顿主教（Mandell Creighton，Bishop of Petersborough）于1892年刊登在《英国历史评论》上，漏掉的后几条由迈耶（Arnold Oskar Meyer）补齐。波伦（John Hungerford Pollen）推测该备忘录作者是波塞维诺，因为此时他与格列高利十三世关系较好，与英格兰学院也较多交流，更帮助他们争取来自教皇的资助。霍姆斯接受波伦的看法，更具体推测是波塞维诺写在逗留罗马期间，即1578年九月到十二月初。假如作者真是波塞维诺的话，那么很能表明罗马的态度，见：Mandell. Creighton,"The Excommunication ofQueen Elizabeth," The English Historical Review7, no.25(1892):84-8; Meyer, England and the Catholic Churchunder Queen Elizabeth,136and note.1; Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study ofTheir Politics, Civil Life, and Government: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent of theCounter-Reformation,294and note.1; Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of theElizabethan Catholics,42，228note.31; Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,90note.
137.“An catholici non possint iuramentum praestare quod Elisabetha sit vera Anglicae Regina et legitima, nonmodo quantum ad possessionem sed quantum ad titulos Regni. Ratio Catholicorum esse potest quod Pius bullamemiserit in favorem Catholicorum quare nunc videant quod contrarium plane habeat exitum, praesumere possuntquod Pontifex nollet eos hac bulla obligare ad eorum gravissimum damnum."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier,eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,91.
138.“Huic questioni iam satisfactum est. Auget tamen nonnullum difficultatem illa particula (vera). Nunquamautem licet iurare falsum; licet tamen occultare et tegere veritatem quacunque aequivocatione, ut si quis intelligatveram esse reginam opinione communi vulgi vel ei adhaerentium, aut quovis alio modo."见：ibid.,94.
139.第16个问题：“An Pontifex non poterit dispensare cum Catholicis ut ex iusta causa dum inter haereticosversantur carnes comedant diebus ab ecclesia prohibitis."参考答案：“Non expedit Pontificem dispensare inuniversum, sed ex causa necessitatis et vitae licet carnes comedere, nisi id fieret in professionem haeresiae et indetestationem Catholicae veritatis."见：ibid.,92-4.
140. Ibid., xxi.
141. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England,66-7.
142. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,138.
143.“Ex vi bullae putamus teneri ad ea quae proponuntur nisi omnia ita comparata essent ut certa parataque spesesset victoriae; quo casum propter bonum commune fidei et religionis ii tenentur qui aliquid possent praestare."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,93.
144. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xix.
145.费克纳姆，本尼迪克派成员，最后一任的西敏寺修院院长。威斯贝奇（Wisbech）监狱的第一个天主教囚犯。他曾在议会中极力反对女王僭取教皇的精神权威。女王尊重他的学识和人格，不以为意，私下试图说服他。更有传言女王曾经许诺授予他坎特伯雷大主教区，被他拒绝。见：John Morris, The Troubles of Our CatholicForefathers Related by Themselves. Second Series (London: Burns and Oates,1875),225.
146. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,30-40.
147. William Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006),100-1.
148. Ibid.,102-3.
149. Ibid.,105.
150. Ralph A. Griffiths,"The Later Middle Ages (1290-1485)," in The Oxford History of Britain, ed. Kenneth OwenMorgan (Oxford: Oxford university press,2001),299.
151. Thomas F. Mayer,"A Test of Wills: Cardinal Pole, Ignatius Loyola, and the Jesuits in England," in TheReckoned Expense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutumhistoricum Societatis Iesu,2007),23.波尔的态度和策略是探讨玛丽时代宗教倾向的关键。波尔的宗教理念在拒绝耶稣会进驻英国方面表现得最明显。耶稣会对此很不满，数次向菲利普二世上书告状，对波尔当然颇多微词：认为他对宗教不热心，没有想象力，胆小。在现代研究中，对波尔和他所属的玛丽天主教时代，也有两种不同的看法。迪肯斯认为他没能把握住反宗教改革的精髓和时代潮流，见：Dickens, The English Reformation,
279-82.现在的研究对玛丽王朝和波尔有更多的认识，也赋予更多同情。玛丽朝的复辟确实困难重重，波格森（Rex Pogson）看到了波尔多方面的困境：不仅要面对大量异端，而且在行政组织和财政上都面临巨大挑战。见：Rex H. Pogson,"Reginald Pole and the Priorities of Government in Mary Tudor's Church," The HistoricalJournal18, no.1(1975):3-20.新近的研究较多地看到玛丽天主教主动接受英格兰的宗教变化的一面。见：Duffyand Loades, eds., The Church of Mary Tudor; Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church.
152. Lucy Wooding,"The Marian Restoration and the Mass," in The Church of Mary Tudor, ed. Eamon Duffy and D.M. Loades (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006),238-40.
153. Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church,217.
154.传统史学过于强调新教的顺利发展，也影响到对玛丽时代天主教的关注。一向强势的新教文学，比如福克斯（Foxe）的《殉道史》（Book of Martyrs）将整个基督教史都描绘成自古以来改革者与反动势力斗争的过程。罗马教会被视作反文明，反自由的象征，“血腥玛丽”则是罗马在英格兰进行宗教迫害的典型。见：AmosBlanchard and John Foxe, Book of Martyrs, or, a History of the Lives, Sufferings, and Triumphant Deaths of thePrimitive and Protestant Martyrs, from the Introduction of Christianity, to the Latest Periods of Pagan, Popish,Protestant, and Infidel Persecutions. Compiled from Fox's Book of Martyrs, and Other Authentic Sources (Buffalo: J.Faxon,1845), vi.在此大叙事下，玛丽时代短暂恢复天主教，这件事也只被视作大潮流中小小的反动而已。如此视角在贬低天主教的同时，同样也忽略了天主教本身的变化。
155. Stephen J. Lee, The Mid Tudors: Edward VI and Mary,1547-1558(New York: Routledge,2006),69.
156. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England,4.
157.旺德维尔（1527-1592），艾伦的得力助手，协助共同创建在杜埃的英格兰学院，1588年任图尔奈（Tournai，今比利时境内）主教。
158. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,85.
159. Nicholas Sander, A Treatise of the Images of Christ and His Saints: And That It Is Vnlaufull to Breake Them,and Lauful to Honour Them. With a Confutation of Such False Doctrines as M. Iewel Hath Vttered in His Replie,Concerning That Matter. Made by Nicolas Sander, Doctour of Diuinitie, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):937:02(Louanii: Apud Ioannem Foulerum,1567), the Preface concerning which is the true church, A iiii.
160. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,68.
161. Sander, A Treatise of the Images of Christ and His Saints: And That It Is Vnlaufull to Breake Them, and Laufulto Honour Them. With a Confutation of Such False Doctrines as M. Iewel Hath Vttered in His Replie, ConcerningThat Matter. Made by Nicolas Sander, Doctour of Diuinitie, the Preface concerning which is the true church, A ii.
162. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,64-9；71-8.
163. Ibid.,68-9.
164.《杜埃-兰斯案例》本来没有标题，是霍姆斯发现的最早的“良心案例”，时间定位在1578年6月到1579年一月之间；《艾伦-帕森斯案例》原名“Resolutiones quorundam casuum nationisAnglicanae”（英格兰案例解答），成文至少在1580年初，据认为部分由艾伦和帕森斯执笔。两份案例全文见：ibid.,100-10.两份案例的来历介绍，见：Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,101-2.
165. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,101.
166. Ibid.,104.
167. Ibid.,104.
168. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,104-8.
169. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,105.
170. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,102-3.
171. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,107.
172. Perez Zagorin, Ways of Lying: Dissimulation, Persecution, and Conformity in Early Modern Europe(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1990),187.
173.见修正派的研究：Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation toEmancipation,52-73; Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation,"37-69; Christopher Haigh,ed. The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1987).
174.埃尔默，从1577年到1594年任伦敦主教。他的学识为时人称道，也因为他对天主教和清教徒的残酷而出名。1577年，他向时任伊丽莎白首席秘书（Principal Secretary）的沃尔辛厄姆（Francis Walshingham, c.1532-1590,他的秘书任职是从1573年直到1590年去世)建议开展调查天主教的“拒绝国教”行为，既可压制天主教势力的兴起，又可大量罚款以充实国库，由此展开大规模的调查和搜捕。艾尔默1577年的倡议信可见：CRS, Vol.22,1-2.1577至1578年的调查统计资料及名单，收录于：ibid.,5-131.
175. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England, xiii.
176. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,287.
177."……or else, if any person have obtained since the last day of the parliament holden in the first year of theQueen's Majesty's reign, or after the said day of July shall obtain from the said Bishop of Rome……any manner ofbull……or instrument……, or shall publish or by any ways or means put in ure any such bull……, That even everysuch act……shall be deemed by the authority of thisAct to be high treason, and the offenders therein, their procurers
[&c.]……shall be deemed high traitors to the Queen and the realm."见：Prothero, Select Statutes and OtherConstitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),62.
178."And be it further enacted, That if any person shall at any time after the said first day of July bring into thisrealm of England……any……thing called by the name of an Agnus Dei, or any crosses, pictures, beads or such-likevain and superstitious things, from the Bishop or see of Rome……to such as shall receive and use the same; and thatif the same person……shall deliver……the same to any subject of this realm……to be worn or used in any wise:That then as well the same person so doing……to the intent to use or wear the same shall incur into the penaltiesrodained by the Statue of Praemunire and Provision "见：ibid.,62-3.
179. Ibid.,63.
180. Cawley, The Laws of Q. Elizabeth, K. James, and K. Charles the First. Concerning Jesuites, Seminary Priests,Recusants, Etc., and Concerning the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance Explained by Divers Judgments andResolutions of the Reverend Judges,53.
181.这条法令拟简称为《服从法令》(An Act to retain the Queen’s Majesty’s subjects in their due obedience)。
182. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),75-6.
183.该法令拟简称为《禁止诽谤女王法令》（An Act against seditious words and rumours uttered against theQueen’s most excellent Majesty）。
184. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),78.
185." that then every such offence shall be deemed felony, and the offenders therein shall suffer such painsof death and forfeiture as in case of felony is used, without any benefit of clergy or sanctuary "见：ibid.,78.
186.黑格在对该时期英格兰西北部天主教的研究中，也发现类似例证：有些教士身属国教，但却教导信众天主教理念，因而遭受审查。较有名的例子是多布森（George Dobson，？-1583），兰开夏郡惠利教区的牧师（Vicarof Whalley），他从1561年起，连续七次（分别是1569,1571,1573,1575,1578和1580年）被指控为是天主教徒。见：Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,217-8; Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in theEnglish Reformation,"41.显然，在欧陆传教士来了之后，燃起更强烈的宗教热情。传教士影响的不仅是平信徒，更有新教阵营内的神职阶层，这些人要么私底下皈依天主教，要么就是对天主教有好感、帮助天主教徒等等。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,258.
187.据统计，在1556至1580年之间，有大概69名不列颠地区来的人加入了耶稣会。见：Knox, Records of theEnglish Catholics under the Penal Laws, lxiii.
188. Charles Dodd and Mark A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of theSixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688, vol.3(London: C. Dolman,1839), clxii.
189.在1598年，英格兰政府间谍获得一份活动于英格兰的耶稣会士名单，详细列出他们的化名和与之关系好的贵族和可能的躲藏地点。这份名单详细信息，见：John Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic ForefathersRelated by Themselves.First Series.(London: Burns and Oates,1872),191-2.不过，英格兰政府间谍所搜集的情报，虽然数量众多，但由于其来源复杂，提供者动机不纯，在对天主教徒活动地点和财产评估方面多有错误，所以多数不可靠。这里的这份名单只是对耶稣会人数的简单统计，姑且采信之。历来学者对这些材料的使用都比较慎重，也多有批评，见：CRS, Vol.2,219.
190. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, lxiv-lxv.
191. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, p. xx.
192. John J. LaRocca,"Popery and Pounds: The Effect of the Jesuit Mission on Penal Legislation," in The ReckonedExpense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicumSocietatis Iesu,2007),332.
193. Bossy,"The Heart of Robert Parsons,"187.
194.该法令拟称为《保障女王安全与王国和平法令》（An Act for provision to be made for the surety of theQueenès Majesty's most royal person and the continuance of the realm in peace)，见：Prothero, Select Statutes andOther Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),80-3.
195. Ibid.,82.
196.该法令拟称为《针对耶稣会和神学院传教士法令》(An Act against Jesuits, seminary priests and such otherlike disobedient persons)，见：ibid.,83-6.
197."And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any Jesuit, seminary priest or other…… ecclesiasticalperson whatsoever, being born within this realm…… and heretofore since the said feast of the Nativity of St JohnBaptist in the first year of her Majesty's reign…… ordained…… by any authority derived…… from the See ofRome…… to come into or remain in any part of this realm…… after the end of the same forty days, other than insuch special cases and upon such special occasions only and for such time only as is expressed in this Act; and if hedo, that then every such offence shall be adjudged to be high treason,"见：ibid.,84.
198. Ibid.,85.
199.该法令拟称《1593年服从法令》（An Act to retain the Queen's subjects in obedience)，以与1581年的服从法令区分开来，见：ibid.,89-92.
200.该法令拟称《反对天主教“拒绝国教会者”法令》（An Act against Popish Recusants)，见：ibid.,92-3.
201."For the better discovering and avoiding of such traiterous and most dangerous conspiracies and attempts, asare daily devised and practised against our most gracious Sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty and the happy estateof this Commonweal by sundry wicked and seditious persons, who terming themselves Catholics and being indeedspies and intelligencers not only for her Majesty's foreign enemies but also for rebellious and traiterous subjects"见：ibid.,92.
202. Ibid.,93.
203."By these thinges therfore it is most evidente that protestantes take cominge to church this day in England foran external sygne of a protestant.……But to come to ther service and ther to behave our selves orderlye and soberlyeas they doe and commande,"见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,206.
204. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation,61.
205. Peter Lake and Michael Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politicsof Religious Change in Elizabethan England," Past&Present185, no.1(2004):46.
206. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,117.
207. Robert Parsons, A Brief Discours Contayning Certayne Reasons Why Catholiques Refuse to Goe to Church.Written by a Learned and Vertuous Man, to a Friend of His in England. And Dedicated by I.H. To the Queenes MostExcellent Maiestie, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):1078:02(Doway[i.e. East Ham]: Iohn Lyon [i.e.Greenstreet House Press],1580).
208.兰代尔（ca.1512-? late1580s），曾是苏塞克郡（Sussex）奇切斯特（chichester）教堂的执事长，伊丽莎白时代被免，后来成为蒙塔古（Montagu）家族的教堂神父。在爱德华六世和伊丽莎白时期都为天主教辩护，与克兰麦（Cranmer），里德利（Ridley）和拉蒂默（Latimer）在1554年都有过论战。见：Robert S. Miola, EarlyModern Catholicism: An Anthology of Primary Sources (New York: Oxford University Press,2007),72.也有认为此文作者是克利瑟罗（William Clitherow,1542-1596之后)。关于对此文作者的几种不同看法，以及这几个文本之间的关系，见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England:Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,116-7.
209. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,116-29.
210. Ibid.,142-56.
211.按贝恩（Charles G. Bayne）的看法，根据《答“安慰启事”》结尾“G. C.”的字样，他认为作者是一位叫做乔治科顿（George Cotton）的平信徒，但霍姆斯认为结尾字样是“I. G.”，另根据题目和前言所说，此文应当出自此时在英格兰南部的传教士之手。符合这两个条件的有两人，一位是约翰格林（John Green），但此时正在威兹比奇（Wisbech）牢中，另一个就是最符合条件的耶稣会士约翰杰拉德（John Gerard），尤其因为杰拉德上级加内特曾经批评过贝尔，所以霍姆斯比校该文献与杰拉德1607年的一封书信，发现很多共同点，于是认定是出自杰拉德之手。加内特在1593年批评过贝尔，于是霍姆斯将该作品时间也定在1593年，稍嫌武断。不过现在更多人认为更可能的作者是约翰马希（John Mush，1551/1552-1612/1613），他与贝尔也有过论战，与加内特关系也不错。马希与贝尔同为神学院学生，两人也是1576年被派往罗马的首批学生里的成员，后来因为贝尔叛教，所以两人决裂和开始有论战。马希虽与加内特关系不过，但从未加入耶稣会，与耶稣会最后也因为“上诉者”事件闹翻，所以假如这篇文章作者是马希，不可能将之当作耶稣会理念的代言，而应当认为，神学院某些重要人物的立场与耶稣会是一致的。此是后话，在这里只能暂时承认，因为贝尔树敌太多，受到很多人的攻击，确定《答“安慰启事”》作者确实有些难度。关于讨论该书作者的学术史，见：Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,289; Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought ofthe Elizabethan Catholics,238. Note10; Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity,Martyrology and the Politics of Religious Change in Elizabethan England,"65; Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier,eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,157-8.
212.按贝尔所宣称的该书的宗旨，就是为那些进国教堂的天主教徒提供心灵上的慰藉，所以书名拟译如是。
213.马希在《答“安慰启事”》最后提及，当时倡导“进国教堂”的只有贝尔一个人，但该书前面也提到持同样观点的兰代尔。论战文章，大概要如此写才有力度，无需求其精确，不过也大致说明这个时候公开倡导“进国教堂”的作品并不多。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,240.
214. Ibid.,117.
215.典出《列王记下》第五章十一至十八节，乃缦是亚兰王（Syria）的元帅，因被以色列先知以利沙（Elisha）治好麻风，遂宣称归信以色列的上帝，同时请求以利沙原谅他不得不跟随他的王屈身礼拜异端神临门（Rimmon）。
216." yet thinkinge this acte was not so great a fawlt as did cast hym forth of Godds faovr; therefore he madethis petition, that yt might be lawfull for hym withowt offence to exhibet to the kinge this externall service in thetemple of Remmon."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early ModernEngland: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,118.
217.2Kgs.5:19.圣经所有中文翻译皆统一采用《和合本修订版圣经》，英文采用国王詹姆斯版本（KJV）。
218. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,119.
219. Ibid.,120.
220. Ibid.,122.
221."If any thinge should make this acte in the case sett dowen to be P[rotestant] there must be in that acte etherpertinacia [obstinacy] or contemptus [contempt] or boethe, but ther is nether for he dothe not againste any law orcomaundement made expressely to the contrary, and is reddy to yeld to the better judgment, wehn yt shal beknowen."见：ibid.,124.
222. CRS, Vol.2,180.
223."Thoughe to pray be 'ex lege divina', yet to go to this churche or that churche to pray is 'ex lege positivaordinata ad legem divinam'; but 'lex positiva non ligat ad mortem'. Therefore uppon the question 'ut semelexcommunicatus sit semper vitandus [excommunicatus]' answer that in case of necessitie ether absolute orconditionall,'non est vitandus'. And 'necessitas conditionata', say they, is 'metus', videlicet suche a feare as 'potestcadere in virum constantem'"见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,125.
224."no one is bound to obey a prelate ordering one to expose oneself to the danger of death etc. except in the caseof faith and for the common good when they can be safeguarded in no other way."见：ibid.,125.
225. Ibid.,128-9.
226. Ibid.,127-8.这句话似乎表明此时天主教徒去国教堂的现象很严重。新教政府也知道天主教徒并非真心归信新宗教，所以在教堂中会注意侦测天主教徒的言行，倡导天主教徒“进国教堂”当是无奈之举。按照下文兰代尔所述，天主教不管是拒绝“进国教堂”，还是在国教堂中表现出对国教的不敬，都会被视作叛乱罪。所以可以看出，新教政府对天主教的政策，并非所自称的那样，只是强求服从而已，而不探究内心。这是另外的话题，由于地方材料的不足，各个地区情况是否都如此，对此还不到时机作过多延伸解释。
227. Miola, Early Modern Catholicism: An Anthology of Primary Sources,74.
228. Sidney L. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography. Supplement [1](London: Smith&Elder,1901),166.
229."Consideringe with my selfe the urgente perplexitye of many one by reason of the statue of recusancye anddeeoplye ponderinge every circumstance therof I was moved with great compassion yf by any way or meanes Imyght give true comforte to such distressed persons.……for compassion I compyled a certayne breefe advertismentconcerninge certayne observations by which afflicted catholykes myghte redeme ther vexation in that behalfe, everreservinge all religion to god, obedience to holy churche, and loyaltye to our prince."见：Crosignani, McCoog, andQuestier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,
161.
230."……but to goe to churche in tyme of Englishe service is noe such thinge, for fyrst the churches appertayne tocatholykes, they are erected and consecrated principallye for catholykes service, nether can the secondarye end of
protestantes by variation of sacramentes and prayers change the nature of the former institution and make it a sygnedistinctyve of their religion. Agayne the protestantes them selves doe not repute goinge to church for any such sygne,as the very wordes of the statute doe evidentlye declare, yea they rather accompte it a badge of temporall subjectionthen a sygne of spirituall profession and in very deede it may seeme that her majestye passethe not how ourconsciences be soe we make her assured of our true loyaltye."见：ibid.,204.
231."Good people I ame come hither not for any lykynge I have of any sacramentes, services or sermonsaccustomablye used in this place, but onlye to give a sygne of my allegiance and due loyaltye to my prince."见：ibid.,162.
232."The comfortour perhaps will say further that I mistake his meaninge and wordes, for he sayd not that hisprotester should protest that he comethe dislykinge of ther service sacramentes and sermons, for in these wordes, heshould derogate from the communion booke, and incurre the penaltyes spoken of. But that he should say that hecomethe thither not for any lykinge he hath of ther service, for which wordes noe penaltye mencioned could takehould upon him, because this word (not lykinge) signifyethe noe acte in the protester but a meere privation, as theother word, dislykinge, signifiethe a posityve acte of the will."见：ibid.,166-7.
233."Agayne notwithstandinge his protestacion his quiet, orderlye and soberlye heringe the blasphemyes and falserealinges agaynst god his churche and the principall articles of the christian faythe must preforce not onlye scandalizethe people presente with him "见：ibid.,220.
234. Ibid.,204.
235." that goinge to church with heretykes is an indifferent thinges of it [s] owne nature "见：ibid.,199.
236." to be presente at hereticall service and sermons doth dishonour god, honour his adversarye, disgrace thechurche, comforte heresy etc."见：ibid.,199.
237. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England, xii.
238. Allison Shell, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination,1558-1660(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1999),111.
239.关于传教士对英格兰天主教群体的影响，在上个世纪就已经有较多讨论，影响的程度如何，仍然是个值得继续讨论的问题，这里不赘述，只举一个实例来说明情况。瑟克尔（Richard Thirkeld,?-1583)于1579年受教士职，同年到英格兰，主要在约克活动。1583年，因为去看望监狱中的天主教徒，被怀疑是传教士而被捕。在审讯中，出庭的若干证人中，有几个是以前被他劝说成功拒绝去国教堂的。其中有位绅士(gentleman)因为拒绝去国教堂而系狱，他的亲戚劝他指认那个“叛乱”的传教士，说当初不去教堂是被瑟克尔所引诱的，还称只要瑟克尔不在场的话那位绅士肯定就敢承认了。瑟克尔当场劝他放弃世间财富，诚心向主。瑟克尔后来被打断，这个故事到这里就结束了。那位证人最后有没有指认他，查罗纳的书里没有将它记录下来，但是按照作者一贯严谨的风格看来，看情形，那位绅士很可能被瑟克尔打动而更坚定，没有作证。这件事情大概可以看到传教士的影响力。见：Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes,That Have Suffered Death in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols., vol.2(Philadelphia:John T. Green,1839),88.
240. Arthur G. Dickens, The Counter Reformation (New York: Norton,1979),132.
241. Denis R. Janz, ed. A Reformation Reader: Primary Texts with Introductions (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,1999),363.
242. Ibid.,365-6.
243. Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,203.
244. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,368.
245. John Gerard, Philip Caraman, and Graham Greene, John Gerard: The Autobiography of an Elizabethan(London; New York: Longmans, Green and Co.,1951),28.
246. Ibid.,27-31.这一点要得益于黑格的解读，见：Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,178.
247. Robert Parsons,"A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties in the Englishe Cahtolike Cause," in Miscellanea II, CRS,Vol.2, ed. John H. Pollen (London:1906),77.
248.该书迟至1712年才出版。见：Gregory Martin and John Hudson, Gregorius Martinus Ad Adolphum Mekerchum,Pro Veteri Et Vera Graecarum Literarum Pronunciatione (Oxoniae: e Theatro Sheldoniano,1712).但此时马丁最流行的一部作品是第二年才完成并出版的《论教会分裂》。见：Martin, A Treatise of Schisme Shewing, That AlCatholikes Ought in Any Wise to Abstaine Altogether from Heretical Conuenticles, to Witt, Their Prayers, Sermons.&C, Deuided into Foure Chapters, Whereof1. Conteineth Sundry Reasons to That Purpose, Grounded for the MostPart Vppon Scriptures and Fathers.2.Examples out of Holy Scriptures.3. Examples out of Ecclesiastical Histories.4.Answeres to the Chiefe Obiections. By Gregorie Martin Licentiate in Diuinitie.
249.该份材料提到的这本书题目的英文名翻译是《Of Motives to the Embracing of the Catholic Faith and theDetestation of Heresies》，用拉丁文书写，至今未出版。
250. Richard Bristow, A Reply to Fulke, in Defense of M. D. Allens Scroll of Articles, and Booke of Purgatorie. ByRichard Bristo Doctor of Diuinitie... Perused and Allowed by Me Th. Stapleton, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC (UMI):198:08(Louaine [i.e. East Ham] Iohn Lion [i.e. Greenstreet House Press],1580).
251.《Of the Invocation of Saints, of Relics and Pilgrimages》，这本书可能未付梓，也未见于其他关于艾伦著作的记载。
252. Richard White,"The Carols of Richard White,1577to1584," in Unpublished Documents Relating to theEnglish Martyrs Vol.I,1584-1603, CRS, Vol.5, ed. John H. Pollen (London: Catholic Record Society,1908),93-5.
253.不能“进国教堂”的九个理由。理由一是：会被污染（Perill of Infection）；理由二是：恶表（Scandale）；
理由三是：进不进国教堂是新教和天主教的明显区别（ASigne Distinctive）；理由四是：教会分裂（Schisme）；理由五是：参与异端行为（Participation）；理由六是：虚伪（Dissimulation）；理由七是：错误的仪式（NoughtyService）；理由八是：远离天主的恩惠（Loosing the Benefit of Catholique Religion）；理由九是：成为异教徒和异端（Example of Infidels and heritikes）。见：ibid.,93-5.
254. Ibid.,94.
255. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,143.
256.克罗西尼亚尼等所编文献集收录的兰代尔的文章，没有标明哪一部分是标题，只是在以问答体形式书写的正文前面有长篇议论，当就是帕森斯所说的“前言”（Preface），但也没有提到“in plenitudinem temporis”这个词，该词也未在正文其它地方出现过。因此帕森斯与布莱克韦尔写的这篇文章是否直接针对兰代尔的《劝诫服从国教》一文，如今应该有新的疑问。不过，按照《反对进国教堂》后面正文内容所述，当是逐条批驳兰代尔的。这里文献是否有缺失，尚存疑，只是并不影响全局的判断，因为帕森斯和布莱克韦尔所述“reservingof a mans selfe in plenitudinem temporis”，指的是“人为生存而自我保护”，应该也是对兰代尔主要观点恰当的总结，见：ibid.,144.
257."First he maketh a longe and tedious preface, wherein he talketh much of wise and discrete dealing, and ofreserving of a mans selfe in Plenitudinem temporis [in the fullness of time] as he tearmeth it: as though they onelyewere wise, and all other lacked discretion: which hath beene alwayes a common obiection of world linges against thebetter sort of Christians, as appereth by the Apostle when he sayth: Nos stulti propter Christum [We are fools forChrist] and that the whole Gospell was follye to the wise Gentiles their philosophers and the like, especially forbearing of the Crosse for Christe, as it is nowe to our wise Catholikes."见：ibid.,144.
258. Ibid.,145.
259. Ibid.,145.
260. Ibid.,148.
261. Ibid.,149.
262. Ibid.,150.
263." so we graunt that a Catholike maye be present at the diets of heretikes in Germanie, and at the parliamentin England to consent to no act of theirs but to destroye their devises and mitigate their furyes."见：ibid.,146.
264. Ibid.,151-2.
265.见前注第49条，这是明显体现支持服从国教的天主教徒内心矛盾的地方。
266. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,154.
273. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,168-70.
274. Ibid.,171-2.
275. Ibid.,174-5.
276. Ibid.,207.
277. Ibid.,206.
278. Ibid.,207.
279."For the understandinge of this conclusion it is to be noted that thinge and not another by the opinion andinstitution of man as the ivie bushe or garland is taken to signifye, wyne to be sould wher it hangeth, a basen tosignifye a barbers shope, a sygne at the dore to signifye an Inne for lodginge."见：ibid.,205.
280.马希批评对手逻辑混乱，但马希自己的论证也出现类似的问题。他并无法解释外在行为和内在信仰存在何种联系，以及哪些外在行为与内在信仰是有联系的。他所依据的标准，恐怕也只是他所宣称的天主教传统而已。马希在后文又提到，天主教徒并不是所有的异端事物都不能接触，接触了也不会就是异端的标志。比如天主教徒保留和阅读异端圣经，就不是区分天主教徒和新教徒的明显标志。按马希在文中的说法，罗马颁发过宽免令允许天主教徒保留和阅读异端圣经，目的可能是为了天主教徒能更好地理解异端为什么错误。这似乎说明，因为有罗马的宽免令，马希才认为阅读异端圣经不是区分标志，而“进国教堂”的问题没有被教皇宽免，所以马希才坚决抵制。见：ibid.,213.
281. Ibid.,192.
282."……not that goers in ther hartes perhaps allowe or consente to heresye or schisme, but for that this externallacte of goinge and abidinge at ther service is by the heretykes comanded as an acte of consent, and to obey them inhis commandment is morallye interpreted a deniinge of Christ before men and a consentinge to heresye."见：ibid.,197-8.
283. Ibid.,192.马希的这个看法比较有意思。此时的英格兰政府，只要求宗教统一，教众能服从，不管统治者相不相信进国教堂的人每个都是真诚的，英格兰新教政府都不关注将内在与外在区分清楚（内战前后的英格兰教会，会更多地讨论这些问题，但这些话题基本上都来自清教派，讨论君主是否有权力规制他们的信仰，而在十六世纪还不到时候讨论这个问题）。反而是此时的被压迫的天主教徒，面临的是内在信仰和外在行为的被割裂的尴尬，会比较认真的考虑这个问题。
284. Ibid.,176.
285."And nether thus it makethe any thinge for the comfortours purpose, for Naamans temporal service was aslawful in the Idols temple as otherwher and the prophete gave him noe leave to goe, but bade him farewell he wouldpray for him."见：ibid.,202.
286. Ibid.,202.
287. Michael Questier,"Practical Antipapistry During the Reign of Elizabeth I," The Journal of British Studies36,no.4(1997):371.
288." An Acte to hould her majesties subjectes in ther due obedience (23Elizabeth I, Cap.1,即前文提到的1581年的《服从法令》） trulye to obey her accordinge to her commandment and meaninge in this acte is amanifest approbation and confession of that usurped spirituall authoritye to be hers which is synne of it selfe. Agayneit is synne to go to churche accordinge to ther statute, and to participate with them in ther uniformitye of commonprayer "见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England:Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,192.
289.康斯坦斯大公会议（1414-1418），罗马天主教会承认的第十五次大公会议（ecumenical council）。此次大公会议结束了三教皇的分立问题，选出新教皇马丁五世，统一教会。
290.教皇马丁五世，原名奥多内科隆纳（Oddone Colonna），从1417至1431年任教皇，康斯坦斯公会议中被选为教皇，结束了教会长期分裂的状态（1378-1417）。
291.“and that this is the true meaninge of the popes declaration, both Sylvester and Navarre do constantlyeaffyrme, yea the very practyse of most excellent universityes of Paris, Tolose, and of the lyke in noble Germanye withthe renowned Academye of Lovayne doe confyrme the same, as Navare hath learnedlye observed."见：Crosignani,McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sourcesin Translation,182.
292. Ibid.,183.
293. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,159-81.
294. Ibid.,171-2.
295. Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politics of ReligiousChange in Elizabethan England,"58.
296.托莱多，西班牙人，神学家，1558年加入耶稣会，1559年开始执教罗马学院，1593年成为第一个被封为大主教的耶稣会士。
297. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,157.不过托莱多的回复并没有消除英格兰天主教的困惑。一封来自巴黎的回信也抱怨托莱多的答复不切实际，英格兰天主教仍然认为他们只是被迫去国教堂，不等于就是异端其中一员。
298.该信在1592年12月12日写于罗马，不具收信人姓名，只是“致在伦敦或者其它地方的最亲爱的英格兰教友”（Charissimis in Anglia fratribus Londini vel alibi)，不过从后面内容看，该信应该就是对派出的传教士的指导。该信全文见：Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594),343-6;Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,260-2.
299. Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594),344.
300."……that I would have you use greate compassion and mercyfulnes towards suche of the laytie especially asfor meere feare or savinge theire family, wyfe and children from ruyne are so far only fallen as to come sometymes totheire churches or be present at the tyme of their service. For though it be not lawfull to do so muche, nor in yt selfeany waies excusable, yet suche necessity in that kynde of men maketh the offence lesse and more compassionable,yea and more easily by you to be absolved."见：ibid.,344.
301. Ibid.,345.
302.传教士第波戴尔（Robert Dibdale，ca.1556-1586）以他驱魔的能力受到天主教众的欢迎。他讲述了这么一个故事，在德比郡有个年轻人，是虔诚的天主教徒，但是为了保存他的财产，不得不服从国教，领取新教的圣餐，但是很快他就感到不安，接着便是一阵抽搐，之后别人发现他的身体被魔鬼占据了。第波戴尔讲述了很多类似的故事，不管是故意宣传还是传教士自己相信的，大致可以看出当时人的精神状态，对天主教徒“进国教堂”严重性的认识。进国教堂的天主教徒，时时担忧未来能否拯救，偶尔遭受传教士的警告和恐吓，处境尴尬。见：Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,118.
303. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,166.
304. Ibid.,161-7.
305.杜埃大学于1561年由菲利普二世创办，选址此地据说是因为该地天主教信仰较浓厚，在宗教变动纷繁的时代，一直未收到异端的干扰。见：Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxvii.
306. Ibid., xxviii.之后英格兰学院的运营，一直依靠教众捐赠维持。但后来由于尼德兰革命的爆发，还有英格兰政府禁止境内天主教徒将资金转移到大陆（以反叛的罪名），所以两条财源枯竭。1575年向格列高利十三世求助，获批教廷每年大额赞助。见：ibid., xxxv.
307.1574年，有一船学生12人前来学神学，其中牛津学生就有六个。见：ibid.,6.所以，当时人都喟叹牛津和剑桥两座大学都搬到了对岸去了，大抵如此，见：McGrath, Papists and Puritans under Elizabeth I,67.
308.这些人中著名的有霍尔特（William Holt，1545-1599，于1578年加入耶稣会），贝尔（Thomas Bell），马
希（John Mush）。派往罗马的学生数量两年后大概有30个左右，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflictsbetween the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation ofthe Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, viii.
309.另外两名意大利耶稣会士协助管理学院，一名为庶务员（procurator），另一名为学监（prefect of studies），大主教莫罗内任学院保护人（protector of the college），同见：ibid., viii.
310. Ibid., viii-x.
311.“This disorder and hazard of all in them was exceedingly misliked of all the wise and myself here: though thecommitting the house to the Society was all our desires.”见：William Allen,"Allen to Dr. Owen Lewis,Archdeacon of Hainault, from Paris,12May,1579.," in The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.
(1532-1594), ed. Thomas Francis Knox (London: Nutt,1882),79.第二年，艾伦自觉身体状况不适合教书，选择谁来替代他的职位，他首先想到的也是耶稣会士，见：Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws,lx, note.1.
312. Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to theRevolution in1688,38.
313. Robert Parsons,"F. Robert Persons, S. J., to Dr William Allen. Rome,30March,1579," in The Letters andMemorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594), ed. Thomas Francis Knox (London: Nutt,1882),74-5.
314. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xi.
315. Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,47.
316. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxiv.
317. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,3.
318. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxvii.
319. Ibid., xxviii.
320. Ibid., xxix.
321. Ibid., xxx.
322. Ibid., xxxiii-iv.
323. Ibid., xxxvi.
324.托马斯劳列举了二十种双方论战的作品。但是这些作品基本上是对对方立场甚至是人生的攻击，被攻击者无奈地辩护，除了勾勒出本文这些事件的大概之外，史料价值都因为这些偏见而削弱。见：ibid., cxviii-cliii.
325. Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to theRevolution in1688,38, note.1.
326. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxiv.
327.不管艾伦在政治上的参与度如何，究竟英格兰学院派出的传教士多大程度上相信他们进行的事业的意义，一直是很难权衡的问题。在微观层面上来说，假如说这个时候关注的是个体的拯救，那么传教士的行动就是迫切而必须的，以及在困难中更能找到拯救的意义。但假如从宏观层面，即国家的宗教走向来考虑，这一切似乎只能建立在一个基础上，那就是他们相信政权很快就会更迭。但假如如此，那么又不得不承认，比起传教，他们更相信政治活动的效果。所以，诚如奥康奈尔所述，尽管传教士尽量只提供弥撒和听忏悔等等宗教服务，但是面对的却是政府长期冷酷的敌视，比起后来的护教宣传所述，他们显然更清楚宗教与政治是无法分开的。见：Marvin Richard O'Connell, The Counter Reformation:1559-1610(NewYork: Harper&Row,1974),238.
328. Robert Parsons, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England Divided into Two Parts: TheFirst Containeth the Discourse of a Civil Lawyer, How and in What Manner Propinquity of Bloud Is to Be Preferred:The Second Containeth the Speech of a Temporal Lawyer About the Particular Titles of All Such as Do, or May,Pretend (within England or without) to the Next Succession: Whereunto Is Also Added a New and Perfect Arbor andGenealogy of the Descents of All the Kings and Princes of England, from the Conquest to the Present Day, WherebyEach Mans Pretence Is Made More Plain.../Published by R. Doleman, ed. William Allen and Francis Sir Englefield,Early English Books,1641-1700/STC(UMI):1153:34([S.l.]: Reprinted at N. with license,1681).该时期大量作品皆是笔名，而且帕森斯并没有说过他写过这部作品，而是宣称该作品得到包括艾伦在内的数位学者认可。1980年霍姆斯发表一篇论文，认定该书作者即是帕森斯，他的看法得到普遍接受，见：Peter Holmes,"TheAuthorshipand Early Reception of a Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England," The Historical Journal23, no.2(1980):415-29.
329. Parsons, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England Second Part, p.256.关于帕森斯写作这本书的主旨，传统上认为是支持伊莎贝拉的王位继承权，但是在他的书中并没有那么明显表达，仍然存在争议，霍利斯顿也认为这个时候（1593年）的帕森斯一直在观察詹姆斯六世的宗教倾向，说这是支持伊莎贝拉的檄文，还不如说是对詹姆斯的警告，帕森斯力挺伊莎贝拉应该是更晚之后的事情，见：Houliston, CatholicResistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,75.根据劳（Thomas G. Law）的考察，帕森斯后来甚至私下建议伊莎贝拉嫁给当时的大主教法尔内塞（Cardinal Farnese），因为两人血缘上都是冈特的约翰（John of Ghent）的后裔，因而联姻更能增加继承王位的资本。法尔内塞为此大局应该还俗。这更让人怀疑耶稣会的不择手段，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in theReign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," andIllustrative Documents, xxv.
330. Robert Parsons, The Jesuit's Memorial for the Intended Reformation of England under Their First PopishPrince Published from the Copy That Was Presented to the Late King James II: With an Introduction, and SomeAnimadversions by Edward Gee, ed. Edward Gee, Early English Books,1641-1700/STC(UMI):219:07(London:Richard Chiswel,1690).
331. Ibid.,2-3.
332.“Neither is it sufficient for the security of any careful man's conscience to say, that the See Apostolick hastolerated with these things in Queen Mary's time; for that it is well known how times and matters went then,……sothat the Toleration then used was upon constraint, and fear of farther inconveniencies to follow, if the matter shouldhave been greatly urged at that time；”见：ibid.,51.
333.“but that such as the enemies, persecutors, or of notorious impiety against her, should leave the livings, whichthey possess of her wholly, and with more rigour of justice, than the other before named.”见：ibid.,55.
334.“All Englishmen do know the peculiar ancient custom of letting lands in England,……so that in very deed ifthese old rents of Assize were restored again to the church, it might be said in effect, that the whole were restored,and thereby a certain proportion of equity in restitution observed.”见：ibid.,53-4.
335.“it would be very much necessary that they should leave some good and sound manner of Inquisitionestablished for the conservation of that which they have planted: For that, during the time of their authority, perhaps itwould be best to spare the name of Inquisition at the first beginning, in so new and green a State of Religion, as oursmust needs be, after so many Years of Heresie, Atheism, and other Dissolutions, may chance offend and exasperatemore than do good; but afterwards it will be necessary to bring it in either by that or some other name, as shall bethought most convenient for the time; for that without this care, all will slide down and fall again."见：ibid.,98-9.
336. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,4.
337. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,xxxvi-vii.
338.不过这里也得澄清一下。虽然有若干针对女王的阴谋，但是总共183位天主教殉教者，基本上还是死于政治危机严重时的惩罚法令下。留存下来的审讯记录基本上都与具体的阴谋无关，而是关于宗教活动，或者笼统的关于伊丽莎白的精神权威问题。这一点要得益于奥康奈尔的观察，见：O'Connell, The CounterReformation:1559-1610,241.
339. Bede Camm, William Cardinal Allen, Founder of the Seminaries (London: Macdonald&Evans,1908),145-6.
340. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxv.
341. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,393-4.
342. Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,147.
343.首批来到英格兰的耶稣会士是1580年的帕森斯和坎皮安，次年坎皮安不幸被捕殉教，帕森斯逃离。1581年海伍德接替帕森斯来到英格兰。这个时候在英格兰的耶稣会士只有海伍德，但耶稣会的影响力较大，宗教态度也较激进。
344. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxii.海伍德是否拥有教皇使节的身份，他是否有总开宗教会议并更改宗教习俗的权限，这个不甚清楚。但从实际情况看，似乎海伍德并没有向在英格兰的传教士出示他的权力凭证，因此受到普遍质疑也很正常，更何况由于他高调的姿态，更遭抱怨。
345. Ethelred L. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773(London: Methuen,1901),156.关于英格兰的节日和习俗的状况，以及公会议的决定，海伍德似乎不甚了解。特兰特公会议虽然强调仪式的统一，但是对于个别地方的不同，还是有不同程度的尊重，比如一个地方的习俗，如果有两百年以上历史的话，那么是可以继续遵守的。见：Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,
148.海伍德的冒失举动引起各方反对。他向帕森斯求助，帕森斯回信说，斋戒是个老传统，不要更改；虽然人并不需要斋戒，但是对这个问题，最好是建议，不要强迫。见：Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic ForefathersRelated by Themselves. Second Series,23.
346. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxii.1577年开始有第一位天主教传教士殉教，从1580年起惩罚加重，每年有更多殉难者。艾伦关于十二位殉难者的行传英文出版于1582年，1583年出拉丁文版，1585年翻译成意大利文。见：WilliamAllen, A Briefe Historieof the Glorious Martyrdom of Xii. Reuerend Priests, Executed Vvithin These Tvveluemonethes for Confession andDefence of the Catholike Faith but Vnder the False Pretence of Treason. Vvith a Note of Sundrie Things That BefelThem in Their Life and Imprisonment: And a Preface Declaring Their Innocencie. Set Furth by Such as Were MuchConuersant Vvith Them in Their Life, and Present at Their Arraignement and Death. Occidistis, Sed Non Possedistis.That Is You Haue Slaine Them, but You Haue Not Gotten Possession, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):839:16(Rheimes: Jean de Foigny,1582).
347. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,156-7.
348.威斯顿在此后神学院与耶稣会的冲突中扮演重要角色。他约于1569年牛津毕业后前往杜埃和罗马，与1575年加入耶稣会。他因为特别虔诚和博学而被人称道。托马斯劳提到，在西班牙的英格兰学院，威斯顿就经常不经意就跪地祈祷；他的同伴也经常在半夜被他鞭笞自己的声音吵醒。见：Law, A Historical Sketch of theConflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "TrueRelation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xliii-xliv.
349. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,160.
350. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,xlv-xlvi.
351.杰勒德于1588年到达英格兰，成功地逃过多年追捕，直到1594年被捕之后关在伦敦塔，饱受折磨，但是于1597年成功逃脱。之后继续秘密活动。他从1609年开始撰写的自传，讲述了他在英格兰传教、冒险的经历。
352. Gerard, Caraman, and Greene, John Gerard: The Autobiography of an Elizabethan,28.
353. Ibid.,28-9.
354. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,162.
355. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxiii.
356. Theodore Maynard, Saint Ignatius and the Jesuits (New York: PJ Kenedy,1956),10-1.
357. Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in the Churchof England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State, Records,and Letters,55.
358. Peter Holmes,"Jesuit Political Thought: The Society of Jesus and the State, C.1540–1630," The EnglishHistorical Review121, no.493(2006):1124.
359. Michael Questier,"'Like Locusts over All the World': Conversion, Indoctrination and the Society of Jesus inLate Elizabethan and Jacobean England," in The Reckoned Expense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits,ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu,2007),355.
360. Thomas M. McCoog,"'Playing the Champion': The Role of Disputation in the Jesuit Mission," in The ReckonedExpense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicumSocietatis Iesu,2007),150.
361. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxxviii.
362. Ibid., xxxviii-xxxix.
363. Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,195.
364. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,2.
365. Ibid.,8.
366. Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England,278.在此危机中，以巴格肖和威斯顿为代表的两派著文相互指责，其中就不免有夸大其辞的成分，都不好采信。其中关于威斯顿为什么生气的记录，就是一个很好的例子。巴格肖在他的《关于威斯贝奇分歧的真实记录》中，就提到当时追随威斯顿的索思沃思（ChristopherSouthworth）向布吕埃传达威斯顿的抱怨，说他不能忍受诸如“招妓、酗酒、赌博”（Whoredome, drunkennes,and dicing)等等在威斯贝奇普遍发生的行为，见：Christopher Bagshaw, A True Relation of the Faction Begun atVvisbich by Fa. Edmonds, Alias Vveston, a Iesuite,1595. And Continued since by Fa. Walley, Alias Garnet, theProuincall of the Iesuits in England, and by Fa. Parsons in Rome, with Their Adherents: Against Vs the SecularPriests Their Bretheren and Fellow Prisoners, That Disliked of Nouelties, and Thought It Dishonourable to theAuncient Ecclesiasticall Discipline of the Catholike Church, That Secular Priests Should Be Gouerned by Iesuits, ed.William Watson, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):169:11(London: Newly Imprinted [by FelixKingston],1601),8.但是在该年一月份，威斯顿写了一封信给加尼特，列了十条他抱怨的理由，其中前五点被帕森斯引用，懒惰、妄言、斗殴、欺负弱小和酗酒暴食，这些显然应该是帕森斯觉得最重要的几点，里面没有涉及男女关系不端的说法，见：Robert Parsons, A Briefe Apologie, or Defence of the Catholike EcclesiasticalHierarchie,&Subordination in England Erected These Later Yeares by Our Holy Father Pope Clement the Eyght;and Impugned by Certayne Libels Printed&Published of Late Both in Latyn&English; by Some Vnquiet PersonsVnder the Name of Priests of the Seminaries. Vvritten and Set Forth for the True Information and Stay of All GoodCatholikes, by Priests Vnited in Due Subordination to the Right Reuerend Archpriest, and Other Their Superiors,Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):1301:9a ([Antwerp]: Permissu superiorum [Printed by A. Conincx],1601),72.此话是索思沃思传达给布吕埃，并经由巴格肖记录下来。托马斯劳在他为巴格肖作品所作前言叙述中，将此句话直接当作威斯顿的真实说法，波伦批评他理解错了，因为这句话经过多手转引，未必是威斯顿的原话。但实际上托马斯劳早就注意到加尼特在后来给会长的报告中，就提到：关于威斯贝奇风气的败坏，帕森斯为了行文简洁（实际上是464页的一本书！）只提到五点，其实还有赌博和男女关系混乱。显然加尼特在这一点上并不诚实。托马斯劳注意到这一点，但并没有加以评论，只在对巴格肖的注释里面提到加内特的报告。因此，波伦对托马斯劳的批评，不甚公允，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuitsand Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun atWisbich," and Illustrative Documents, p.21. Note.1; Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study ofthe Transition from Paternal to Constitutional and Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,14.
367. Thomas G. Law, The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to the Dissensions of the Roman CatholicClergy,1597-1602,2vols., vol.1(London: Camden Society,1896), xv.
368. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,15-20.
369.关于为何巴格肖要成立这样形式的团体，不只是在威斯贝奇而是全国范围内，波伦的解释是：在威斯贝奇，他们是少数派，通过投票往往没有话语权，吸收更多的教士进来，不仅可以募到更多捐赠，也可以少数变成多数，可以更主动。见：ibid.,30.
370. Ibid.,23, note.3.巴格肖在自己备忘录里所记词句，需要解释一下。此时的传教士，遭到政府的追捕，一般都依附于天主教贵族的庄园府第。而所要建立的教士联合会，显然需要各种手续事务，教士们不得不经常抛头露面，很危险。所以贵族们希望教士能安心自处，很不希望他们横生事端。
371. Ibid.,31.
372. Ibid.,25.
373. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, lxii.
374. Ibid., lxiv.
375.神学院怀疑耶稣会的阴谋，帕森斯在1598年六月从那普勒斯给加尼特的一封信中澄清了这些误会。他宣称耶稣会绝不可能在这件事上面做手脚，命令加尼特手下的耶稣会士和跟随威斯顿的那些教士都要服从布莱克韦尔，并且抱怨现在神学院教士都结成党派反对和中伤耶稣会。见：Robert Parsons,"Copy of Letter fromParsons to Garnet,[Naples, July12and13,1598.]," in The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to theDissensions of the Roman Catholic Clergy,1597-1602, ed. Thomas Graves Law (London: Camden Society,1896),22-4.
376. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,34.
377. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,lxvii-lxviii.
378. Law, The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to the Dissensions of the Roman Catholic Clergy,1597-1602,72-6.在这个过程中，反布莱克韦尔派的力量也在暗中积聚和较量。在威斯贝奇监狱中的这三十多人都是较有声望的传教士，也是两派所积极争取的目标。马希于1598年七月给狱中的巴格肖和布吕埃的信中，强调首席司祭的设立是耶稣会的阴谋，只是为他们的小群体谋利，而不是为了推进整个英格兰上帝的事业。见：Ibid.,64.
379. Ibid., xvii.
380. CRS, Vol.22,142.
381. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),272-3.
382. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, lxi.
383. Ibid., cv.
384. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,65.
385. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),273.
386. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, cxiii.
387. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,94.
388. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth and James I, vol.6Reign of Elizabeth,1601-1602(London: Longman, Brown,1879),261.
389. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,95.
390. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxxiii-iv.
391. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxv.
392. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xcvii.
393.关于帕森斯的真实意图，也有不同的讨论。帕森斯在这场辩论中重要的作品是《为英格兰教阶制度辩护》，反驳神学院派对他擅权和操弄政治阴谋的指控，澄清他的立场。在书中他宣称他之所以不赞成设立主教，是因为怕激怒英格兰政府，见：Parsons, A Briefe Apologie, or Defence of the Catholike Ecclesiastical Hierarchie,&Subordination in England Erected These Later Yeares by Our Holy Father Pope Clement the Eyght; and Impugned byCertayne Libels Printed&Published of Late Both in Latyn&English; by Some Vnquiet Persons Vnder the Name ofPriests of the Seminaries. Vvritten and Set Forth for the True Information and Stay of All Good Catholikes, by Priests
Vnited in Due Subordination to the Right Reuerend Archpriest, and Other Their Superiors,99.据蒂也尼的考察，早在1580年，帕森斯就曾向阿加扎里（时任罗马英格兰学院院长）建议在英格兰设立主教一职。但是从1597年他到罗马时，就意识到神学院已结成派系抵制耶稣会，自然不愿神学院独立。他更私下提到，希望英格兰传教士能有人领导，而这位领导要是能服从耶稣会就好了。见：Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History ofEngland from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688,47, note.1.
394. Charles Dodd, The History of the English College at Doway from Its First Foundation in1568, to the PresentTime.(London: Bernard Lintott,1713),17.
395. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,38.
396. Ibid.,45.
397. Ibid.,35.
398. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,28.
399. Richard Simpson, Edmund Campion: A Biography (London: Williams and Norgate,1867),131.
400. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,cxxvi-cxxvii.
401. Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politics of ReligiousChange in Elizabethan England,"89.
402. Simpson, Edmund Campion: A Biography,130.辛普森的看法，可以参考前文提到的1578年的备忘录第九个问题所述，罗马希望教众暂时屈服，当时机来临的时候再举起武器反抗。
403. Peter Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent1558-1795: Vol.1: The English Colleges andConvents in the Catholic Low Countries,1558-1795(London: Longmans, Green and Co.,1914),174.
404. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,169-75.
405."……and that the matter was tolerated by the Sea of Rome notwithstanding, knowing their good meaningsinwardly in there harts, and that now it was sufficient for testimony of the Cleargies good will to CatholikeReligion,that the Bishops whose degree required perfection had refused to subscribe for all, and went to prison forthat, but themselves being immediat pastors of soules might beare and dissemble some little tyme to see what wouldbecome of matters and so keepe out heretikes, which otherwise would destroy all."帕森斯的《备忘录》作于1600年，记录了伊丽莎白即位以来天主教生存和抗争的情况。在此文中，他看到了服从派教士矛盾的一面。见：CRS, Vol.2,60.
406. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,184.
407.麦克莱恩（Lisa Mclain）总结天主教徒与异端的隔绝主要有三种方式，一种是身体上（physical），第二种是仪式上（ritual），第三种是心中的（imaginative），不过麦克莱恩讨论的主要是天主教徒不在国教堂的情况，天主教徒不在国教堂的话，那么在第二种即仪式上的隔绝，是没有问题的。但是在兰代尔和贝尔的情况看来，在国教堂里的仪式，却正是天主教徒难受的地方。因为兰代尔和贝尔视身体上进国教堂无罪，但却不敢将接受异端仪式也定义为无罪。麦克莱恩的看法见：Lisa McClain,"Without Church, Cathedral, or Shrine: TheSearch for Religious Space among Catholics in England,1559-1625," Sixteenth Century Journal33, no.2(2002):383.
408. John Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in theChurch of England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State,Records, and Letters, vol. I, part1(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824),394.
409.黑格研究的地区是北部边陲兰开夏郡，那里中央管理一向鞭长莫及，因此天主教较为活跃。据他的调查，伊丽莎白统治前十年，一直有40个天主教传教士在此地区活动，而国教1565年此地区的教士才只有79名。见：Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,249.
410. CRS, Vol.22,116.北部的情况似乎也不太相同。同样处于北部的约克郡，该名教士在同一封信中却认为此处教众都比较驯服。
411. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,257.
412. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),206.
413. Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols., vol.1(Philadelphia: John T. Green,1839),23-7.
414. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),214.
415. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,277.
416. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England,89.
417.这就是“血腥质问”（bloody question），问题一般有两个，那就是“谁（教皇或者女王）才是教会的精神权威？”，“假如教皇或者他的代理人西班牙国王入侵英格兰，那么你会站在哪一边？”所有的殉难者最后都是因为这两个问题而被杀。第一个问题天主教徒必然会答教皇，但这并不构成政治错误；而对第二个问题，一般选择不回答，然而此种审判并没有任何程序正义可言，上下其手的情况比比皆是，无论如何都是死。此时的英格兰天主教殉难者的传记，基本上都是如此。具体例子可见：Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests:And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have Suffered Death in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,119-20.
419. Bernard Ward,"William Allen," The Catholic Encyclopedia1(1907), accessed Sept8.2011http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/01322b.htm.
420. William Allen, A Defense and Declaration of the Catholike Churchies Doctrine, Touching Purgatory, andPrayers for the Soules Departed. By William Allen Master of Arte and Student in Diuinitye, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):164:09(Antwerp: Iohn Latius,1565); William Allen, A Treatise Made in Defence of theLauful Power and Authoritie of Priesthod to Remitte Sinnes of the Peoples Duetie for Confession of Their Sinnes toGods Ministers: And of the Churches Meaning Concerning Indulgences, Commonlie Called the Popes Pardo[N]S. ByWilliam Allen M. Of Arte, and Student in Diuinitie, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):276:06(LovaniiApud Ioannem Foulerum,1567).
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422. Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594), xliii.
423. Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,3.
424. CRS, Vol.2,20.
425. Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,6.
426. McCoog, ed. The Reckoned Expense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, xxv.
427. Joseph Gillow, A Literary and Biographical History, or Bibliographical Dictionary of the English Catholics:From the Breach with Rome, in1534, to the Present Time,5vols., vol.4(London: Burns&Oates,1885),115-8.
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4. Ginevra Crosignani, Thomas M. McCoog, and Michael Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, Nova Series,Vol.7(Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu,2010), xvi.
6. Arthur G. Dickens, The English Reformation (New York: Schocken Books,1964); Geoffrey R. Elton,Reformation Europe,1517-1559(Oxford, UK; Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers,1999).他们的作品一度是研究英格兰宗教史和政治史的经典，也常是如今所谓天主教研究的修正派挑战的对象。但是他们的研究并不特别涉及天主教问题，特别是埃尔顿，只专都铎制度变革，与天主教问题无关，只能说他们是忽略了这些问题的存在，但并不影响对宗教影响的整体判断。
7.韦伯写作他的名著《新教伦理与资本主义精神》时，参考了大量十七世纪清教徒的作品。里面展现了加尔文教义里的天定论对他们世界观的影响。见Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans.T. Parsons (Mineola N.Y.: Dover Publications,2003),9.
8.此类描述新教对天主教看法的作品有：Raymond D. Tumbleson, Catholicism in the English ProtestantImagination: Nationalism, Religion, and Literature,1660-1745(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1998).
10. Herbert Butterfield, The Whig Interpretation of History (New York: Norton,1965),12.
13. William Allen and Thomas F. Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594)(London: Nutt,1882),75, note.1.
14. Philip Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England (London: Burns and Oates,1944),7.
15. Charles Dodd and Mark A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of theSixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688,5vols.(London: C. Dolman,1837-43).
16. John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the Reformation of It, and theEmergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII. King Edward VI. And Queen Mary the First.... InThree Volumes. With a Large Appendix to Each Volume... By John Strype, M.A (London: Printed for John Wyat,1721).
17. John Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in theChurch of England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State,Records, and Letters,4vols.(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824).
18. Norman Jones, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the1560s (Oxford: Blackwell,1995),288.
19. Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols.(Philadelphia: John T. Green,1839).
20. John Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves,3vols.(London: Burns andOates,1872-7).
21. John H. Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs Hitherto Unpublished (London: Burns and Oates,1891).
22. John H. Pollen, ed. Unpublished Documents Relating to the English Martyrs Vol.I,1584-1603, CRS, Vol.5(London: Catholic Record Society,1908).
23. Henry Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus: Historic Facts Illustrative of the Laboursand Sufferings of Its Members in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,8vols.(London: Burns and Oates,1877-1883).
24. Thomas F. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws (London: David Nutt,1878).
25. Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594).
26.早在十九世纪中期，天主教会就萌生组建天主教出版机构的想法，一直未能付诸实施，直到二十世纪初在阿克顿大力支持下才正式成立。见：CRS, Vol.1, vii.
27. Henry Parnell, A History of the Penal Laws against the Irish Catholics: From the Treaty of Limerick to theUnion (Dublin: H. Fitzpatrick,1808); Richard R. Madden, The History of the Penal Laws Enacted against RomanCatholics (London: Thomas Richarson and Son,1847); Thomas G. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts betweenthe Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of theFaction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents (London: David Nutt,1889); Charles H. Collette, QueenElizabeth and the Penal Laws (London: Protestant Alliance,1890).
28. Shmuel N. Eisenstadt,"Max Weber on Western Christianity and the Weberian Approach to CivilizationalDynamics," The Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie14, no.2(1989):203.
29.韦伯有很多看法历来都受到质疑，比如对犹太教，中国宗教，权力与权威的看法等等，这里考察的内容主要是他的《新教伦理》一书里的“新教伦理”与“资本主义”概念。历史学家的一些有关批评，见：Hugh R.Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation and Social Change, and Other Essays (London: Secker&Warburg,1984),5;Elton, Reformation Europe,1517-1559,223-4.
30. Peter Marshall,"Disenchantment and Re-Enchantment in Europe,1250-1920," The Historical Journal54, no.2(2011):606.
31.此类作品经典的有：Robert W. Scribner,"The Reformation, Popular Magic, and the "Disenchantment of theWorld"," The Journal of Interdisciplinary History23, no.3(1993); Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early ModernEngland (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1999).
32. Marjule A. Drury,"Anti-Catholicism in Germany, Britain, and the United States: A Review and Critique ofRecent Scholarship," Church History70, no.1(2001):100.
33. Euan Cameron, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion1250-1750(Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress,2010),22.
35. Peter George Wallace, The Long European Reformation: Religion, Political Conflict, and the Search forConformity,1350-1750(Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire; New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2004),5.
36. E. Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580(New Haven: YaleUniversity Press,2005).值得注意的是达菲并不简单论证新教影响比想象的要弱，而是说明传统有着极强的惯性，不是那么容易断裂的。而英格兰的传统，早在改革前一个世纪就已经自己慢慢在转变，为宗教改革奠定了些基础，但是他又否定这些转变来自于罗拉德派（Lollard）的影响。见：ibid., xiii-xxxvii.
37. John Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850(London: Darton, Longman and Todd,1975); JohnCedric H. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation(London: Blond and Briggs,1976).
38. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,4-5.
39. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation,19.
40. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,5.
41. Christopher Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of a Sect? Post-Reformation Catholicism inEngland," The Historical Journal21, no.1(1978):185.
42. Bossy, The English Catholic Community,1570-1850,5; Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of aSect? Post-Reformation Catholicism in England,"181.
43. Chistopher. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1975); Haigh,"Review: The Fall of a Church or the Rise of a Sect? Post-Reformation Catholicism in England,"181-6;Christopher Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation," Past&Present, no.93(1981):37-69; Christopher Haigh,"From Monopoly to Minority: Catholicism in Early Modern England," Transactions of theRoyal Historical Society31(1981):129-47; Christopher Haigh,"The Recent Historiography of the EnglishReformation," The Historical Journal25, no.4(1982):995-1007; Christopher Haigh,"Review: The EnglishReformation: A Premature Birth, a Difficult Labour and a Sickly Child," The Historical Journal33, no.2(1990):449-59; Christopher Haigh,"Review: Catholicism in Early Modern England: Bossy and Beyond," The HistoricalJournal45, no.2(2002):481-94.值得注意的是他在1981年关于天主教延续性的论文中一个精彩的看法：对于博西和埃夫林关于传教士来之后“拒绝教会”现象增加的说法，他认为这只说明传教士的到来使得天主教的存在引起政府的注意而已。
44. Lucy Bates,"The Limits of Possibility in England's Long Reformation," The Historical Journal53, no.4(2010):1049.
45. Michael Questier,"What Happened to English Catholicism after the English Reformation?," History85, no.277(2000):28-47; Alexandra Walsham,"Translating Trent? English Catholicism and the Counter Reformation,"Historical Research78, no.201(2005):288-310.
46.典型的有：Henry Gee, The Elizabethan Clergy and the Settlement of Religion,1558-1564(Oxford: TheClarendon Press,1898); Walter H. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625)(London: Macmillan and Co.,1904); Charles G. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1913); Arnold O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth, trans. J. R. McKee(London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner,1916); John H. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study ofthe Transition from Paternal to Constitutional and Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602(London; New York: Longmans, Green,1916); John H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of QueenElizabeth: A Study of Their Politics, Civil Life, and Government: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent ofthe Counter-Reformation (London: Longmans, Green,1920); Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation inEngland.
47. Alexandra Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early ModernEngland (Woodbridge, Suffolk; Rochester, NY: Boydell Press,1993),118.
58. Stephen E. Lahey, Philosophy and Politics in the Thought of John Wyclif (Cambridge, U.K.; New York:Cambridge University Press,2003),211.
59. Ibid.,200-1.
60.持此种看法的主要有：A. G. Dickens, Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York:1509-1558(London:Hambledon Press,1982); A. Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford:Clarendon Press,1988).
61.倾向这一点的有：Christopher Haigh,"The English Reformation: A Premature Birth, a Difficult Labour and aSickly Child," The Historical Journal33, no.2(1990):449-59; Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: TraditionalReligion in England, C.1400-C.1580.
62. Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580, preface to the secondedition, xxv-xxvi.
63. Dickens, Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York:1509-1558,9.
64. H.A. Oberman and D. Weinstein, The Two Reformations: The Journey from the Last Days to the New World(New Haven: Yale University Press,2003),12.奥伯曼认为这个时候基督教信仰有更多入世倾向的教导，但这些并不否定修道制度的价值，也没有造成普遍的反修道制度的情绪。后来亨利八世没收修院教产，有英格兰特殊的经济与政治因素。按他的看法，修道制度并没有被贬到一文不值的地步，亨利的极端行为应该没有思想上的逻辑。
65. Vivian H. H. Green, Renaissance and Reformation: A Survey of European History between1450and1660(London: Edward Arnold,1964),33.
66. H. A. Enno van Gelder, The Two Reformations in the16th Century; a Study of the Religious Aspects andConsequences of Renaissance and Humanism (The Hague: M. Nijhoff,1961),328.班顿（Roland H. Bainton）也写到伊拉斯谟两次到英格兰，都受到热情接待，对英格兰的知识分子有很大的影响力。见：Roland H. Bainton,Erasmus of Christendom (New York: Scribner,1969),55-77；101-28.
67. Lucy E. C. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press;Oxford University Press,2000),21.
72. Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation (New York, NY: Basil Blackwell,1987),12-31.
73. Bernard M. G. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation (London; New York: Longman,1981),56.
74. Timothy F. Lull, ed. Martin Luther's Basic Theological Writings (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,1989),193.
75.天主教的礼仪，对路德来说，也是罗马教会的“事工”之一，用无谓的仪式来取悦上帝，反而弱化了内心的信仰，对信仰是一种损害。路德区分了几种寻求“公义”的方式，政治的，礼仪的，法律的和信仰的。他认为前面几种“公义”皆处于后一种即信仰之下。前面几种“公义”属于此世的范畴，人可以获得，但是在信仰的范畴，则是人所不能把握的神秘事物。在人可以追求到的几种“公义”中，对现世都有各自的意义，其中值得注意的是礼仪上的“公义”，路德认为家长或者教师可以用之来端正年轻人的行为，当然这也只是现世的意义而已。见：Martin Luther,"ACommentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians,1531(Selections)," inMartin Luther, Selections from His Writings, ed. John Dillenberger (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,1961),100-1.
76. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation,58.
77. Lull, ed. Martin Luther's Basic Theological Writings,115.
80. Reardon, Religious Thought in the Reformation,105-9.
81. Gervase E. Duffield, ed. The Work of Thomas Cranmer: Introduced by J.L. Packer (Appleford, Berks: SuttonCourtenay Press,1964), xii.
82."……be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament, that the King our Sovereign Lord, his heirs andsuccessors, kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted, and reputed the only Supreme Head in earth of the Church ofEngland, called Anglicana Ecclesia."见：Gerald L. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701(Cambridge: James Clarke,2004),114.
83."……and that our said Sovereign Lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm, shall have full power andauthority from time to time to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend all such errors,heresies, abuses, offences, contempt, and ceremonies, whatsoever they be, which by any manner spiritual authority orjuristiction ought or may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended, mostto the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion,"见：ibid.,114.
84. Ibid.,113.
85. Ibid.,162-74.
86."Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy, crept into divers men's hearts, may vanish away,they shall not set forth or extol any images, relics or miracles for any superstition or lucre, nor allure the people byany enticements to the pilgrimage of any saint, otherwise than is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by theauthority of the King's Majesty and condescended upon by the prelates and clergy of this his realm in Convocation asthough it were proper or peculiar to that saint to give this commodity or that, seeing all goodness, health and graceought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very author of the same, and of none other,for withouthim that cannot be given;"见：ibid.,176.
87. G. W. Bernard, The King's Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church (New Haven:Yale University Press,2005),276-92.
88. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,180.
89.对于1536到1538年两部《训谕》表现出来的明显变化，达菲看到的是这个时代宗教激进思潮推动的结果。政治史家埃尔顿更把它看作激进派别推动改革进程的一个手段。不过这两种看法更多地看到外部环境的作用，却没有注意到两部训谕之间的内在联系，也即这么一个重要问题，那就是激进派为什么会不满1536年的法令？还是阿斯顿（Margaret Aston）注意到了1536年法令的缺陷，及其需要修改的迫切性。阿斯顿注意到了1536年禁止圣徒圣像但却不禁止基督神像，以及对一系列天主教因素不太彻底的禁令引起的混乱，这些都不得不迅速在1538年的版本中修正。见：M. Aston, England's Iconoclasts: Laws against Images, vol.1(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1988),245; G.R. Elton, England under the Tudors (London: Routledge,1991),155; Duffy, TheStripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, C.1400-C.1580,406-10.
90. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,224.
91. Glyn Redworth,"A Study in the Formulation of Policy: The Genesis and Evolution of the Act of Six Articles,"The Journal of Ecclesiastical History37, no.1(1986):42-67; Elton, England under the Tudors,156-9.
92."……and refer the explication of obscure places to men of higher judgement in Scriptue.""……and in the sameexhort your hearers to the works of charity, mercy and faith specially prescribed and commanded in Scripture, andnot to repose their trust or affiance in any other works devised by men's fantasies beside Scripture;"同见：Bray,ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,180.
93. Ibid.,319.
94."I, A.B., do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the Queen's Highness is the only SupremeGovernor of this realm, and of all other her Highness's dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual orecclesiastical things or causes, as temporal, and that no foeign prince, person, prelate, state or potentate has, or oughtto have, any jurisdiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual, within thisrealm;"见：ibid.,323.
95."Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy crept into men's hearts, may vanish away, theyshall not set forth or extol any images, relics or miracles, for any superstition or lucre, nor allure the people by anyenticements, to the pilgrimage of any saint or image, but reproving the same, they shall teach that all goodness, healthand grace ought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very author and giver of the same, and of noneother."见：ibid.,336.
96."The Queen's Majesty being most desirous of all other earthly things, that her people should live in charity bothtowards God and man, and therein abound in good works, willeth and straightly commandeth all manner her subjectsto forbear all vain and contentious disputations in matters of religion, and not to use in despite or rebuke of anyperson, these convictious words: Papist, or Papistical heretic, schismatic or sacramentary, or any suchlike words ofreproach."见：ibid.,345.
97."……and that from and after the said feast of the nativity of St John Baptist next coming (24June1559), alland every person and persons inhabiting within this realm or any other the Queen's Majesty's dominions, shalldiligently and faithfully, having no lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent,endeavour themselves to resort to theirparish church or chapel accustomed,"见：ibid.,332.
98. Ibid.,275.
99. Ibid.,276.
100.法令拟简称为《重申王权法令》（An Act for the Assurance of the Queens Majesties Royal Power over all Statesand Subjects within her Dominions）。法令全文可见：William Cawley, The Laws of Q. Elizabeth, K. James, and K.Charles the First. Concerning Jesuites, Seminary Priests, Recusants, Etc., and Concerning the Oaths of Supremacyand Allegiance Explained by Divers Judgments and Resolutions of the Reverend Judges (London: Printed for J.Wright and R. Chiswell,1680),33-47.
101. Leslie Ward,"The Treason Act of1563: A Study of the Enforcement of Anti‐Catholic Legislation,"Parliamentary History8, no.2(1989):289.
102.该法令拟简称为《叛乱法令》（An Act whereby certain offences be made treason)。此法令不载于考利（William Cawley)的《反天主教法令集》，不知何故。但该法令显然是第一部直接针对天主教问题的法令。法令里规定了种种对女王的不敬行为都视作为叛乱罪，包括语言文字上对女王人身安全的威胁，妄图颠覆王位的行为和对女王声名的诋毁。天主教徒对女王有各种称呼：异端、教会分裂者、暴君、不信者和王位篡夺者，这些说法都明令禁止。结合同年紧接着通过的第二条法令《教皇谕令限制令》（An Act against the bringing in andputting in execution of Bulls and other instruments from the see of Rome,13Elizabeth I, c.2)可以看出，这两条法令实际上又重申了十多年前的《至尊法令》和《统一法令》，且又加重了惩罚力度。见：Prothero, Select Statutes andOther Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),57-63.
103. Horton Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603(Princeton:Princeton Univ. Press,1970),23.
104.1571年的《三十九条信纲》是在1553年由克兰麦执笔的《四十二条信纲》（The Forty-two Articles,1553)的基础上修改颁发的。《四十二条信纲》颁发于1553年一月份，但同年七月份爱德华即夭折，因此搁置施行，直到1563年被伊丽莎白重新启用，至1571年的版本成为官方宗教形态的标准。各版本修改历史请参见：Bray,ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,284.
105."We are accounted righteous before God noly for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by faith, andnot for our own works or deservings. Wherefore, that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine,and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification."见：ibid.,291.
106."Albeit that good works, which are the fruits of faith, cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God'sjudgement; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and livelyfaith, in so much that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known, as a tree discerned by the fruit."见：Davies,Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,291-2.
107. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,276.
108. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,7.
109. Ibid.,3.
110. Ibid.,9-25.特兰特会议的这份宣言并不见于特兰特会议相关的文集中，不过在马丁（Gregory Martin，ca.1542-1582)1578年的《论教会分裂》（A Treatise of Schisme）和加尼特（Henry Garnet,1555-1606)的《论基督徒的弃绝》（ATreatise of Christian Renunciation）两书中都提到了这份宣言。
111. Ibid.,27.
见：Joseph Wilhelm,"Heresy," in The CatholicEncyclopedia (New York: Robert Appleton Company,1910). Jun.2012
116.关于教皇的真实态度，即教皇是否默许天主教徒宣誓承认女王的精神权威及参与国教仪式并且对此颁发宽免令，存在不同意见。关于教皇是否私下颁发宽免令的讨论，都来自于英格兰间谍戴努（E. Dennum）向伊丽莎白提供的一份报告。这份报告收录在斯特赖普的《宗教改革年谱》中，见：John Strype, Annals of theReformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in the Church of England, During QueenElizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State, Records, and Letters, vol.1, part2(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824),55-7.亨利吉认为教皇的确有这样的举动，允许英格兰教士假装宣誓，暗中施以宽免。他认为这一策略是成功的，因为得到教会的默许，因此这个时候才有大量的教士宣誓效忠，见：Gee, The Elizabethan Clergy and the Settlement of Religion,1558-1564,198-9.但是迈尔却认为这份文件是十七世纪伪造的。假如教皇曾经真的颁布这么一部宽免令，与天主教会的原则是不合的，也很难解释为什么当初还是有那么多的天主教教士拒绝效忠并遭裭职（按他认可的数目，大概有700人左右，在他认可的其时全体教士总数8000人中占到8.8%），见：Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,30.对此不同见解，仍然不得不存疑，因为迈尔并没有足够的证据说明这份报告是伪造的，似乎只是因为他觉得这份文件过于荒谬而已。不过按照下文教皇写给四位英格兰天主教徒的信看来（假如这份书信不是伪造的），私下颁发宽免令也算是为英格兰教众着想的合理策略。
117.因没有关于此人的传记，生卒年不可考，不过根据前引书注167所列的关于他的若干零散记录，他最后一次被记录下来的活动是在1592年1月。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformityin Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,67.关于威尔逊最后一次出现的记录，可见：Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth and James I, vol.3Reign of Elizabeth,1591-1594(London: Longman, Brown,1867),176.
118. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,66.
119.莫罗内主教于1555-1579年担任英格兰代言枢机（Cardinal Protector of England）。按惯例，各修会和国家在枢机主教团中都有一名代表，称为“代言枢机”（cardinal procurator），因在描述这一名称时，有时“代理”(procurator)与“保护”互用，又称为“保护枢机”。其中代表国家的代言枢机又称“王室枢机”。“代言枢机”制度可以追溯到十三世纪，枢机主教团里都有各个地区和各修会的代言人。此后，各个民族国家势力兴起，教廷为了更好地协调各国关系，更重视这一制度。代言枢机一般由教皇任命，征得国王同意。虽然一直有相似制度，但“英格兰代言枢机”这一职位正式定名在1492年，一直沿用到1539年宗教改革后。此后英格兰教会分裂，罗马单方面任命英格兰代言枢机，莫罗内便从1555年开始担任此职。
120. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,67.
121. Ibid.,61.
122."If you associate yourselfes at sacramente or servise that is contrarie to the unitie of Chryste his Churche ye fallin scysme, that is to saye ye be seperated from christe his churche and beinge in that state (as sayeth St. Augustyne)although youe lead ever so good a lyffe in the sight of the worlde the wrathe of God hanghethe over youe,&diengein the state, shall lose the everlastynge lyfe in heaven."见：ibid.,61.
126. Eamon Duffy and D. M. Loades, eds., The Church of Mary Tudor (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006), xiii.
127. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,59.
128. CRS, Vol.9,63-9.
129. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,81.
130. Ibid.,82.
131. Ibid.,68.
132. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),196.
133. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,139.
134. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study of Their Politics, Civil Life, andGovernment: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent of the Counter-Reformation,293.
135. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,137.
136.该文献现藏于梵蒂冈私人档案馆，没有署名，但最可能的作者应该是波塞维诺（Antonio Possevino，S.J.，1533-1611），最初由克赖顿主教（Mandell Creighton，Bishop of Petersborough）于1892年刊登在《英国历史评论》上，漏掉的后几条由迈耶（Arnold Oskar Meyer）补齐。波伦（John Hungerford Pollen）推测该备忘录作者是波塞维诺，因为此时他与格列高利十三世关系较好，与英格兰学院也较多交流，更帮助他们争取来自教皇的资助。霍姆斯接受波伦的看法，更具体推测是波塞维诺写在逗留罗马期间，即1578年九月到十二月初。假如作者真是波塞维诺的话，那么很能表明罗马的态度，见：Mandell. Creighton,"The Excommunication ofQueen Elizabeth," The English Historical Review7, no.25(1892):84-8; Meyer, England and the Catholic Churchunder Queen Elizabeth,136and note.1; Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study ofTheir Politics, Civil Life, and Government: From the Fall of the Old Church to the Advent of theCounter-Reformation,294and note.1; Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of theElizabethan Catholics,42，228note.31; Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,90note.
137.“An catholici non possint iuramentum praestare quod Elisabetha sit vera Anglicae Regina et legitima, nonmodo quantum ad possessionem sed quantum ad titulos Regni. Ratio Catholicorum esse potest quod Pius bullamemiserit in favorem Catholicorum quare nunc videant quod contrarium plane habeat exitum, praesumere possuntquod Pontifex nollet eos hac bulla obligare ad eorum gravissimum damnum."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier,eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,91.
138.“Huic questioni iam satisfactum est. Auget tamen nonnullum difficultatem illa particula (vera). Nunquamautem licet iurare falsum; licet tamen occultare et tegere veritatem quacunque aequivocatione, ut si quis intelligatveram esse reginam opinione communi vulgi vel ei adhaerentium, aut quovis alio modo."见：ibid.,94.
139.第16个问题：“An Pontifex non poterit dispensare cum Catholicis ut ex iusta causa dum inter haereticosversantur carnes comedant diebus ab ecclesia prohibitis."参考答案：“Non expedit Pontificem dispensare inuniversum, sed ex causa necessitatis et vitae licet carnes comedere, nisi id fieret in professionem haeresiae et indetestationem Catholicae veritatis."见：ibid.,92-4.
140. Ibid., xxi.
141. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England,66-7.
142. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,138.
143.“Ex vi bullae putamus teneri ad ea quae proponuntur nisi omnia ita comparata essent ut certa parataque spesesset victoriae; quo casum propter bonum commune fidei et religionis ii tenentur qui aliquid possent praestare."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,93.
144. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xix.
145.费克纳姆，本尼迪克派成员，最后一任的西敏寺修院院长。威斯贝奇（Wisbech）监狱的第一个天主教囚犯。他曾在议会中极力反对女王僭取教皇的精神权威。女王尊重他的学识和人格，不以为意，私下试图说服他。更有传言女王曾经许诺授予他坎特伯雷大主教区，被他拒绝。见：John Morris, The Troubles of Our CatholicForefathers Related by Themselves. Second Series (London: Burns and Oates,1875),225.
146. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,30-40.
147. William Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006),100-1.
148. Ibid.,102-3.
149. Ibid.,105.
150. Ralph A. Griffiths,"The Later Middle Ages (1290-1485)," in The Oxford History of Britain, ed. Kenneth OwenMorgan (Oxford: Oxford university press,2001),299.
151. Thomas F. Mayer,"A Test of Wills: Cardinal Pole, Ignatius Loyola, and the Jesuits in England," in TheReckoned Expense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutumhistoricum Societatis Iesu,2007),23.波尔的态度和策略是探讨玛丽时代宗教倾向的关键。波尔的宗教理念在拒绝耶稣会进驻英国方面表现得最明显。耶稣会对此很不满，数次向菲利普二世上书告状，对波尔当然颇多微词：认为他对宗教不热心，没有想象力，胆小。在现代研究中，对波尔和他所属的玛丽天主教时代，也有两种不同的看法。迪肯斯认为他没能把握住反宗教改革的精髓和时代潮流，见：Dickens, The English Reformation,
279-82.现在的研究对玛丽王朝和波尔有更多的认识，也赋予更多同情。玛丽朝的复辟确实困难重重，波格森（Rex Pogson）看到了波尔多方面的困境：不仅要面对大量异端，而且在行政组织和财政上都面临巨大挑战。见：Rex H. Pogson,"Reginald Pole and the Priorities of Government in Mary Tudor's Church," The HistoricalJournal18, no.1(1975):3-20.新近的研究较多地看到玛丽天主教主动接受英格兰的宗教变化的一面。见：Duffyand Loades, eds., The Church of Mary Tudor; Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church.
152. Lucy Wooding,"The Marian Restoration and the Mass," in The Church of Mary Tudor, ed. Eamon Duffy and D.M. Loades (Burlington, VT: Ashgate,2006),238-40.
153. Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church,217.
154.传统史学过于强调新教的顺利发展，也影响到对玛丽时代天主教的关注。一向强势的新教文学，比如福克斯（Foxe）的《殉道史》（Book of Martyrs）将整个基督教史都描绘成自古以来改革者与反动势力斗争的过程。罗马教会被视作反文明，反自由的象征，“血腥玛丽”则是罗马在英格兰进行宗教迫害的典型。见：AmosBlanchard and John Foxe, Book of Martyrs, or, a History of the Lives, Sufferings, and Triumphant Deaths of thePrimitive and Protestant Martyrs, from the Introduction of Christianity, to the Latest Periods of Pagan, Popish,Protestant, and Infidel Persecutions. Compiled from Fox's Book of Martyrs, and Other Authentic Sources (Buffalo: J.Faxon,1845), vi.在此大叙事下，玛丽时代短暂恢复天主教，这件事也只被视作大潮流中小小的反动而已。如此视角在贬低天主教的同时，同样也忽略了天主教本身的变化。
155. Stephen J. Lee, The Mid Tudors: Edward VI and Mary,1547-1558(New York: Routledge,2006),69.
156. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England,4.
157.旺德维尔（1527-1592），艾伦的得力助手，协助共同创建在杜埃的英格兰学院，1588年任图尔奈（Tournai，今比利时境内）主教。
158. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,85.
159. Nicholas Sander, A Treatise of the Images of Christ and His Saints: And That It Is Vnlaufull to Breake Them,and Lauful to Honour Them. With a Confutation of Such False Doctrines as M. Iewel Hath Vttered in His Replie,Concerning That Matter. Made by Nicolas Sander, Doctour of Diuinitie, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):937:02(Louanii: Apud Ioannem Foulerum,1567), the Preface concerning which is the true church, A iiii.
160. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,68.
161. Sander, A Treatise of the Images of Christ and His Saints: And That It Is Vnlaufull to Breake Them, and Laufulto Honour Them. With a Confutation of Such False Doctrines as M. Iewel Hath Vttered in His Replie, ConcerningThat Matter. Made by Nicolas Sander, Doctour of Diuinitie, the Preface concerning which is the true church, A ii.
162. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,64-9；71-8.
163. Ibid.,68-9.
164.《杜埃-兰斯案例》本来没有标题，是霍姆斯发现的最早的“良心案例”，时间定位在1578年6月到1579年一月之间；《艾伦-帕森斯案例》原名“Resolutiones quorundam casuum nationisAnglicanae”（英格兰案例解答），成文至少在1580年初，据认为部分由艾伦和帕森斯执笔。两份案例全文见：ibid.,100-10.两份案例的来历介绍，见：Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,101-2.
165. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,101.
166. Ibid.,104.
167. Ibid.,104.
168. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,104-8.
169. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,105.
170. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,102-3.
171. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,107.
172. Perez Zagorin, Ways of Lying: Dissimulation, Persecution, and Conformity in Early Modern Europe(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1990),187.
173.见修正派的研究：Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation toEmancipation,52-73; Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation,"37-69; Christopher Haigh,ed. The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1987).
174.埃尔默，从1577年到1594年任伦敦主教。他的学识为时人称道，也因为他对天主教和清教徒的残酷而出名。1577年，他向时任伊丽莎白首席秘书（Principal Secretary）的沃尔辛厄姆（Francis Walshingham, c.1532-1590,他的秘书任职是从1573年直到1590年去世)建议开展调查天主教的“拒绝国教”行为，既可压制天主教势力的兴起，又可大量罚款以充实国库，由此展开大规模的调查和搜捕。艾尔默1577年的倡议信可见：CRS, Vol.22,1-2.1577至1578年的调查统计资料及名单，收录于：ibid.,5-131.
175. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England, xiii.
176. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,287.
177."……or else, if any person have obtained since the last day of the parliament holden in the first year of theQueen's Majesty's reign, or after the said day of July shall obtain from the said Bishop of Rome……any manner ofbull……or instrument……, or shall publish or by any ways or means put in ure any such bull……, That even everysuch act……shall be deemed by the authority of thisAct to be high treason, and the offenders therein, their procurers
[&c.]……shall be deemed high traitors to the Queen and the realm."见：Prothero, Select Statutes and OtherConstitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),62.
178."And be it further enacted, That if any person shall at any time after the said first day of July bring into thisrealm of England……any……thing called by the name of an Agnus Dei, or any crosses, pictures, beads or such-likevain and superstitious things, from the Bishop or see of Rome……to such as shall receive and use the same; and thatif the same person……shall deliver……the same to any subject of this realm……to be worn or used in any wise:That then as well the same person so doing……to the intent to use or wear the same shall incur into the penaltiesrodained by the Statue of Praemunire and Provision "见：ibid.,62-3.
179. Ibid.,63.
180. Cawley, The Laws of Q. Elizabeth, K. James, and K. Charles the First. Concerning Jesuites, Seminary Priests,Recusants, Etc., and Concerning the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance Explained by Divers Judgments andResolutions of the Reverend Judges,53.
181.这条法令拟简称为《服从法令》(An Act to retain the Queen’s Majesty’s subjects in their due obedience)。
182. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),75-6.
183.该法令拟简称为《禁止诽谤女王法令》（An Act against seditious words and rumours uttered against theQueen’s most excellent Majesty）。
184. Prothero, Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and JamesI.(1558-1625),78.
185." that then every such offence shall be deemed felony, and the offenders therein shall suffer such painsof death and forfeiture as in case of felony is used, without any benefit of clergy or sanctuary "见：ibid.,78.
186.黑格在对该时期英格兰西北部天主教的研究中，也发现类似例证：有些教士身属国教，但却教导信众天主教理念，因而遭受审查。较有名的例子是多布森（George Dobson，？-1583），兰开夏郡惠利教区的牧师（Vicarof Whalley），他从1561年起，连续七次（分别是1569,1571,1573,1575,1578和1580年）被指控为是天主教徒。见：Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,217-8; Haigh,"The Continuity of Catholicism in theEnglish Reformation,"41.显然，在欧陆传教士来了之后，燃起更强烈的宗教热情。传教士影响的不仅是平信徒，更有新教阵营内的神职阶层，这些人要么私底下皈依天主教，要么就是对天主教有好感、帮助天主教徒等等。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,258.
187.据统计，在1556至1580年之间，有大概69名不列颠地区来的人加入了耶稣会。见：Knox, Records of theEnglish Catholics under the Penal Laws, lxiii.
188. Charles Dodd and Mark A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of theSixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688, vol.3(London: C. Dolman,1839), clxii.
189.在1598年，英格兰政府间谍获得一份活动于英格兰的耶稣会士名单，详细列出他们的化名和与之关系好的贵族和可能的躲藏地点。这份名单详细信息，见：John Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic ForefathersRelated by Themselves.First Series.(London: Burns and Oates,1872),191-2.不过，英格兰政府间谍所搜集的情报，虽然数量众多，但由于其来源复杂，提供者动机不纯，在对天主教徒活动地点和财产评估方面多有错误，所以多数不可靠。这里的这份名单只是对耶稣会人数的简单统计，姑且采信之。历来学者对这些材料的使用都比较慎重，也多有批评，见：CRS, Vol.2,219.
190. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, lxiv-lxv.
191. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, p. xx.
192. John J. LaRocca,"Popery and Pounds: The Effect of the Jesuit Mission on Penal Legislation," in The ReckonedExpense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicumSocietatis Iesu,2007),332.
193. Bossy,"The Heart of Robert Parsons,"187.
194.该法令拟称为《保障女王安全与王国和平法令》（An Act for provision to be made for the surety of theQueenès Majesty's most royal person and the continuance of the realm in peace)，见：Prothero, Select Statutes andOther Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),80-3.
195. Ibid.,82.
196.该法令拟称为《针对耶稣会和神学院传教士法令》(An Act against Jesuits, seminary priests and such otherlike disobedient persons)，见：ibid.,83-6.
197."And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any Jesuit, seminary priest or other…… ecclesiasticalperson whatsoever, being born within this realm…… and heretofore since the said feast of the Nativity of St JohnBaptist in the first year of her Majesty's reign…… ordained…… by any authority derived…… from the See ofRome…… to come into or remain in any part of this realm…… after the end of the same forty days, other than insuch special cases and upon such special occasions only and for such time only as is expressed in this Act; and if hedo, that then every such offence shall be adjudged to be high treason,"见：ibid.,84.
198. Ibid.,85.
199.该法令拟称《1593年服从法令》（An Act to retain the Queen's subjects in obedience)，以与1581年的服从法令区分开来，见：ibid.,89-92.
200.该法令拟称《反对天主教“拒绝国教会者”法令》（An Act against Popish Recusants)，见：ibid.,92-3.
201."For the better discovering and avoiding of such traiterous and most dangerous conspiracies and attempts, asare daily devised and practised against our most gracious Sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty and the happy estateof this Commonweal by sundry wicked and seditious persons, who terming themselves Catholics and being indeedspies and intelligencers not only for her Majesty's foreign enemies but also for rebellious and traiterous subjects"见：ibid.,92.
202. Ibid.,93.
203."By these thinges therfore it is most evidente that protestantes take cominge to church this day in England foran external sygne of a protestant.……But to come to ther service and ther to behave our selves orderlye and soberlyeas they doe and commande,"见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,206.
204. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation,61.
205. Peter Lake and Michael Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politicsof Religious Change in Elizabethan England," Past&Present185, no.1(2004):46.
206. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,117.
207. Robert Parsons, A Brief Discours Contayning Certayne Reasons Why Catholiques Refuse to Goe to Church.Written by a Learned and Vertuous Man, to a Friend of His in England. And Dedicated by I.H. To the Queenes MostExcellent Maiestie, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):1078:02(Doway[i.e. East Ham]: Iohn Lyon [i.e.Greenstreet House Press],1580).
208.兰代尔（ca.1512-? late1580s），曾是苏塞克郡（Sussex）奇切斯特（chichester）教堂的执事长，伊丽莎白时代被免，后来成为蒙塔古（Montagu）家族的教堂神父。在爱德华六世和伊丽莎白时期都为天主教辩护，与克兰麦（Cranmer），里德利（Ridley）和拉蒂默（Latimer）在1554年都有过论战。见：Robert S. Miola, EarlyModern Catholicism: An Anthology of Primary Sources (New York: Oxford University Press,2007),72.也有认为此文作者是克利瑟罗（William Clitherow,1542-1596之后)。关于对此文作者的几种不同看法，以及这几个文本之间的关系，见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England:Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,116-7.
209. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,116-29.
210. Ibid.,142-56.
211.按贝恩（Charles G. Bayne）的看法，根据《答“安慰启事”》结尾“G. C.”的字样，他认为作者是一位叫做乔治科顿（George Cotton）的平信徒，但霍姆斯认为结尾字样是“I. G.”，另根据题目和前言所说，此文应当出自此时在英格兰南部的传教士之手。符合这两个条件的有两人，一位是约翰格林（John Green），但此时正在威兹比奇（Wisbech）牢中，另一个就是最符合条件的耶稣会士约翰杰拉德（John Gerard），尤其因为杰拉德上级加内特曾经批评过贝尔，所以霍姆斯比校该文献与杰拉德1607年的一封书信，发现很多共同点，于是认定是出自杰拉德之手。加内特在1593年批评过贝尔，于是霍姆斯将该作品时间也定在1593年，稍嫌武断。不过现在更多人认为更可能的作者是约翰马希（John Mush，1551/1552-1612/1613），他与贝尔也有过论战，与加内特关系也不错。马希与贝尔同为神学院学生，两人也是1576年被派往罗马的首批学生里的成员，后来因为贝尔叛教，所以两人决裂和开始有论战。马希虽与加内特关系不过，但从未加入耶稣会，与耶稣会最后也因为“上诉者”事件闹翻，所以假如这篇文章作者是马希，不可能将之当作耶稣会理念的代言，而应当认为，神学院某些重要人物的立场与耶稣会是一致的。此是后话，在这里只能暂时承认，因为贝尔树敌太多，受到很多人的攻击，确定《答“安慰启事”》作者确实有些难度。关于讨论该书作者的学术史，见：Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,289; Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought ofthe Elizabethan Catholics,238. Note10; Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity,Martyrology and the Politics of Religious Change in Elizabethan England,"65; Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier,eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,157-8.
212.按贝尔所宣称的该书的宗旨，就是为那些进国教堂的天主教徒提供心灵上的慰藉，所以书名拟译如是。
213.马希在《答“安慰启事”》最后提及，当时倡导“进国教堂”的只有贝尔一个人，但该书前面也提到持同样观点的兰代尔。论战文章，大概要如此写才有力度，无需求其精确，不过也大致说明这个时候公开倡导“进国教堂”的作品并不多。见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,240.
214. Ibid.,117.
215.典出《列王记下》第五章十一至十八节，乃缦是亚兰王（Syria）的元帅，因被以色列先知以利沙（Elisha）治好麻风，遂宣称归信以色列的上帝，同时请求以利沙原谅他不得不跟随他的王屈身礼拜异端神临门（Rimmon）。
216." yet thinkinge this acte was not so great a fawlt as did cast hym forth of Godds faovr; therefore he madethis petition, that yt might be lawfull for hym withowt offence to exhibet to the kinge this externall service in thetemple of Remmon."见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early ModernEngland: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,118.
217.2Kgs.5:19.圣经所有中文翻译皆统一采用《和合本修订版圣经》，英文采用国王詹姆斯版本（KJV）。
218. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,119.
219. Ibid.,120.
220. Ibid.,122.
221."If any thinge should make this acte in the case sett dowen to be P[rotestant] there must be in that acte etherpertinacia [obstinacy] or contemptus [contempt] or boethe, but ther is nether for he dothe not againste any law orcomaundement made expressely to the contrary, and is reddy to yeld to the better judgment, wehn yt shal beknowen."见：ibid.,124.
222. CRS, Vol.2,180.
223."Thoughe to pray be 'ex lege divina', yet to go to this churche or that churche to pray is 'ex lege positivaordinata ad legem divinam'; but 'lex positiva non ligat ad mortem'. Therefore uppon the question 'ut semelexcommunicatus sit semper vitandus [excommunicatus]' answer that in case of necessitie ether absolute orconditionall,'non est vitandus'. And 'necessitas conditionata', say they, is 'metus', videlicet suche a feare as 'potestcadere in virum constantem'"见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in EarlyModern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,125.
224."no one is bound to obey a prelate ordering one to expose oneself to the danger of death etc. except in the caseof faith and for the common good when they can be safeguarded in no other way."见：ibid.,125.
225. Ibid.,128-9.
226. Ibid.,127-8.这句话似乎表明此时天主教徒去国教堂的现象很严重。新教政府也知道天主教徒并非真心归信新宗教，所以在教堂中会注意侦测天主教徒的言行，倡导天主教徒“进国教堂”当是无奈之举。按照下文兰代尔所述，天主教不管是拒绝“进国教堂”，还是在国教堂中表现出对国教的不敬，都会被视作叛乱罪。所以可以看出，新教政府对天主教的政策，并非所自称的那样，只是强求服从而已，而不探究内心。这是另外的话题，由于地方材料的不足，各个地区情况是否都如此，对此还不到时机作过多延伸解释。
227. Miola, Early Modern Catholicism: An Anthology of Primary Sources,74.
228. Sidney L. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography. Supplement [1](London: Smith&Elder,1901),166.
229."Consideringe with my selfe the urgente perplexitye of many one by reason of the statue of recusancye anddeeoplye ponderinge every circumstance therof I was moved with great compassion yf by any way or meanes Imyght give true comforte to such distressed persons.……for compassion I compyled a certayne breefe advertismentconcerninge certayne observations by which afflicted catholykes myghte redeme ther vexation in that behalfe, everreservinge all religion to god, obedience to holy churche, and loyaltye to our prince."见：Crosignani, McCoog, andQuestier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,
161.
230."……but to goe to churche in tyme of Englishe service is noe such thinge, for fyrst the churches appertayne tocatholykes, they are erected and consecrated principallye for catholykes service, nether can the secondarye end of
protestantes by variation of sacramentes and prayers change the nature of the former institution and make it a sygnedistinctyve of their religion. Agayne the protestantes them selves doe not repute goinge to church for any such sygne,as the very wordes of the statute doe evidentlye declare, yea they rather accompte it a badge of temporall subjectionthen a sygne of spirituall profession and in very deede it may seeme that her majestye passethe not how ourconsciences be soe we make her assured of our true loyaltye."见：ibid.,204.
231."Good people I ame come hither not for any lykynge I have of any sacramentes, services or sermonsaccustomablye used in this place, but onlye to give a sygne of my allegiance and due loyaltye to my prince."见：ibid.,162.
232."The comfortour perhaps will say further that I mistake his meaninge and wordes, for he sayd not that hisprotester should protest that he comethe dislykinge of ther service sacramentes and sermons, for in these wordes, heshould derogate from the communion booke, and incurre the penaltyes spoken of. But that he should say that hecomethe thither not for any lykinge he hath of ther service, for which wordes noe penaltye mencioned could takehould upon him, because this word (not lykinge) signifyethe noe acte in the protester but a meere privation, as theother word, dislykinge, signifiethe a posityve acte of the will."见：ibid.,166-7.
233."Agayne notwithstandinge his protestacion his quiet, orderlye and soberlye heringe the blasphemyes and falserealinges agaynst god his churche and the principall articles of the christian faythe must preforce not onlye scandalizethe people presente with him "见：ibid.,220.
234. Ibid.,204.
235." that goinge to church with heretykes is an indifferent thinges of it [s] owne nature "见：ibid.,199.
236." to be presente at hereticall service and sermons doth dishonour god, honour his adversarye, disgrace thechurche, comforte heresy etc."见：ibid.,199.
237. Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity, and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England, xii.
238. Allison Shell, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination,1558-1660(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1999),111.
239.关于传教士对英格兰天主教群体的影响，在上个世纪就已经有较多讨论，影响的程度如何，仍然是个值得继续讨论的问题，这里不赘述，只举一个实例来说明情况。瑟克尔（Richard Thirkeld,?-1583)于1579年受教士职，同年到英格兰，主要在约克活动。1583年，因为去看望监狱中的天主教徒，被怀疑是传教士而被捕。在审讯中，出庭的若干证人中，有几个是以前被他劝说成功拒绝去国教堂的。其中有位绅士(gentleman)因为拒绝去国教堂而系狱，他的亲戚劝他指认那个“叛乱”的传教士，说当初不去教堂是被瑟克尔所引诱的，还称只要瑟克尔不在场的话那位绅士肯定就敢承认了。瑟克尔当场劝他放弃世间财富，诚心向主。瑟克尔后来被打断，这个故事到这里就结束了。那位证人最后有没有指认他，查罗纳的书里没有将它记录下来，但是按照作者一贯严谨的风格看来，看情形，那位绅士很可能被瑟克尔打动而更坚定，没有作证。这件事情大概可以看到传教士的影响力。见：Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes,That Have Suffered Death in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols., vol.2(Philadelphia:John T. Green,1839),88.
240. Arthur G. Dickens, The Counter Reformation (New York: Norton,1979),132.
241. Denis R. Janz, ed. A Reformation Reader: Primary Texts with Introductions (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,1999),363.
242. Ibid.,365-6.
243. Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,203.
244. Bray, ed. Documents of the English Reformation1526-1701,368.
245. John Gerard, Philip Caraman, and Graham Greene, John Gerard: The Autobiography of an Elizabethan(London; New York: Longmans, Green and Co.,1951),28.
246. Ibid.,27-31.这一点要得益于黑格的解读，见：Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,178.
247. Robert Parsons,"A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties in the Englishe Cahtolike Cause," in Miscellanea II, CRS,Vol.2, ed. John H. Pollen (London:1906),77.
248.该书迟至1712年才出版。见：Gregory Martin and John Hudson, Gregorius Martinus Ad Adolphum Mekerchum,Pro Veteri Et Vera Graecarum Literarum Pronunciatione (Oxoniae: e Theatro Sheldoniano,1712).但此时马丁最流行的一部作品是第二年才完成并出版的《论教会分裂》。见：Martin, A Treatise of Schisme Shewing, That AlCatholikes Ought in Any Wise to Abstaine Altogether from Heretical Conuenticles, to Witt, Their Prayers, Sermons.&C, Deuided into Foure Chapters, Whereof1. Conteineth Sundry Reasons to That Purpose, Grounded for the MostPart Vppon Scriptures and Fathers.2.Examples out of Holy Scriptures.3. Examples out of Ecclesiastical Histories.4.Answeres to the Chiefe Obiections. By Gregorie Martin Licentiate in Diuinitie.
249.该份材料提到的这本书题目的英文名翻译是《Of Motives to the Embracing of the Catholic Faith and theDetestation of Heresies》，用拉丁文书写，至今未出版。
250. Richard Bristow, A Reply to Fulke, in Defense of M. D. Allens Scroll of Articles, and Booke of Purgatorie. ByRichard Bristo Doctor of Diuinitie... Perused and Allowed by Me Th. Stapleton, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC (UMI):198:08(Louaine [i.e. East Ham] Iohn Lion [i.e. Greenstreet House Press],1580).
251.《Of the Invocation of Saints, of Relics and Pilgrimages》，这本书可能未付梓，也未见于其他关于艾伦著作的记载。
252. Richard White,"The Carols of Richard White,1577to1584," in Unpublished Documents Relating to theEnglish Martyrs Vol.I,1584-1603, CRS, Vol.5, ed. John H. Pollen (London: Catholic Record Society,1908),93-5.
253.不能“进国教堂”的九个理由。理由一是：会被污染（Perill of Infection）；理由二是：恶表（Scandale）；
理由三是：进不进国教堂是新教和天主教的明显区别（ASigne Distinctive）；理由四是：教会分裂（Schisme）；理由五是：参与异端行为（Participation）；理由六是：虚伪（Dissimulation）；理由七是：错误的仪式（NoughtyService）；理由八是：远离天主的恩惠（Loosing the Benefit of Catholique Religion）；理由九是：成为异教徒和异端（Example of Infidels and heritikes）。见：ibid.,93-5.
254. Ibid.,94.
255. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,143.
256.克罗西尼亚尼等所编文献集收录的兰代尔的文章，没有标明哪一部分是标题，只是在以问答体形式书写的正文前面有长篇议论，当就是帕森斯所说的“前言”（Preface），但也没有提到“in plenitudinem temporis”这个词，该词也未在正文其它地方出现过。因此帕森斯与布莱克韦尔写的这篇文章是否直接针对兰代尔的《劝诫服从国教》一文，如今应该有新的疑问。不过，按照《反对进国教堂》后面正文内容所述，当是逐条批驳兰代尔的。这里文献是否有缺失，尚存疑，只是并不影响全局的判断，因为帕森斯和布莱克韦尔所述“reservingof a mans selfe in plenitudinem temporis”，指的是“人为生存而自我保护”，应该也是对兰代尔主要观点恰当的总结，见：ibid.,144.
257."First he maketh a longe and tedious preface, wherein he talketh much of wise and discrete dealing, and ofreserving of a mans selfe in Plenitudinem temporis [in the fullness of time] as he tearmeth it: as though they onelyewere wise, and all other lacked discretion: which hath beene alwayes a common obiection of world linges against thebetter sort of Christians, as appereth by the Apostle when he sayth: Nos stulti propter Christum [We are fools forChrist] and that the whole Gospell was follye to the wise Gentiles their philosophers and the like, especially forbearing of the Crosse for Christe, as it is nowe to our wise Catholikes."见：ibid.,144.
258. Ibid.,145.
259. Ibid.,145.
260. Ibid.,148.
261. Ibid.,149.
262. Ibid.,150.
263." so we graunt that a Catholike maye be present at the diets of heretikes in Germanie, and at the parliamentin England to consent to no act of theirs but to destroye their devises and mitigate their furyes."见：ibid.,146.
264. Ibid.,151-2.
265.见前注第49条，这是明显体现支持服从国教的天主教徒内心矛盾的地方。
266. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,154.
273. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,168-70.
274. Ibid.,171-2.
275. Ibid.,174-5.
276. Ibid.,207.
277. Ibid.,206.
278. Ibid.,207.
279."For the understandinge of this conclusion it is to be noted that thinge and not another by the opinion andinstitution of man as the ivie bushe or garland is taken to signifye, wyne to be sould wher it hangeth, a basen tosignifye a barbers shope, a sygne at the dore to signifye an Inne for lodginge."见：ibid.,205.
280.马希批评对手逻辑混乱，但马希自己的论证也出现类似的问题。他并无法解释外在行为和内在信仰存在何种联系，以及哪些外在行为与内在信仰是有联系的。他所依据的标准，恐怕也只是他所宣称的天主教传统而已。马希在后文又提到，天主教徒并不是所有的异端事物都不能接触，接触了也不会就是异端的标志。比如天主教徒保留和阅读异端圣经，就不是区分天主教徒和新教徒的明显标志。按马希在文中的说法，罗马颁发过宽免令允许天主教徒保留和阅读异端圣经，目的可能是为了天主教徒能更好地理解异端为什么错误。这似乎说明，因为有罗马的宽免令，马希才认为阅读异端圣经不是区分标志，而“进国教堂”的问题没有被教皇宽免，所以马希才坚决抵制。见：ibid.,213.
281. Ibid.,192.
282."……not that goers in ther hartes perhaps allowe or consente to heresye or schisme, but for that this externallacte of goinge and abidinge at ther service is by the heretykes comanded as an acte of consent, and to obey them inhis commandment is morallye interpreted a deniinge of Christ before men and a consentinge to heresye."见：ibid.,197-8.
283. Ibid.,192.马希的这个看法比较有意思。此时的英格兰政府，只要求宗教统一，教众能服从，不管统治者相不相信进国教堂的人每个都是真诚的，英格兰新教政府都不关注将内在与外在区分清楚（内战前后的英格兰教会，会更多地讨论这些问题，但这些话题基本上都来自清教派，讨论君主是否有权力规制他们的信仰，而在十六世纪还不到时候讨论这个问题）。反而是此时的被压迫的天主教徒，面临的是内在信仰和外在行为的被割裂的尴尬，会比较认真的考虑这个问题。
284. Ibid.,176.
285."And nether thus it makethe any thinge for the comfortours purpose, for Naamans temporal service was aslawful in the Idols temple as otherwher and the prophete gave him noe leave to goe, but bade him farewell he wouldpray for him."见：ibid.,202.
286. Ibid.,202.
287. Michael Questier,"Practical Antipapistry During the Reign of Elizabeth I," The Journal of British Studies36,no.4(1997):371.
288." An Acte to hould her majesties subjectes in ther due obedience (23Elizabeth I, Cap.1,即前文提到的1581年的《服从法令》） trulye to obey her accordinge to her commandment and meaninge in this acte is amanifest approbation and confession of that usurped spirituall authoritye to be hers which is synne of it selfe. Agayneit is synne to go to churche accordinge to ther statute, and to participate with them in ther uniformitye of commonprayer "见：Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England:Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation,192.
289.康斯坦斯大公会议（1414-1418），罗马天主教会承认的第十五次大公会议（ecumenical council）。此次大公会议结束了三教皇的分立问题，选出新教皇马丁五世，统一教会。
290.教皇马丁五世，原名奥多内科隆纳（Oddone Colonna），从1417至1431年任教皇，康斯坦斯公会议中被选为教皇，结束了教会长期分裂的状态（1378-1417）。
291.“and that this is the true meaninge of the popes declaration, both Sylvester and Navarre do constantlyeaffyrme, yea the very practyse of most excellent universityes of Paris, Tolose, and of the lyke in noble Germanye withthe renowned Academye of Lovayne doe confyrme the same, as Navare hath learnedlye observed."见：Crosignani,McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sourcesin Translation,182.
292. Ibid.,183.
293. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,159-81.
294. Ibid.,171-2.
295. Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politics of ReligiousChange in Elizabethan England,"58.
296.托莱多，西班牙人，神学家，1558年加入耶稣会，1559年开始执教罗马学院，1593年成为第一个被封为大主教的耶稣会士。
297. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,157.不过托莱多的回复并没有消除英格兰天主教的困惑。一封来自巴黎的回信也抱怨托莱多的答复不切实际，英格兰天主教仍然认为他们只是被迫去国教堂，不等于就是异端其中一员。
298.该信在1592年12月12日写于罗马，不具收信人姓名，只是“致在伦敦或者其它地方的最亲爱的英格兰教友”（Charissimis in Anglia fratribus Londini vel alibi)，不过从后面内容看，该信应该就是对派出的传教士的指导。该信全文见：Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594),343-6;Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,260-2.
299. Allen and Knox, The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594),344.
300."……that I would have you use greate compassion and mercyfulnes towards suche of the laytie especially asfor meere feare or savinge theire family, wyfe and children from ruyne are so far only fallen as to come sometymes totheire churches or be present at the tyme of their service. For though it be not lawfull to do so muche, nor in yt selfeany waies excusable, yet suche necessity in that kynde of men maketh the offence lesse and more compassionable,yea and more easily by you to be absolved."见：ibid.,344.
301. Ibid.,345.
302.传教士第波戴尔（Robert Dibdale，ca.1556-1586）以他驱魔的能力受到天主教众的欢迎。他讲述了这么一个故事，在德比郡有个年轻人，是虔诚的天主教徒，但是为了保存他的财产，不得不服从国教，领取新教的圣餐，但是很快他就感到不安，接着便是一阵抽搐，之后别人发现他的身体被魔鬼占据了。第波戴尔讲述了很多类似的故事，不管是故意宣传还是传教士自己相信的，大致可以看出当时人的精神状态，对天主教徒“进国教堂”严重性的认识。进国教堂的天主教徒，时时担忧未来能否拯救，偶尔遭受传教士的警告和恐吓，处境尴尬。见：Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,118.
303. Crosignani, McCoog, and Questier, eds., Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript andPrinted Sources in Translation,166.
304. Ibid.,161-7.
305.杜埃大学于1561年由菲利普二世创办，选址此地据说是因为该地天主教信仰较浓厚，在宗教变动纷繁的时代，一直未收到异端的干扰。见：Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxvii.
306. Ibid., xxviii.之后英格兰学院的运营，一直依靠教众捐赠维持。但后来由于尼德兰革命的爆发，还有英格兰政府禁止境内天主教徒将资金转移到大陆（以反叛的罪名），所以两条财源枯竭。1575年向格列高利十三世求助，获批教廷每年大额赞助。见：ibid., xxxv.
307.1574年，有一船学生12人前来学神学，其中牛津学生就有六个。见：ibid.,6.所以，当时人都喟叹牛津和剑桥两座大学都搬到了对岸去了，大抵如此，见：McGrath, Papists and Puritans under Elizabeth I,67.
308.这些人中著名的有霍尔特（William Holt，1545-1599，于1578年加入耶稣会），贝尔（Thomas Bell），马
希（John Mush）。派往罗马的学生数量两年后大概有30个左右，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflictsbetween the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation ofthe Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, viii.
309.另外两名意大利耶稣会士协助管理学院，一名为庶务员（procurator），另一名为学监（prefect of studies），大主教莫罗内任学院保护人（protector of the college），同见：ibid., viii.
310. Ibid., viii-x.
311.“This disorder and hazard of all in them was exceedingly misliked of all the wise and myself here: though thecommitting the house to the Society was all our desires.”见：William Allen,"Allen to Dr. Owen Lewis,Archdeacon of Hainault, from Paris,12May,1579.," in The Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen.
(1532-1594), ed. Thomas Francis Knox (London: Nutt,1882),79.第二年，艾伦自觉身体状况不适合教书，选择谁来替代他的职位，他首先想到的也是耶稣会士，见：Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws,lx, note.1.
312. Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to theRevolution in1688,38.
313. Robert Parsons,"F. Robert Persons, S. J., to Dr William Allen. Rome,30March,1579," in The Letters andMemorials of William, Cardinal Allen.(1532-1594), ed. Thomas Francis Knox (London: Nutt,1882),74-5.
314. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xi.
315. Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,47.
316. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxiv.
317. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,3.
318. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxvii.
319. Ibid., xxviii.
320. Ibid., xxix.
321. Ibid., xxx.
322. Ibid., xxxiii-iv.
323. Ibid., xxxvi.
324.托马斯劳列举了二十种双方论战的作品。但是这些作品基本上是对对方立场甚至是人生的攻击，被攻击者无奈地辩护，除了勾勒出本文这些事件的大概之外，史料价值都因为这些偏见而削弱。见：ibid., cxviii-cliii.
325. Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to theRevolution in1688,38, note.1.
326. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxiv.
327.不管艾伦在政治上的参与度如何，究竟英格兰学院派出的传教士多大程度上相信他们进行的事业的意义，一直是很难权衡的问题。在微观层面上来说，假如说这个时候关注的是个体的拯救，那么传教士的行动就是迫切而必须的，以及在困难中更能找到拯救的意义。但假如从宏观层面，即国家的宗教走向来考虑，这一切似乎只能建立在一个基础上，那就是他们相信政权很快就会更迭。但假如如此，那么又不得不承认，比起传教，他们更相信政治活动的效果。所以，诚如奥康奈尔所述，尽管传教士尽量只提供弥撒和听忏悔等等宗教服务，但是面对的却是政府长期冷酷的敌视，比起后来的护教宣传所述，他们显然更清楚宗教与政治是无法分开的。见：Marvin Richard O'Connell, The Counter Reformation:1559-1610(NewYork: Harper&Row,1974),238.
328. Robert Parsons, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England Divided into Two Parts: TheFirst Containeth the Discourse of a Civil Lawyer, How and in What Manner Propinquity of Bloud Is to Be Preferred:The Second Containeth the Speech of a Temporal Lawyer About the Particular Titles of All Such as Do, or May,Pretend (within England or without) to the Next Succession: Whereunto Is Also Added a New and Perfect Arbor andGenealogy of the Descents of All the Kings and Princes of England, from the Conquest to the Present Day, WherebyEach Mans Pretence Is Made More Plain.../Published by R. Doleman, ed. William Allen and Francis Sir Englefield,Early English Books,1641-1700/STC(UMI):1153:34([S.l.]: Reprinted at N. with license,1681).该时期大量作品皆是笔名，而且帕森斯并没有说过他写过这部作品，而是宣称该作品得到包括艾伦在内的数位学者认可。1980年霍姆斯发表一篇论文，认定该书作者即是帕森斯，他的看法得到普遍接受，见：Peter Holmes,"TheAuthorshipand Early Reception of a Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England," The Historical Journal23, no.2(1980):415-29.
329. Parsons, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crown of England Second Part, p.256.关于帕森斯写作这本书的主旨，传统上认为是支持伊莎贝拉的王位继承权，但是在他的书中并没有那么明显表达，仍然存在争议，霍利斯顿也认为这个时候（1593年）的帕森斯一直在观察詹姆斯六世的宗教倾向，说这是支持伊莎贝拉的檄文，还不如说是对詹姆斯的警告，帕森斯力挺伊莎贝拉应该是更晚之后的事情，见：Houliston, CatholicResistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons's Jesuit Polemic,1580-1610,75.根据劳（Thomas G. Law）的考察，帕森斯后来甚至私下建议伊莎贝拉嫁给当时的大主教法尔内塞（Cardinal Farnese），因为两人血缘上都是冈特的约翰（John of Ghent）的后裔，因而联姻更能增加继承王位的资本。法尔内塞为此大局应该还俗。这更让人怀疑耶稣会的不择手段，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in theReign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," andIllustrative Documents, xxv.
330. Robert Parsons, The Jesuit's Memorial for the Intended Reformation of England under Their First PopishPrince Published from the Copy That Was Presented to the Late King James II: With an Introduction, and SomeAnimadversions by Edward Gee, ed. Edward Gee, Early English Books,1641-1700/STC(UMI):219:07(London:Richard Chiswel,1690).
331. Ibid.,2-3.
332.“Neither is it sufficient for the security of any careful man's conscience to say, that the See Apostolick hastolerated with these things in Queen Mary's time; for that it is well known how times and matters went then,……sothat the Toleration then used was upon constraint, and fear of farther inconveniencies to follow, if the matter shouldhave been greatly urged at that time；”见：ibid.,51.
333.“but that such as the enemies, persecutors, or of notorious impiety against her, should leave the livings, whichthey possess of her wholly, and with more rigour of justice, than the other before named.”见：ibid.,55.
334.“All Englishmen do know the peculiar ancient custom of letting lands in England,……so that in very deed ifthese old rents of Assize were restored again to the church, it might be said in effect, that the whole were restored,and thereby a certain proportion of equity in restitution observed.”见：ibid.,53-4.
335.“it would be very much necessary that they should leave some good and sound manner of Inquisitionestablished for the conservation of that which they have planted: For that, during the time of their authority, perhaps itwould be best to spare the name of Inquisition at the first beginning, in so new and green a State of Religion, as oursmust needs be, after so many Years of Heresie, Atheism, and other Dissolutions, may chance offend and exasperatemore than do good; but afterwards it will be necessary to bring it in either by that or some other name, as shall bethought most convenient for the time; for that without this care, all will slide down and fall again."见：ibid.,98-9.
336. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,4.
337. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,xxxvi-vii.
338.不过这里也得澄清一下。虽然有若干针对女王的阴谋，但是总共183位天主教殉教者，基本上还是死于政治危机严重时的惩罚法令下。留存下来的审讯记录基本上都与具体的阴谋无关，而是关于宗教活动，或者笼统的关于伊丽莎白的精神权威问题。这一点要得益于奥康奈尔的观察，见：O'Connell, The CounterReformation:1559-1610,241.
339. Bede Camm, William Cardinal Allen, Founder of the Seminaries (London: Macdonald&Evans,1908),145-6.
340. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxv.
341. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,393-4.
342. Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,147.
343.首批来到英格兰的耶稣会士是1580年的帕森斯和坎皮安，次年坎皮安不幸被捕殉教，帕森斯逃离。1581年海伍德接替帕森斯来到英格兰。这个时候在英格兰的耶稣会士只有海伍德，但耶稣会的影响力较大，宗教态度也较激进。
344. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxii.海伍德是否拥有教皇使节的身份，他是否有总开宗教会议并更改宗教习俗的权限，这个不甚清楚。但从实际情况看，似乎海伍德并没有向在英格兰的传教士出示他的权力凭证，因此受到普遍质疑也很正常，更何况由于他高调的姿态，更遭抱怨。
345. Ethelred L. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773(London: Methuen,1901),156.关于英格兰的节日和习俗的状况，以及公会议的决定，海伍德似乎不甚了解。特兰特公会议虽然强调仪式的统一，但是对于个别地方的不同，还是有不同程度的尊重，比如一个地方的习俗，如果有两百年以上历史的话，那么是可以继续遵守的。见：Davies, Worship and Theology in England. Vol.1, from Cranmer to Hooker,1534-1603,
148.海伍德的冒失举动引起各方反对。他向帕森斯求助，帕森斯回信说，斋戒是个老传统，不要更改；虽然人并不需要斋戒，但是对这个问题，最好是建议，不要强迫。见：Morris, The Troubles of Our Catholic ForefathersRelated by Themselves. Second Series,23.
346. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxii.1577年开始有第一位天主教传教士殉教，从1580年起惩罚加重，每年有更多殉难者。艾伦关于十二位殉难者的行传英文出版于1582年，1583年出拉丁文版，1585年翻译成意大利文。见：WilliamAllen, A Briefe Historieof the Glorious Martyrdom of Xii. Reuerend Priests, Executed Vvithin These Tvveluemonethes for Confession andDefence of the Catholike Faith but Vnder the False Pretence of Treason. Vvith a Note of Sundrie Things That BefelThem in Their Life and Imprisonment: And a Preface Declaring Their Innocencie. Set Furth by Such as Were MuchConuersant Vvith Them in Their Life, and Present at Their Arraignement and Death. Occidistis, Sed Non Possedistis.That Is You Haue Slaine Them, but You Haue Not Gotten Possession, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):839:16(Rheimes: Jean de Foigny,1582).
347. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,156-7.
348.威斯顿在此后神学院与耶稣会的冲突中扮演重要角色。他约于1569年牛津毕业后前往杜埃和罗马，与1575年加入耶稣会。他因为特别虔诚和博学而被人称道。托马斯劳提到，在西班牙的英格兰学院，威斯顿就经常不经意就跪地祈祷；他的同伴也经常在半夜被他鞭笞自己的声音吵醒。见：Law, A Historical Sketch of theConflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "TrueRelation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xliii-xliv.
349. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,160.
350. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,xlv-xlvi.
351.杰勒德于1588年到达英格兰，成功地逃过多年追捕，直到1594年被捕之后关在伦敦塔，饱受折磨，但是于1597年成功逃脱。之后继续秘密活动。他从1609年开始撰写的自传，讲述了他在英格兰传教、冒险的经历。
352. Gerard, Caraman, and Greene, John Gerard: The Autobiography of an Elizabethan,28.
353. Ibid.,28-9.
354. Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England,1580-1773,162.
355. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxiii.
356. Theodore Maynard, Saint Ignatius and the Jesuits (New York: PJ Kenedy,1956),10-1.
357. Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in the Churchof England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State, Records,and Letters,55.
358. Peter Holmes,"Jesuit Political Thought: The Society of Jesus and the State, C.1540–1630," The EnglishHistorical Review121, no.493(2006):1124.
359. Michael Questier,"'Like Locusts over All the World': Conversion, Indoctrination and the Society of Jesus inLate Elizabethan and Jacobean England," in The Reckoned Expense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits,ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu,2007),355.
360. Thomas M. McCoog,"'Playing the Champion': The Role of Disputation in the Jesuit Mission," in The ReckonedExpense, Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits, ed. Thomas M. McCoog (Rome: Institutum historicumSocietatis Iesu,2007),150.
361. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxxviii.
362. Ibid., xxxviii-xxxix.
363. Haigh, ed. The English Reformation Revised,195.
364. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,2.
365. Ibid.,8.
366. Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England,278.在此危机中，以巴格肖和威斯顿为代表的两派著文相互指责，其中就不免有夸大其辞的成分，都不好采信。其中关于威斯顿为什么生气的记录，就是一个很好的例子。巴格肖在他的《关于威斯贝奇分歧的真实记录》中，就提到当时追随威斯顿的索思沃思（ChristopherSouthworth）向布吕埃传达威斯顿的抱怨，说他不能忍受诸如“招妓、酗酒、赌博”（Whoredome, drunkennes,and dicing)等等在威斯贝奇普遍发生的行为，见：Christopher Bagshaw, A True Relation of the Faction Begun atVvisbich by Fa. Edmonds, Alias Vveston, a Iesuite,1595. And Continued since by Fa. Walley, Alias Garnet, theProuincall of the Iesuits in England, and by Fa. Parsons in Rome, with Their Adherents: Against Vs the SecularPriests Their Bretheren and Fellow Prisoners, That Disliked of Nouelties, and Thought It Dishonourable to theAuncient Ecclesiasticall Discipline of the Catholike Church, That Secular Priests Should Be Gouerned by Iesuits, ed.William Watson, Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):169:11(London: Newly Imprinted [by FelixKingston],1601),8.但是在该年一月份，威斯顿写了一封信给加尼特，列了十条他抱怨的理由，其中前五点被帕森斯引用，懒惰、妄言、斗殴、欺负弱小和酗酒暴食，这些显然应该是帕森斯觉得最重要的几点，里面没有涉及男女关系不端的说法，见：Robert Parsons, A Briefe Apologie, or Defence of the Catholike EcclesiasticalHierarchie,&Subordination in England Erected These Later Yeares by Our Holy Father Pope Clement the Eyght;and Impugned by Certayne Libels Printed&Published of Late Both in Latyn&English; by Some Vnquiet PersonsVnder the Name of Priests of the Seminaries. Vvritten and Set Forth for the True Information and Stay of All GoodCatholikes, by Priests Vnited in Due Subordination to the Right Reuerend Archpriest, and Other Their Superiors,Early English Books,1475-1640/STC(UMI):1301:9a ([Antwerp]: Permissu superiorum [Printed by A. Conincx],1601),72.此话是索思沃思传达给布吕埃，并经由巴格肖记录下来。托马斯劳在他为巴格肖作品所作前言叙述中，将此句话直接当作威斯顿的真实说法，波伦批评他理解错了，因为这句话经过多手转引，未必是威斯顿的原话。但实际上托马斯劳早就注意到加尼特在后来给会长的报告中，就提到：关于威斯贝奇风气的败坏，帕森斯为了行文简洁（实际上是464页的一本书！）只提到五点，其实还有赌博和男女关系混乱。显然加尼特在这一点上并不诚实。托马斯劳注意到这一点，但并没有加以评论，只在对巴格肖的注释里面提到加内特的报告。因此，波伦对托马斯劳的批评，不甚公允，见：Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuitsand Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun atWisbich," and Illustrative Documents, p.21. Note.1; Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study ofthe Transition from Paternal to Constitutional and Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,14.
367. Thomas G. Law, The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to the Dissensions of the Roman CatholicClergy,1597-1602,2vols., vol.1(London: Camden Society,1896), xv.
368. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,15-20.
369.关于为何巴格肖要成立这样形式的团体，不只是在威斯贝奇而是全国范围内，波伦的解释是：在威斯贝奇，他们是少数派，通过投票往往没有话语权，吸收更多的教士进来，不仅可以募到更多捐赠，也可以少数变成多数，可以更主动。见：ibid.,30.
370. Ibid.,23, note.3.巴格肖在自己备忘录里所记词句，需要解释一下。此时的传教士，遭到政府的追捕，一般都依附于天主教贵族的庄园府第。而所要建立的教士联合会，显然需要各种手续事务，教士们不得不经常抛头露面，很危险。所以贵族们希望教士能安心自处，很不希望他们横生事端。
371. Ibid.,31.
372. Ibid.,25.
373. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, lxii.
374. Ibid., lxiv.
375.神学院怀疑耶稣会的阴谋，帕森斯在1598年六月从那普勒斯给加尼特的一封信中澄清了这些误会。他宣称耶稣会绝不可能在这件事上面做手脚，命令加尼特手下的耶稣会士和跟随威斯顿的那些教士都要服从布莱克韦尔，并且抱怨现在神学院教士都结成党派反对和中伤耶稣会。见：Robert Parsons,"Copy of Letter fromParsons to Garnet,[Naples, July12and13,1598.]," in The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to theDissensions of the Roman Catholic Clergy,1597-1602, ed. Thomas Graves Law (London: Camden Society,1896),22-4.
376. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,34.
377. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,lxvii-lxviii.
378. Law, The Archpriest Controversy: Documents Relating to the Dissensions of the Roman Catholic Clergy,1597-1602,72-6.在这个过程中，反布莱克韦尔派的力量也在暗中积聚和较量。在威斯贝奇监狱中的这三十多人都是较有声望的传教士，也是两派所积极争取的目标。马希于1598年七月给狱中的巴格肖和布吕埃的信中，强调首席司祭的设立是耶稣会的阴谋，只是为他们的小群体谋利，而不是为了推进整个英格兰上帝的事业。见：Ibid.,64.
379. Ibid., xvii.
380. CRS, Vol.22,142.
381. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),272-3.
382. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, lxi.
383. Ibid., cv.
384. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,65.
385. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),273.
386. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, cxiii.
387. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,94.
388. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth and James I, vol.6Reign of Elizabeth,1601-1602(London: Longman, Brown,1879),261.
389. Pollen, The Institution of the Archpriest Blackwell: A Study of the Transition from Paternal to Constitutionaland Local Church Government among the English Catholics,1595to1602,95.
390. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xxxiii-iv.
391. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents, xxxv.
392. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws, xcvii.
393.关于帕森斯的真实意图，也有不同的讨论。帕森斯在这场辩论中重要的作品是《为英格兰教阶制度辩护》，反驳神学院派对他擅权和操弄政治阴谋的指控，澄清他的立场。在书中他宣称他之所以不赞成设立主教，是因为怕激怒英格兰政府，见：Parsons, A Briefe Apologie, or Defence of the Catholike Ecclesiastical Hierarchie,&Subordination in England Erected These Later Yeares by Our Holy Father Pope Clement the Eyght; and Impugned byCertayne Libels Printed&Published of Late Both in Latyn&English; by Some Vnquiet Persons Vnder the Name ofPriests of the Seminaries. Vvritten and Set Forth for the True Information and Stay of All Good Catholikes, by Priests
Vnited in Due Subordination to the Right Reuerend Archpriest, and Other Their Superiors,99.据蒂也尼的考察，早在1580年，帕森斯就曾向阿加扎里（时任罗马英格兰学院院长）建议在英格兰设立主教一职。但是从1597年他到罗马时，就意识到神学院已结成派系抵制耶稣会，自然不愿神学院独立。他更私下提到，希望英格兰传教士能有人领导，而这位领导要是能服从耶稣会就好了。见：Dodd and Tierney, Dodd's Church History ofEngland from the Commencement of the Sixteenth Century to the Revolution in1688,47, note.1.
394. Charles Dodd, The History of the English College at Doway from Its First Foundation in1568, to the PresentTime.(London: Bernard Lintott,1713),17.
395. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth,38.
396. Ibid.,45.
397. Ibid.,35.
398. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations,1558-1565,28.
399. Richard Simpson, Edmund Campion: A Biography (London: Williams and Norgate,1867),131.
400. Law, A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between the Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth:With a Reprint of C. Bagshaw's "True Relation of the Faction Begun at Wisbich," and Illustrative Documents,cxxvi-cxxvii.
401. Lake and Questier,"Margaret Clitherow, Catholic Nonconformity, Martyrology and the Politics of ReligiousChange in Elizabethan England,"89.
402. Simpson, Edmund Campion: A Biography,130.辛普森的看法，可以参考前文提到的1578年的备忘录第九个问题所述，罗马希望教众暂时屈服，当时机来临的时候再举起武器反抗。
403. Peter Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent1558-1795: Vol.1: The English Colleges andConvents in the Catholic Low Countries,1558-1795(London: Longmans, Green and Co.,1914),174.
404. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,169-75.
405."……and that the matter was tolerated by the Sea of Rome notwithstanding, knowing their good meaningsinwardly in there harts, and that now it was sufficient for testimony of the Cleargies good will to CatholikeReligion,that the Bishops whose degree required perfection had refused to subscribe for all, and went to prison forthat, but themselves being immediat pastors of soules might beare and dissemble some little tyme to see what wouldbecome of matters and so keepe out heretikes, which otherwise would destroy all."帕森斯的《备忘录》作于1600年，记录了伊丽莎白即位以来天主教生存和抗争的情况。在此文中，他看到了服从派教士矛盾的一面。见：CRS, Vol.2,60.
406. Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the Elizabethan Catholics,184.
407.麦克莱恩（Lisa Mclain）总结天主教徒与异端的隔绝主要有三种方式，一种是身体上（physical），第二种是仪式上（ritual），第三种是心中的（imaginative），不过麦克莱恩讨论的主要是天主教徒不在国教堂的情况，天主教徒不在国教堂的话，那么在第二种即仪式上的隔绝，是没有问题的。但是在兰代尔和贝尔的情况看来，在国教堂里的仪式，却正是天主教徒难受的地方。因为兰代尔和贝尔视身体上进国教堂无罪，但却不敢将接受异端仪式也定义为无罪。麦克莱恩的看法见：Lisa McClain,"Without Church, Cathedral, or Shrine: TheSearch for Religious Space among Catholics in England,1559-1625," Sixteenth Century Journal33, no.2(2002):383.
408. John Strype, Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other Various Occurrences in theChurch of England, During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign: Together with an Appendix of Original Papers of State,Records, and Letters, vol. I, part1(Oxford: the Clarendon Press,1824),394.
409.黑格研究的地区是北部边陲兰开夏郡，那里中央管理一向鞭长莫及，因此天主教较为活跃。据他的调查，伊丽莎白统治前十年，一直有40个天主教传教士在此地区活动，而国教1565年此地区的教士才只有79名。见：Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,249.
410. CRS, Vol.22,116.北部的情况似乎也不太相同。同样处于北部的约克郡，该名教士在同一封信中却认为此处教众都比较驯服。
411. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,257.
412. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),206.
413. Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests: And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have SufferedDeath in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,2vols., vol.1(Philadelphia: John T. Green,1839),23-7.
414. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I.(1558-1625),214.
415. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire,277.
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417.这就是“血腥质问”（bloody question），问题一般有两个，那就是“谁（教皇或者女王）才是教会的精神权威？”，“假如教皇或者他的代理人西班牙国王入侵英格兰，那么你会站在哪一边？”所有的殉难者最后都是因为这两个问题而被杀。第一个问题天主教徒必然会答教皇，但这并不构成政治错误；而对第二个问题，一般选择不回答，然而此种审判并没有任何程序正义可言，上下其手的情况比比皆是，无论如何都是死。此时的英格兰天主教殉难者的传记，基本上都是如此。具体例子可见：Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests:And Other Catholics of Both Sexes, That Have Suffered Death in England on Religious Accounts, from the Year1577to1684,119-20.
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