台湾民主进步党的社会基础和政治地位变迁研究
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摘要
孙中山先生领导革命,创立兴中会,经历同盟会、国民党、中华革命党,致力推翻满清政府,以至于先期的中国国民党创立了中华民国并居于执政地位,并在1946年制订「中华民国宪法」之前,当时国内的政党计有“中国共产党”、“中国国民党”、“中国青年党”、“中国民主社会党”(中国国家社会党、中国民主宪政党合并后更名)、“中国民主同盟”。1949年10月1日,中国共产党在北京天安门广场,向全世界宣布「中华人民共和国中央政府」新政权成立,在中国的领土上,再一次的政党政权转换,由中国共产党合法掌握执政地位。现今中国在中国共产党体制执政下的八个参政党派:“中国国民党革命委员会”、“中国民主同盟”、“中国民主建国会”、“中国民主促进会”、“中国农工民主党”、“九二学社”、“中国致公党”、“台湾民主自治同盟”,在中国共产党领导与多党合作的体制下,国家还有希望地带领着人民迈向自由、民主、富强的康庄大道;而中国国民党1950年,在台湾地区实施戒严,进入动员戡乱时期,仅有跟随中国国民党到达台湾的中国青年党及中国民主社会党,三个政党。直至1986年9月28日,仍处于戒严下的台湾地区,在130多位社会人士发起组织的「民主进步党」在台北市圆山大饭店宣布正式成立。1989年1月,台湾立法院修正「动员戡乱时期人民团体法」,增列「政治团体」一章,规定政党与政治团体之成立要件;自此,台湾人民可以依法组党,文录(2006年10月)为止,已向台湾地区内政部申请核(获)准备案之合法政党有120个,政治团体有41个。
民进党在发展过程中,一直高举着“清廉”、“民主”、“本土”的旗帜进行政治动员。但是二十年的党务发展历程展现出与民进党道德宣誓截然不同的结果。民进党的各个核心价值经常因派系的冲突、事务官职卡位元战及政治利益分配不均的种种因素而不断地流失,过程中不断出现相当大程度的异化。民进党的民主诉求也已经和民主的终极价值与关怀变得南辕北辙。民进党组党初期,其诉求主要是反对国民党的专制统治,改变“本省人”在整个权力分配体制中边缘化的局面,所以其民主诉求在当时尚具有普遍关怀的意涵。2000年民进党上台后,局面就产生了很大的改变,而大权在握的民进党并没有将“价值民主”向“实践民主”转化,即实践选举时的政见承诺,加强对“人民”的关照,却反而利用“民主”维护党的自主权力。最典型的例子是:最近民间因陈水扁的贪腐问题而要求其下台的呼声甚高,但阿扁却坚持一定要做到底,并以“阿扁是台湾过半数人选出来的总统”作为挡箭牌。2000年以前,民进党鼓吹“政治清廉”最为卖力,只因持有未曾执政过的记述来对台湾选民与国民党大放厥辞,其在2000年的“总统大选”中更是将“反黑金”作为竞选文宣的主打议题,极力突显“清廉改革”的形象以清新政党压制性的比较方式打击国民党传统老旧又腐败的刻板印象。但是在民进党上台后的短短几年时间内,阿扁当局的“黑金化”程度比起国民党时期也真是有过之而无不及,贪官污吏腐败的速度则远远超过了国民党。从近期爆出的弊案来看,所牵涉的金额颇令人触目惊心,显示民进党政府所谓的“清廉”诉求已经完全破产,其所蕴含的道德约束力在陈水扁及其一妻二秘三师与家庭成员身上也已经荡然无存。民进党的另外两个核心价值“民主”和“本土”则纠结在一起,以异化的方式表现出来。民进党一贯以“本土政党”自居,族群动员、乡里动员是其政治动员的主要手段之一。为了达到胜选的目的,民进党割裂台湾社会划清两岸民族关系,扩大膨胀原本并不明显的族群隔阂,挑衅外省人、本省人族群仇恨,区隔客家人、原住民的族群诱发力,鼓噪工人、农人的抗争性,不停制造族群的对立与对抗。结果,本土化的价值被狭隘的族群意识所取代,成为打击异己的工具。民进党核心价值的流失在客观上对民进党形成了筛选机制,一批坚持基本价值的核心人物,如许信良、施明德、林义雄等先后退出民进党,从而凸显了民进党异己腐化的速度及民主价值远离了早期组党时的诉求宗旨。这一趋势又反向加速了民进党的核心价值流失。派系共治局面的形成是由民进党内的政治生态所凝定的。民进党刚组建时,仅是一个反国民党统治的约盟之众,内部各种政治观点交错杂陈,即使是同一政治思潮,也会导致不同路线的争执。另外,民进党内部的政治势力从党外时代发展而成为山头派系林立,需要一个能够缓冲矛盾的机制,派系共治结构由此产生,才能发挥一点一滴的段落式整合功能。民进党经过“本土性建构”之长期的、有差别的价值观念引导,台湾社会的历史记忆已经被刻意地筛选和过滤。同时,经过无数次选举的政治社会分化作用,岛内人民,特别是泛绿民众对若干政治问题已经造成不懂反省的刻板认知。于是在民进党与基本支持者之间形成了互相绑架的局面,进而形成了共犯结构。对泛绿阵营而言,陈水扁已经不单纯是一个执政者,而是本土政治的一个先驱领导者,也是已经超越了政治道德而必须维护的政治图腾。这种结构是影响民进党自身反省和内部政治生态调整的最大阻碍力量。
然而,民主进步党能够在短短十四年间,运用民主选举制度,推翻了执政五十年的中国国民党,于2000年在多数民意的选票支持下,以及能在军、宪、警的政治中立体制下,和平转移台湾政权,取得执政地位,其成长过程与党内外的形成力量,是不容忽视,应该有足够理由以实现理性的研究态度,深入加以探讨。
本文主体是以台湾民主进步党的草创期、在野期、执政期及重回到在野立命的可能性,作为主要研究目标,从党内派系、党外关系、社会动脉的关键性其它政党的冲击比较,再则从街头运动至竞选参政至地方政府执政进而成为执政党,分析该党的未来趋势及带动或影响到台湾的民主问题及国际地位的优劣环境,两岸的关系又是否因为该党的本土主张与台独意识而牵动国民党与共产党的假像共识。并以实际发生的政党政治题材作研究对象,追查真人真事、实质采访记录,取材于各党派以当代发生的实事求是的政局发展或变化加以探讨分析。
Sun Yat-sen,Father of the Nation,founded the Society for Regenerating China(兴中会)as a platform for revolutionary activities.Later,the Society was turned into the Revolutionary Alliance(同盟会),the Chinese Nationalist Party/KMT(国民党),and the Chinese Revolutionary Party(中华革命党)which were all dedicated to the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty.Among them,the early KMT had founded the Republic of China and came into power.In 1946,the Constitution of the Republic of China had been drawn up.At that time,the domestic parties were the Chinese Communist Party(中国共产党),the Chinese Youth Party(中国青年党),the China Democratic Alliance(中国民主同盟),and the Chinese Liberal Democratic Party,which was renamed after the merger of the Chinese Nationalist Society Party (中国国家社会党)and the Chinese Democratic Constitutional Party(中国民主社会党).October 1 in 1949,the Chinese Communist Party announced the establishment of the Central Government of the People's Republic of China(中华人民共和国中央政府)in the Tiananmen Square in Beijing.In the territory of China,once again the political power was transferred and the Chinese Communist Party became the ruling party legally.Nowadays in China there are eight political parties in the country ruled by the Chinese Communist Party.the Revolutionary Committee of Chinese Kuomintang(中国国民党革命委员会),the China Democratic Alliance(中国民主同盟),the China Democratic National Construction Association(中国民主建国会),the China Association for Promoting Democracy(中国民主促进会),the Chinese Peasants and Workers Democratic Party(中国农工民主党),the Jiuer Society (九二学社),the China Public Interest Party(中国致公党),and the Taiwan Democratic Self-government League(台湾民主自治同盟).Based on the cooperative system among the Chinse Communist Party and other plural Parties,the country has embarked on a broad road with hope to the destination of freedom,democracy and prosperity.However,in 1950,the KMT declared the Martial Law and Taiwan entered the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion.The Chinese Youth Party and the Chiese Liberal Democratic Party had followed the KMT to Taiwan,which made the number of political parties add up to three in Taiwan.On September 28 in 1986,the formal establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party,originated by more than one hundred and thirty public figures,was announced in the Grand Hotel in Taipei and Taiwan was still under the Martial Law then.In January of 1989,the Legislative Yuan amended the Civil Organizations Act of the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion,adding the chapter of "Political Groups" and proclaiming the important conditions for forming political parties and groups.From then on,people in Taiwan had a legal basis to form political parties.As of October of 2006,in Taiwan there are one hundred and twenty political parties and forty one political groups which had gained the permission of the Ministry of the Interior legally.
During the development of the Democratic Progressive Party,it has claimed "honesty", "democracy",and "localization" as its core values to engage in political mobilization.Nevertheless, the development course of party affairs for the last twenty years had shown an entirely different result from the ethics claimed by the DPP.The core values of the DPP have been diminished and dissimilated due to faction conflicts,administrative position takings,and imbalanced distribution of political interests. The democratic pursuit of the DPP has been widely separated from the ultimate value of democracy.In the early period,the DPP mainly sought to oppose the autocratic ruling of the KMT and wanted to change the marginal status of the "native Taiwanese" in the system of power distribution.Therefore,its democratic request still had the meaning of overall concern at that time.However,the situation changed drastically after the DPP had taken office in 2000.The DPP,with power in its grip,did not turn its "value of democracy" into the "practice of democracy".It did not realize the commitment of looking after "people".On the contrary,the DPP utilized "democracy" to safeguard its political autonomy.The latest corruption scandal of the president Chen Shui-bian was a typical case in point. People had asked the president to resign due to the disgrace of corruption,but Chen refused to step down. He said that "A-bian is the president elected by more than half of the people in Taiwan" and utilized this as an excuse to rebut the request of resignation.Before 2000,the DPP had exerted all possible efforts in promoting "political honesty".Never being a ruling party before,it boasted of its honest image to voters and the KMT.In the presidential election of 2000,the DPP even utilized the "anti-black gold" issue as its main theme in the campaign,trying to make its image of honesty and reform stand out to contrast with the conservative and corruptive impression of the KMT.Nevertheless,only within a few years after the DPP took office,the Chen administration was "black-goldized" and the corruption problem got even worse than that of the KMT ruling period.The astounding amount of money involving in the latest scandal showed that the DPP s credit of "honesty" had gone bankrupt.The constraint force of morals had all gone in dishonor involving Chen,his wife,accountant,doctor,lawyer and two secretaries.On the other hand,the other two core values "democracy" and "localization" have intertwined and manifested through dissimilation.The DPP has always considered itself as a "local political party" and the mobilization of ethnic groups and fellow villagers and townsmen has been one of its main political strategies.In order to achieve the goal of winning the election,the DPP had split the Taiwanese society and drawn a clear line of demarcation between the people in Mainland China and Taiwan,enlarging the ethnic differences,provoking conflicts between mainlanders and native Taiwanese, separating different groups such as Hakka and aborigines,and arousing the resistance of workers and farmers.It had continually provoked confrontation of ethnic groups.As a result,the value of localization had been replaced by the narrow ethnic awareness,becoming a tool of attacking those who hold different views.The diminished core values of the DPP had helped the forming of the screening mechanism.A group of people who insisted the importance of basic values,such as Hsu Hsin-liang,Shih Ming-de,and Lin Yi-hsiung,left the DPP one after another,It implied that the DPP has faced a problem of corruption and its democratic vales had already deviated from its original object.This trend instead had accelerated the speed of diminishing the core values of the DPP.The situation of joint rule by party factions was formed due to the political ecosystem of the DPP.When the DPP was first established,it was only a group of people with different political points of views opposing the rule of the KMT.However,even these points of views all belong to the same political thought;they would also lead to dispute over different lines.Moreover,since the dangwai(outside the KMT)period,the inner political power of the DPP has evolved into various factions and it needed a buffer to absorb conflicts.Therefore,the structure of joint rule by party factions came into existence and it performed the integrated function bit by bit. After being lead by the long-termed and differentiated values of the "local construction",the historical memory of the Taiwanese society has been painstakingly sifted and filtered.At the same time,after experiencing innumerable elections involving campaigns of disunion,people in Taiwan,especially pan-green voters,would not reflect on themselves regarding certain political problems.Consequently,the DPP and its loyal supporters kidnapped each other,becoming partners in crime.For the pan-green camp, Chen Shui-bian is not only a ruler but also a pioneer of local politics.He is also the political totem that the DPP has to protect beyond any political ethics.This kind of structure is the biggest obstruction for the self-reflection of the DPP and its inner adjustment of political ecosystem.
Nevertheless,the DPP,only within fourteen years,utilized the democratic election system to overthrow the KMT,which ruled Taiwan for fifty years,and took office with majority of votes in 2000.It also transferred the power peacefully under the system of political neutrality which separates soldiers,the police,and the military.Therefore,its process of growth and power formation can not be neglected and is worth studying with a solemn attitude so as to serve as an important milestone for the development and evolution of party politics.
This dissertation focuses on the DPP s development,discussing its initial period,opposition party period,and ruling period as well as the possibility of becoming the opposition party again.It compares the factions in the DPP,outside-the-party relationship,and the social context with other parties and also discusses the history of the DPP from engaging in street campaigns,running for elections,ruling the local governments,and to becoming the ruling party.The future trend of the DPP,the democratic issue of Taiwan,and the international status are all discussed.The topic of whether the cross-strait relationship will be affected due to the DPP s local position and the awareness of Taiwan independence is also probed.It also utilizes real political cases as the materials for conducting research,obtaining information through investigation and interviews,so as to analyze and discuss the current situations of political development.
民进党在发展过程中,一直高举着“清廉”、“民主”、“本土”的旗帜进行政治动员。但是二十年的党务发展历程展现出与民进党道德宣誓截然不同的结果。民进党的各个核心价值经常因派系的冲突、事务官职卡位元战及政治利益分配不均的种种因素而不断地流失,过程中不断出现相当大程度的异化。民进党的民主诉求也已经和民主的终极价值与关怀变得南辕北辙。民进党组党初期,其诉求主要是反对国民党的专制统治,改变“本省人”在整个权力分配体制中边缘化的局面,所以其民主诉求在当时尚具有普遍关怀的意涵。2000年民进党上台后,局面就产生了很大的改变,而大权在握的民进党并没有将“价值民主”向“实践民主”转化,即实践选举时的政见承诺,加强对“人民”的关照,却反而利用“民主”维护党的自主权力。最典型的例子是:最近民间因陈水扁的贪腐问题而要求其下台的呼声甚高,但阿扁却坚持一定要做到底,并以“阿扁是台湾过半数人选出来的总统”作为挡箭牌。2000年以前,民进党鼓吹“政治清廉”最为卖力,只因持有未曾执政过的记述来对台湾选民与国民党大放厥辞,其在2000年的“总统大选”中更是将“反黑金”作为竞选文宣的主打议题,极力突显“清廉改革”的形象以清新政党压制性的比较方式打击国民党传统老旧又腐败的刻板印象。但是在民进党上台后的短短几年时间内,阿扁当局的“黑金化”程度比起国民党时期也真是有过之而无不及,贪官污吏腐败的速度则远远超过了国民党。从近期爆出的弊案来看,所牵涉的金额颇令人触目惊心,显示民进党政府所谓的“清廉”诉求已经完全破产,其所蕴含的道德约束力在陈水扁及其一妻二秘三师与家庭成员身上也已经荡然无存。民进党的另外两个核心价值“民主”和“本土”则纠结在一起,以异化的方式表现出来。民进党一贯以“本土政党”自居,族群动员、乡里动员是其政治动员的主要手段之一。为了达到胜选的目的,民进党割裂台湾社会划清两岸民族关系,扩大膨胀原本并不明显的族群隔阂,挑衅外省人、本省人族群仇恨,区隔客家人、原住民的族群诱发力,鼓噪工人、农人的抗争性,不停制造族群的对立与对抗。结果,本土化的价值被狭隘的族群意识所取代,成为打击异己的工具。民进党核心价值的流失在客观上对民进党形成了筛选机制,一批坚持基本价值的核心人物,如许信良、施明德、林义雄等先后退出民进党,从而凸显了民进党异己腐化的速度及民主价值远离了早期组党时的诉求宗旨。这一趋势又反向加速了民进党的核心价值流失。派系共治局面的形成是由民进党内的政治生态所凝定的。民进党刚组建时,仅是一个反国民党统治的约盟之众,内部各种政治观点交错杂陈,即使是同一政治思潮,也会导致不同路线的争执。另外,民进党内部的政治势力从党外时代发展而成为山头派系林立,需要一个能够缓冲矛盾的机制,派系共治结构由此产生,才能发挥一点一滴的段落式整合功能。民进党经过“本土性建构”之长期的、有差别的价值观念引导,台湾社会的历史记忆已经被刻意地筛选和过滤。同时,经过无数次选举的政治社会分化作用,岛内人民,特别是泛绿民众对若干政治问题已经造成不懂反省的刻板认知。于是在民进党与基本支持者之间形成了互相绑架的局面,进而形成了共犯结构。对泛绿阵营而言,陈水扁已经不单纯是一个执政者,而是本土政治的一个先驱领导者,也是已经超越了政治道德而必须维护的政治图腾。这种结构是影响民进党自身反省和内部政治生态调整的最大阻碍力量。
然而,民主进步党能够在短短十四年间,运用民主选举制度,推翻了执政五十年的中国国民党,于2000年在多数民意的选票支持下,以及能在军、宪、警的政治中立体制下,和平转移台湾政权,取得执政地位,其成长过程与党内外的形成力量,是不容忽视,应该有足够理由以实现理性的研究态度,深入加以探讨。
本文主体是以台湾民主进步党的草创期、在野期、执政期及重回到在野立命的可能性,作为主要研究目标,从党内派系、党外关系、社会动脉的关键性其它政党的冲击比较,再则从街头运动至竞选参政至地方政府执政进而成为执政党,分析该党的未来趋势及带动或影响到台湾的民主问题及国际地位的优劣环境,两岸的关系又是否因为该党的本土主张与台独意识而牵动国民党与共产党的假像共识。并以实际发生的政党政治题材作研究对象,追查真人真事、实质采访记录,取材于各党派以当代发生的实事求是的政局发展或变化加以探讨分析。
Sun Yat-sen,Father of the Nation,founded the Society for Regenerating China(兴中会)as a platform for revolutionary activities.Later,the Society was turned into the Revolutionary Alliance(同盟会),the Chinese Nationalist Party/KMT(国民党),and the Chinese Revolutionary Party(中华革命党)which were all dedicated to the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty.Among them,the early KMT had founded the Republic of China and came into power.In 1946,the Constitution of the Republic of China had been drawn up.At that time,the domestic parties were the Chinese Communist Party(中国共产党),the Chinese Youth Party(中国青年党),the China Democratic Alliance(中国民主同盟),and the Chinese Liberal Democratic Party,which was renamed after the merger of the Chinese Nationalist Society Party (中国国家社会党)and the Chinese Democratic Constitutional Party(中国民主社会党).October 1 in 1949,the Chinese Communist Party announced the establishment of the Central Government of the People's Republic of China(中华人民共和国中央政府)in the Tiananmen Square in Beijing.In the territory of China,once again the political power was transferred and the Chinese Communist Party became the ruling party legally.Nowadays in China there are eight political parties in the country ruled by the Chinese Communist Party.the Revolutionary Committee of Chinese Kuomintang(中国国民党革命委员会),the China Democratic Alliance(中国民主同盟),the China Democratic National Construction Association(中国民主建国会),the China Association for Promoting Democracy(中国民主促进会),the Chinese Peasants and Workers Democratic Party(中国农工民主党),the Jiuer Society (九二学社),the China Public Interest Party(中国致公党),and the Taiwan Democratic Self-government League(台湾民主自治同盟).Based on the cooperative system among the Chinse Communist Party and other plural Parties,the country has embarked on a broad road with hope to the destination of freedom,democracy and prosperity.However,in 1950,the KMT declared the Martial Law and Taiwan entered the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion.The Chinese Youth Party and the Chiese Liberal Democratic Party had followed the KMT to Taiwan,which made the number of political parties add up to three in Taiwan.On September 28 in 1986,the formal establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party,originated by more than one hundred and thirty public figures,was announced in the Grand Hotel in Taipei and Taiwan was still under the Martial Law then.In January of 1989,the Legislative Yuan amended the Civil Organizations Act of the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion,adding the chapter of "Political Groups" and proclaiming the important conditions for forming political parties and groups.From then on,people in Taiwan had a legal basis to form political parties.As of October of 2006,in Taiwan there are one hundred and twenty political parties and forty one political groups which had gained the permission of the Ministry of the Interior legally.
During the development of the Democratic Progressive Party,it has claimed "honesty", "democracy",and "localization" as its core values to engage in political mobilization.Nevertheless, the development course of party affairs for the last twenty years had shown an entirely different result from the ethics claimed by the DPP.The core values of the DPP have been diminished and dissimilated due to faction conflicts,administrative position takings,and imbalanced distribution of political interests. The democratic pursuit of the DPP has been widely separated from the ultimate value of democracy.In the early period,the DPP mainly sought to oppose the autocratic ruling of the KMT and wanted to change the marginal status of the "native Taiwanese" in the system of power distribution.Therefore,its democratic request still had the meaning of overall concern at that time.However,the situation changed drastically after the DPP had taken office in 2000.The DPP,with power in its grip,did not turn its "value of democracy" into the "practice of democracy".It did not realize the commitment of looking after "people".On the contrary,the DPP utilized "democracy" to safeguard its political autonomy.The latest corruption scandal of the president Chen Shui-bian was a typical case in point. People had asked the president to resign due to the disgrace of corruption,but Chen refused to step down. He said that "A-bian is the president elected by more than half of the people in Taiwan" and utilized this as an excuse to rebut the request of resignation.Before 2000,the DPP had exerted all possible efforts in promoting "political honesty".Never being a ruling party before,it boasted of its honest image to voters and the KMT.In the presidential election of 2000,the DPP even utilized the "anti-black gold" issue as its main theme in the campaign,trying to make its image of honesty and reform stand out to contrast with the conservative and corruptive impression of the KMT.Nevertheless,only within a few years after the DPP took office,the Chen administration was "black-goldized" and the corruption problem got even worse than that of the KMT ruling period.The astounding amount of money involving in the latest scandal showed that the DPP s credit of "honesty" had gone bankrupt.The constraint force of morals had all gone in dishonor involving Chen,his wife,accountant,doctor,lawyer and two secretaries.On the other hand,the other two core values "democracy" and "localization" have intertwined and manifested through dissimilation.The DPP has always considered itself as a "local political party" and the mobilization of ethnic groups and fellow villagers and townsmen has been one of its main political strategies.In order to achieve the goal of winning the election,the DPP had split the Taiwanese society and drawn a clear line of demarcation between the people in Mainland China and Taiwan,enlarging the ethnic differences,provoking conflicts between mainlanders and native Taiwanese, separating different groups such as Hakka and aborigines,and arousing the resistance of workers and farmers.It had continually provoked confrontation of ethnic groups.As a result,the value of localization had been replaced by the narrow ethnic awareness,becoming a tool of attacking those who hold different views.The diminished core values of the DPP had helped the forming of the screening mechanism.A group of people who insisted the importance of basic values,such as Hsu Hsin-liang,Shih Ming-de,and Lin Yi-hsiung,left the DPP one after another,It implied that the DPP has faced a problem of corruption and its democratic vales had already deviated from its original object.This trend instead had accelerated the speed of diminishing the core values of the DPP.The situation of joint rule by party factions was formed due to the political ecosystem of the DPP.When the DPP was first established,it was only a group of people with different political points of views opposing the rule of the KMT.However,even these points of views all belong to the same political thought;they would also lead to dispute over different lines.Moreover,since the dangwai(outside the KMT)period,the inner political power of the DPP has evolved into various factions and it needed a buffer to absorb conflicts.Therefore,the structure of joint rule by party factions came into existence and it performed the integrated function bit by bit. After being lead by the long-termed and differentiated values of the "local construction",the historical memory of the Taiwanese society has been painstakingly sifted and filtered.At the same time,after experiencing innumerable elections involving campaigns of disunion,people in Taiwan,especially pan-green voters,would not reflect on themselves regarding certain political problems.Consequently,the DPP and its loyal supporters kidnapped each other,becoming partners in crime.For the pan-green camp, Chen Shui-bian is not only a ruler but also a pioneer of local politics.He is also the political totem that the DPP has to protect beyond any political ethics.This kind of structure is the biggest obstruction for the self-reflection of the DPP and its inner adjustment of political ecosystem.
Nevertheless,the DPP,only within fourteen years,utilized the democratic election system to overthrow the KMT,which ruled Taiwan for fifty years,and took office with majority of votes in 2000.It also transferred the power peacefully under the system of political neutrality which separates soldiers,the police,and the military.Therefore,its process of growth and power formation can not be neglected and is worth studying with a solemn attitude so as to serve as an important milestone for the development and evolution of party politics.
This dissertation focuses on the DPP s development,discussing its initial period,opposition party period,and ruling period as well as the possibility of becoming the opposition party again.It compares the factions in the DPP,outside-the-party relationship,and the social context with other parties and also discusses the history of the DPP from engaging in street campaigns,running for elections,ruling the local governments,and to becoming the ruling party.The future trend of the DPP,the democratic issue of Taiwan,and the international status are all discussed.The topic of whether the cross-strait relationship will be affected due to the DPP s local position and the awareness of Taiwan independence is also probed.It also utilizes real political cases as the materials for conducting research,obtaining information through investigation and interviews,so as to analyze and discuss the current situations of political development.
引文
1 台湾联合报,2005/10/12,民意调查中心,台北市。
1 台湾中国时报,2005/10/23,民意调查组,台北市。
1 工商时报,2000年6月30日
2 工商时报,2000年7月8日
3 工商时报,2000年7月11日
4 中国时报,20130年7月11日
1 中国时报,2000年7月18日
2 中国时报,2000年7月18日
3 工商时报,2000年7月20日
4 中国时报,2000年7月20日
5 中国时报,2000年7月22日
6 中时晚报,2000年7月20日
7 中国时报,2000年7月23日
8 中国时报,2000年7月20日
9 工商时报,2000年7月20日
1 中国时报,2000年7月20日
2 中国时报,2000年7月22日
3 工商时报,2000年7月9日
4 工商时报,2000年7月10日
1 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
2 People's Daily.March 24,2004.
3 Financial Times,Jan.18,2006.
4 China Digital Time,Sept.13,2006.
1 China Digital Time,Sept.13,2006.
2 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.August 3,2006.
3 US Department of State,2001.
4 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
5 Kolas and Tφnnesson.Burma and Its Neighbours:Geopolitics of Gas.September 7,2006.
6 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
1 中国时报,2006年6月26日。
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1 Ashild Kolas & Stein Tonnesson, Burma and Its Neighbours: The Geopolitics of Gas. Sept 7, 2006. Policy Forum Online .
2 Jared Genser, China's Role in the World: The China-Burma Relationship, A Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. August 3,2006 c
3 US Department of State.
4 C. S. Kuppuswamy, Myanmar-China Cooperation: Its Implications for India, South Asia Analysis Group, Feb. 3,2003, available at http://www.saag.org/papers6/paper596.html.
5 Bruce Vaughn & Wayne M. Morrison, China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States, Congressional Research Service Report for C ongress, Apr. 4, 2006.
6 Burma, China, and the U.S.A.
7 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path.
8 Mohan Malik, Myanmar's Role in Regional Security: Pawn or Pivot, Contemporary Southeast Asia, June 1997.
9 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path.
10 CIA: The World Factbook: Burma.
11 Myanmar: The Case Against Sanctions.
12 See Xinhua News Agency, Myanmar, China Start Free Trade under Early Harvest Plan, June 15, 2004, available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/BAT/98311.htm.
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19 Joshua Kurlantzick, Gloomy Burmese Days, C urrent H istory, April 2004
20 Chinese Envoy Stresses "Trust," "Respect" in Burmese Relations
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22 Associated Press, China Signs Pact for $200M Myanmar Loan, June 10,2006 .
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27 Bertil Lintner, Burma and North Korea Share a Tunnel Vision, Asia Times, July 19,2006 .
28 William H. Overholt, Be Tougher on Burma than China, Asian Wall Street Journal, July 4,2003.
29 See alsoICEM: Global Union Federation Says 'No' to China, India's Burmese Gas Deals, M2 Presswire, Mar. 16, 2006.
30 People's Republic of China: Sustaining Conflict and Human Rights Abuses.
31 Paul Wiseman, U.N. Disputes U.S. Position on Free Trade's Impact on Poverty; Agency Advises Tariffs as Protection in Asian Countries, USA Today, July 5, 2006 .
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34 Premier Wen Jiabao Holds Talks with Prime Minister of Myanmar Soe Win, Chinese Foreign Ministry Press Release, Feb. 14, 2006.
35 Sudha Ramachandran, Yangon Still under Beijing's Thumb, Asia Times, Feb. 11, 2005 .
36 Larry Jagan, Uneasy Lies the Crown in Myanmar, Asia Times, Apr. 4, 2006.
37 Xinhua News Agency, Chinese Foreign Minister Says Ties with Burma to Be Stepped Up, Apr. 29, 2005 .
38 Ron Corben, Concerns Rise About Stability in Burma, US Fed News, May 27, 2005.
39 Wayne Bert, Burma, China and the U.S.A., P acific A flairs, Vol. 77, No. 2, 2004c
40 David Arnott, China-Burma Relations, Challenges to Democratization in Burma: Perspectives on Multilateral and Bilateral Responses 69, 69 (2003) (hereinafter Arnott Essay) .
41 DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary US LLP, Threat to the Peace: A Call for the UN Security Council to A ct in Burma, Commissioned by The Honorable Vaclav Havel and Bishop Desmond M. Tutu, at 8 (2005)
42 Poon Kim Shee, The Political Economy of China-Myanmar Relations: Strategic and Economic Dimensions, R itsumeikan A nnual R eview of I nternational S tudies, Vol. 1,2002
43 Gale Group, Industry at a Glance, W orld Oil, June 1 2006
44 Energy Intelligence Group, India's Pipe Problems, World Gas Intelligence, Apr. 26 2006
45 Konstantin Lantratov & Vladimir Soloviov, Air-to-Minerals Missiles: Russia Exchanges Military Hardware for Mineral Wealth, Defense and Security (Russia), No. 36, Apr. 5 2006
46 Tim Johnson, While Other Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path, T he P hiladelphia I nquirer, Mar. 8,2006
47 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path
48 Energy Intelligence Group, Inc., India's Pipe Problems, W orld G as I ntelligence, Apr. 26, 2006.
49 U.S.-Burma Relations: Hearing Before the S. Foreign Relations Comm., Subcomm. on Asia Pacific Affairs, 109th Cong. 5 (2006) (statement of Dr. Michael Jonathan Green)
50 Myanmar, India to Build More Border Roads to Promote Trade
51 James Gavin, World Gas: South Asia; China and India Battle for Myanmar's Gas, Petroleum Economist, May 8,2006
52 Testimony by Dr Michael Jonathan Green, Center for Strategic and International Studies, addressing the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Asia Pacific Affairs, on 'The Strategic Implications of the Burma Problem
53 Marilyn V. Longmuir, 2001, Oil in Burma: The Extraction of 'Earth-Oil' to 1914, Bangkok: White Lotus Press
54 David I. Steinberg, 2001, Burma: The State of Myanmar, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press
55 The Burma Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 . Karenni Development Research Group, 2006, Karen Rivers Watch, 2004, 'Damming at Gunpoint: Burma Army Atrocities Pave the Way for Salween Dams in Karen State .
56 Myanmar Seeks Russian arms for oil', AFP, 4 April 2006.
57 Energy: Sino-Burma oil pipeline', China Daily online, 18 April 2006 .
1 台湾中国时报,2005/10/23,民意调查组,台北市。
1 工商时报,2000年6月30日
2 工商时报,2000年7月8日
3 工商时报,2000年7月11日
4 中国时报,20130年7月11日
1 中国时报,2000年7月18日
2 中国时报,2000年7月18日
3 工商时报,2000年7月20日
4 中国时报,2000年7月20日
5 中国时报,2000年7月22日
6 中时晚报,2000年7月20日
7 中国时报,2000年7月23日
8 中国时报,2000年7月20日
9 工商时报,2000年7月20日
1 中国时报,2000年7月20日
2 中国时报,2000年7月22日
3 工商时报,2000年7月9日
4 工商时报,2000年7月10日
1 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
2 People's Daily.March 24,2004.
3 Financial Times,Jan.18,2006.
4 China Digital Time,Sept.13,2006.
1 China Digital Time,Sept.13,2006.
2 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.August 3,2006.
3 US Department of State,2001.
4 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
5 Kolas and Tφnnesson.Burma and Its Neighbours:Geopolitics of Gas.September 7,2006.
6 Genser,Jared.Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.Aug.3,2006.
1 中国时报,2006年6月26日。
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24、夏珍着,政海沉沉楚天阔:宋楚瑜二十四年政坛纪实,台北市:商业周刊出版,城邦文化发行,1997。
25、民进党中央党部文集小组,黄信介纪念文集,台北市:/民进党中央党部,2000。
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27、林正峰着,从台湾政治生态论:政党关系与政党沟通,台北县:三圣印刷,1994。
28、庄胜荣、柯景升合着,政治、法、选举,台北市:龙门书店,1995。
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32、杨宪村着,民进党执政,台北市:商周文化事业股份有限公司,1995。
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37、石之瑜着,民进党的党国文化,台北市:海峡学术出版,问津堂总经销,2002。
38、许介鳞着,李登辉与台湾政治,北京市:社会科学文献出版社,新华书店总店北京发行所经销,2002。
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42、黄昭堂着,台湾不应援用「分裂国家」理论,1997。
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44、黄昭堂着,「台湾中华民国」国际法上的地位,2002。
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46、台湾主权的重要声明/由台湾新世纪文教基金会、台湾安保协会、台湾关怀文教基金会与国际文化基金会于公元二 一年九月二十三日共同举办的「旧金山对日和约五十周 年」学术研讨会资料,2001。
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1 Ashild Kolas & Stein Tonnesson, Burma and Its Neighbours: The Geopolitics of Gas. Sept 7, 2006. Policy Forum Online .
2 Jared Genser, China's Role in the World: The China-Burma Relationship, A Testimony to U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. August 3,2006 c
3 US Department of State.
4 C. S. Kuppuswamy, Myanmar-China Cooperation: Its Implications for India, South Asia Analysis Group, Feb. 3,2003, available at http://www.saag.org/papers6/paper596.html.
5 Bruce Vaughn & Wayne M. Morrison, China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States, Congressional Research Service Report for C ongress, Apr. 4, 2006.
6 Burma, China, and the U.S.A.
7 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path.
8 Mohan Malik, Myanmar's Role in Regional Security: Pawn or Pivot, Contemporary Southeast Asia, June 1997.
9 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path.
10 CIA: The World Factbook: Burma.
11 Myanmar: The Case Against Sanctions.
12 See Xinhua News Agency, Myanmar, China Start Free Trade under Early Harvest Plan, June 15, 2004, available at http://www.china.org.cn/english/BAT/98311.htm.
13 BBC Worldwide Monitoring, Chinese Envoy Stresses "Trust," "Respect" in Burmese Relations, BBC Monitoring Asia Pacific, May 26, 2006.
14 Business Daily Update, Myanmar, China Striving for US$ 1.5B Bilateral Trade Volume, F inancial T imes, July 28, 2005.
15 Business Daily Update, Myanmar to Open Border Trade Zone with China Before February, Financial Times, Jan. 18, 2006.
16 Xinhua News Agency, China's Trade with Myanmar in April 2006, Xinhua Economic News Service, June 7, 2006.
17 TradeStats Express, Global Patterns of U.S. Merchandise Trade ( Burma), International Trade Administration, U.S. Department of Commerce, 2006.
18 Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma for the Period September 28, 2005 - March 27, 2006, Apr. 17, 2006.
19 Joshua Kurlantzick, Gloomy Burmese Days, C urrent H istory, April 2004
20 Chinese Envoy Stresses "Trust," "Respect" in Burmese Relations
21 Thet Khaing & Moe Zaw Myintin, Burma, China Sign 21 Agreements, The Manmar Times, Mar. 29,2004 c
22 Associated Press, China Signs Pact for $200M Myanmar Loan, June 10,2006 .
23 China Internet Information Center, International Cooperation: Economic Relationship between China and Burma, available at http://www.chinagate.com/cn/english/355.htm.
24 See Associated Press, Myanmar, China Sign Contract for Nation's Biggest Hydro Plant, Sept. 3, 2005, available at. http://english.sina.com/business/l/2005/0903/44645html.
25 Catherine Dalpino and David Steinberg, Georgetown Southeast Asia Survey 2003-2004, Washington: Georgetown University, 2003
26 IISS Strategic Comments, China's Ambitions in Myanmar, July 2000, available at http://www.asiapacificms.com/articles/myanmar_influence/, last visited July 12, 2006.
27 Bertil Lintner, Burma and North Korea Share a Tunnel Vision, Asia Times, July 19,2006 .
28 William H. Overholt, Be Tougher on Burma than China, Asian Wall Street Journal, July 4,2003.
29 See alsoICEM: Global Union Federation Says 'No' to China, India's Burmese Gas Deals, M2 Presswire, Mar. 16, 2006.
30 People's Republic of China: Sustaining Conflict and Human Rights Abuses.
31 Paul Wiseman, U.N. Disputes U.S. Position on Free Trade's Impact on Poverty; Agency Advises Tariffs as Protection in Asian Countries, USA Today, July 5, 2006 .
32 See Susan Krause, Despite Gains, Burma Still a Major Drug Producer and Trafficker, June 1, 2006, available at http://usinfo.state.gov/eap/Archive/2006/Mar/01-216920.html, last visited July 12, 2006.
33 Andrew Bosson, Sowing Disorder: Support for the Burmese Junta Backfires on China, China Rights Forum. Feb. 21, 2003 c
34 Premier Wen Jiabao Holds Talks with Prime Minister of Myanmar Soe Win, Chinese Foreign Ministry Press Release, Feb. 14, 2006.
35 Sudha Ramachandran, Yangon Still under Beijing's Thumb, Asia Times, Feb. 11, 2005 .
36 Larry Jagan, Uneasy Lies the Crown in Myanmar, Asia Times, Apr. 4, 2006.
37 Xinhua News Agency, Chinese Foreign Minister Says Ties with Burma to Be Stepped Up, Apr. 29, 2005 .
38 Ron Corben, Concerns Rise About Stability in Burma, US Fed News, May 27, 2005.
39 Wayne Bert, Burma, China and the U.S.A., P acific A flairs, Vol. 77, No. 2, 2004c
40 David Arnott, China-Burma Relations, Challenges to Democratization in Burma: Perspectives on Multilateral and Bilateral Responses 69, 69 (2003) (hereinafter Arnott Essay) .
41 DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary US LLP, Threat to the Peace: A Call for the UN Security Council to A ct in Burma, Commissioned by The Honorable Vaclav Havel and Bishop Desmond M. Tutu, at 8 (2005)
42 Poon Kim Shee, The Political Economy of China-Myanmar Relations: Strategic and Economic Dimensions, R itsumeikan A nnual R eview of I nternational S tudies, Vol. 1,2002
43 Gale Group, Industry at a Glance, W orld Oil, June 1 2006
44 Energy Intelligence Group, India's Pipe Problems, World Gas Intelligence, Apr. 26 2006
45 Konstantin Lantratov & Vladimir Soloviov, Air-to-Minerals Missiles: Russia Exchanges Military Hardware for Mineral Wealth, Defense and Security (Russia), No. 36, Apr. 5 2006
46 Tim Johnson, While Other Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path, T he P hiladelphia I nquirer, Mar. 8,2006
47 While Others Push to Free Myanmar, China Takes a More Profitable Path
48 Energy Intelligence Group, Inc., India's Pipe Problems, W orld G as I ntelligence, Apr. 26, 2006.
49 U.S.-Burma Relations: Hearing Before the S. Foreign Relations Comm., Subcomm. on Asia Pacific Affairs, 109th Cong. 5 (2006) (statement of Dr. Michael Jonathan Green)
50 Myanmar, India to Build More Border Roads to Promote Trade
51 James Gavin, World Gas: South Asia; China and India Battle for Myanmar's Gas, Petroleum Economist, May 8,2006
52 Testimony by Dr Michael Jonathan Green, Center for Strategic and International Studies, addressing the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Asia Pacific Affairs, on 'The Strategic Implications of the Burma Problem
53 Marilyn V. Longmuir, 2001, Oil in Burma: The Extraction of 'Earth-Oil' to 1914, Bangkok: White Lotus Press
54 David I. Steinberg, 2001, Burma: The State of Myanmar, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press
55 The Burma Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 . Karenni Development Research Group, 2006, Karen Rivers Watch, 2004, 'Damming at Gunpoint: Burma Army Atrocities Pave the Way for Salween Dams in Karen State .
56 Myanmar Seeks Russian arms for oil', AFP, 4 April 2006.
57 Energy: Sino-Burma oil pipeline', China Daily online, 18 April 2006 .