晚清洋泾浜英语及其影响史
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摘要
无论作为早期“通事”所掌握的主要外国语还是清廷与西方列强进行外交、文化、教育和贸易交流的重要工具,英语在近代中国的正式传入和兴起都始于鸦片战争前后,其影响在1840年前后至1919年间表现得特别突出。因为这个时期是中国人与西方人真正有意识相互接触、相互交流的时期,也是近代国人从被迫睁眼看世界到主动向西方和日本讨教的时期。鉴于当时英国是列强中之列强,加之英美贸易占据清代中国对外贸易的主导地位,英语很自然就成了一种国际通用语(lingua franca)。然而,要探究近代中国英语的历史,必须首先搞清中国洋泾浜葡语和洋泾浜英语的历史。
洋泾浜语是为了和其他某个集团进行交际而特意创造的语言变体,几乎都是外来者与当地底层民众为了生活与做生意的需要而相互接触中自发产生的,不存在屈折形态,学起来比较简单。由于交流的最主要需求出自贸易,所以洋泾浜语多半是贸易语言。从十六世纪欧洲新航线开通以来,中西接触明显增多。首先从海路来到中国(广州)的西方人是葡萄牙人,葡语作为一门异族语言被葡萄牙商人、传教士和外交官带到中国,立即就与中国人的本族语言——汉语发生碰撞和交融。这样,葡语便与粤语产生某种混合,不久演变成在澳门地区的中国人与葡萄牙人之间的通用语言,即“洋泾浜葡语”(Pidgin Portuguēs)或“广东葡语”(Cantāo Portuguēs)。作为近代中国最早的洋泾浜语,
Both as a major foreign language of Chinese Tongshi (interpreter/translator or linguist) and as an important means by which the Qing court held diplomatic, cultural, educational and trade exchanges with Western powers, English began to be formally transmitted into China around the Opium War period, and its effect turned to be exceptionally enormous during 1840-1919. This is the period when Chinese intentionally wanted to communicate with and contact Westerners and when Chinese were forced to open their eyes towards the outside world and later learn on their own initiative from Westerners and Japanese. Because Britain of that time was the biggest power and the Anglo-American trade dominated the Sino-foreign trade of the Late Qing period, the English language, naturally, became a lingua franca. However, to explore the historical origin of English in Modern China, it is necessary to firstly trace the history of Chinese Pidgin Portugues and Chinese Pidgin English.The inflexionless, easy-to-learn pidgin language is a sort of linguistic variation purposefully created for the communications between one group and the other, almost all from the bottom of society, usually for the sake of living and mutual trading. Therefore, a pidgin language is mostly a trade language. From the 16~(th) century on, when Europe opened its new sea route, there were more and more contacts between China and the West. Portuguese merchants, missionaries and diplomats were the first group of Westerners who came to China (Canton) by the sea route, together with the Portuguese language. Then, Portuguese blended with Chinese, esp. with the Cantonese dialect, which soon resulted in a lingua franca called "Pidgin Portugue|-s" or "Canta|-o
Portugues" between Portuguese people and local Chinese. As the earlieast pidgin language in the modern times of China, "Cantao Portugues" made its debut after 1557 during the late Ming Dynasty when the Portuguese occupied Macao and became popular in the whole port of Canton after the opening of Canton in the early Qing Dynasty till the early years of the reign of Qing's Emperor Qianlong (1736-1795). It greatly influenced and was later replaced by "Canton English". From the year 1635 when the first British ship reached Macao to the year 1836 when Charles Elliot arrived there to succeed as the commercial counselor of Canton and further to the year 1838 when Lin Zexu, the governor-general of Hu-Canton, went to Canton to ban the opium, Britain had been increasing its normal trade in Macao and Lingdingyang while keeping its opium-smuggling and Chinese-labour-trafficking businesses going up there. In order to monopolize the market and interests in China, British merchants, as latecomers, surpassed Portuguese and Dutch merchants by squeezing them out in every possible way. At the zenith of the British colonialist expansion in China, "Canton English", very much like "Cantao Portugues", emerged spontaneously and started to spread quickly.Before the Opium War, English was transmitted into China principally by way of the Canton-Fujian areas for the practical purpose of two-way oral communications in Sino-foreign business transactions. Thereby, after it evolved into a linguistic variation, "Canton English" acquired some new linguistic features: 1. Its Chinese-English bilingual form was marked by phonetic symbols in the form of Chinese characters. 2. Its word order was based on Chinese grammar. 3. Its sentences were composed of poorly-organized words. 4. Its accent was influenced by the Cantonese dialect. It first began to prevail in the region of South China, centering around the "foreign factories" and "hongs" in Macao, Hong Kong and Canton, and after the opening of five port cities started to move to the region of East China, centering around the banks of the Western Pidgin River in Shanghai, hence a fresh name "Pigeon English". In terms of linguistic application as well as linguistic nature, there isn't much difference between "Shanghai Pigeon English" and "Canton Pigeon English". The only big difference between them lies in their accents and usages: one is influenced by the Shanghai dialect and the other by the Cantonese dialect, although "Canton Pigeon English" once helped shape "Shanghai Pigeon English".As a product blended by a language of a superior group (Westerners) and a language of a subordinate eroun (Chinese), Chinese Pidein English in the Late Oine had involved and
developed in an "unconscious" or "laissez-faire" way for nearly one century and a half until it formed characteristics of its own at the second part of the 19th century, influencing Sino-foreign exchanges into the first part of the 20th century. The most influential and representative types of the pidgin English in China are "Canton Pigeon English" and "Shanghai Pigeon English". In spite of the fact that "Pidgin English" is non-standard (blended, localized, irregular and oral) and even rough, and the fact that the contacts between Chinese and Westerners at that time were indirect, low-rung and highly-limited, "Pidgin English" still played an irresplaceable part in making Chinese recognize, learn and master English so as to reduce the language and cultural barriers in Sino-foreign communications and to influence the process of China's modernization in the Late Qing. Of course, it is also hard even today to estimate the extent to which "Pidgin English" distorted and misinterpreted information in that era.The history of "Pigeon English" is the history of the contacts and collisions at the grass-roots level between the Chinese language and the English language, between Chinese culture and Western culture in the Modern Times; it is also the history of a Sino-Western trade language in the Modern Times and the history of Tongshi's interpretation activities in the Modern Times. The historical study of "Pigeon English" is the fundamental survey of the history of English in the Late Qing period. Like Tongshi, "Pigeon English" was a product of the Sino-foreign trade and a by-product of Westerners' penetration into China in the Modern Times as well. Its birth, growth and death mirror to some extent the orbit of the vicissitudes of Chinese society of that age.The foreign trade in Canton and Shanghai in the Late Qing, Western schools in China run by missionaries from the 1830s to the Opium War period such as Bridgman School in Canton, the Morrison School in Macao and the Anglo-Chinese College in Hong Kong and Ningbo Girl School in Ningbo, the foreign languages schools in Beijing, Shanghai and Canton run by the Qing court in 1862 and afterwards, the first batch of modern government-run universities after the Sino-Japanese War like Beiyang University and Beijing University, and Chinese scholars' introduction and translation of Western science, literature and humanities as well as Chinese 's understanding of Western civilization were all resultant from China's continuously deepening recognition of the Western civilization. All these new phenomena were interrelated to the spread of English in the country. It can be said that the transmission of the English language promoted to
a great degree these new phenomena, which in turn promoted the rise and spread of English in the Late Qing China. The interaction between the two left such an indelible mark in history that we can conclude with confidence that in this course of history "Pigeon English" made its due contributions.This dissertation focuses on the effected history or Wirkungsgeschichte of "Chinese Pigeon English" (Hans-Gadamer) from the historical, linguistic, psychological, cultural and translation perspectives. While borrowing other scholars' research, the author presents his independent views: 1. The birth and rise of Chinese Pigeon English was the result of the mutual need for the communications between local Chinese and foreigners first in Canton in the Qing Dynasty. 2. The real reason why Westerners didn't learn the Chinese language in the Late Qing is no different from that Qing officials and literati didn't learn foreign languages. 3. Many queer pronunciations, articulations and usages in "Pigeon English" are also closely related to some non-standard English variations of that time. 4. The fact that most Tongshi, who used oral "Pigeon English" only, were ignorant of written English often than not caused Sino-foreign communication barriers, misunderstanding and even distortion. To conclude, English was used first by low-rung people in the Late Qing period, and "Pigeon English" was the most representative communication tool for both foreigners and local ordinary people. Under the "pride and prejudice" of Qing officials and literati had been a passion for Western languages and learning, and this passion derived from the masses of people and a few enlightened gentry. No matter what motivated this passion and no matter what filth existed in it, this passion more or less made Western languages and learning popular in the Late Qing. The history of Chinese Pigeon English has verified what F. Nietzsche once said: "Civilization was created by uncivilized people."
洋泾浜语是为了和其他某个集团进行交际而特意创造的语言变体,几乎都是外来者与当地底层民众为了生活与做生意的需要而相互接触中自发产生的,不存在屈折形态,学起来比较简单。由于交流的最主要需求出自贸易,所以洋泾浜语多半是贸易语言。从十六世纪欧洲新航线开通以来,中西接触明显增多。首先从海路来到中国(广州)的西方人是葡萄牙人,葡语作为一门异族语言被葡萄牙商人、传教士和外交官带到中国,立即就与中国人的本族语言——汉语发生碰撞和交融。这样,葡语便与粤语产生某种混合,不久演变成在澳门地区的中国人与葡萄牙人之间的通用语言,即“洋泾浜葡语”(Pidgin Portuguēs)或“广东葡语”(Cantāo Portuguēs)。作为近代中国最早的洋泾浜语,
Both as a major foreign language of Chinese Tongshi (interpreter/translator or linguist) and as an important means by which the Qing court held diplomatic, cultural, educational and trade exchanges with Western powers, English began to be formally transmitted into China around the Opium War period, and its effect turned to be exceptionally enormous during 1840-1919. This is the period when Chinese intentionally wanted to communicate with and contact Westerners and when Chinese were forced to open their eyes towards the outside world and later learn on their own initiative from Westerners and Japanese. Because Britain of that time was the biggest power and the Anglo-American trade dominated the Sino-foreign trade of the Late Qing period, the English language, naturally, became a lingua franca. However, to explore the historical origin of English in Modern China, it is necessary to firstly trace the history of Chinese Pidgin Portugues and Chinese Pidgin English.The inflexionless, easy-to-learn pidgin language is a sort of linguistic variation purposefully created for the communications between one group and the other, almost all from the bottom of society, usually for the sake of living and mutual trading. Therefore, a pidgin language is mostly a trade language. From the 16~(th) century on, when Europe opened its new sea route, there were more and more contacts between China and the West. Portuguese merchants, missionaries and diplomats were the first group of Westerners who came to China (Canton) by the sea route, together with the Portuguese language. Then, Portuguese blended with Chinese, esp. with the Cantonese dialect, which soon resulted in a lingua franca called "Pidgin Portugue|-s" or "Canta|-o
Portugues" between Portuguese people and local Chinese. As the earlieast pidgin language in the modern times of China, "Cantao Portugues" made its debut after 1557 during the late Ming Dynasty when the Portuguese occupied Macao and became popular in the whole port of Canton after the opening of Canton in the early Qing Dynasty till the early years of the reign of Qing's Emperor Qianlong (1736-1795). It greatly influenced and was later replaced by "Canton English". From the year 1635 when the first British ship reached Macao to the year 1836 when Charles Elliot arrived there to succeed as the commercial counselor of Canton and further to the year 1838 when Lin Zexu, the governor-general of Hu-Canton, went to Canton to ban the opium, Britain had been increasing its normal trade in Macao and Lingdingyang while keeping its opium-smuggling and Chinese-labour-trafficking businesses going up there. In order to monopolize the market and interests in China, British merchants, as latecomers, surpassed Portuguese and Dutch merchants by squeezing them out in every possible way. At the zenith of the British colonialist expansion in China, "Canton English", very much like "Cantao Portugues", emerged spontaneously and started to spread quickly.Before the Opium War, English was transmitted into China principally by way of the Canton-Fujian areas for the practical purpose of two-way oral communications in Sino-foreign business transactions. Thereby, after it evolved into a linguistic variation, "Canton English" acquired some new linguistic features: 1. Its Chinese-English bilingual form was marked by phonetic symbols in the form of Chinese characters. 2. Its word order was based on Chinese grammar. 3. Its sentences were composed of poorly-organized words. 4. Its accent was influenced by the Cantonese dialect. It first began to prevail in the region of South China, centering around the "foreign factories" and "hongs" in Macao, Hong Kong and Canton, and after the opening of five port cities started to move to the region of East China, centering around the banks of the Western Pidgin River in Shanghai, hence a fresh name "Pigeon English". In terms of linguistic application as well as linguistic nature, there isn't much difference between "Shanghai Pigeon English" and "Canton Pigeon English". The only big difference between them lies in their accents and usages: one is influenced by the Shanghai dialect and the other by the Cantonese dialect, although "Canton Pigeon English" once helped shape "Shanghai Pigeon English".As a product blended by a language of a superior group (Westerners) and a language of a subordinate eroun (Chinese), Chinese Pidein English in the Late Oine had involved and
developed in an "unconscious" or "laissez-faire" way for nearly one century and a half until it formed characteristics of its own at the second part of the 19th century, influencing Sino-foreign exchanges into the first part of the 20th century. The most influential and representative types of the pidgin English in China are "Canton Pigeon English" and "Shanghai Pigeon English". In spite of the fact that "Pidgin English" is non-standard (blended, localized, irregular and oral) and even rough, and the fact that the contacts between Chinese and Westerners at that time were indirect, low-rung and highly-limited, "Pidgin English" still played an irresplaceable part in making Chinese recognize, learn and master English so as to reduce the language and cultural barriers in Sino-foreign communications and to influence the process of China's modernization in the Late Qing. Of course, it is also hard even today to estimate the extent to which "Pidgin English" distorted and misinterpreted information in that era.The history of "Pigeon English" is the history of the contacts and collisions at the grass-roots level between the Chinese language and the English language, between Chinese culture and Western culture in the Modern Times; it is also the history of a Sino-Western trade language in the Modern Times and the history of Tongshi's interpretation activities in the Modern Times. The historical study of "Pigeon English" is the fundamental survey of the history of English in the Late Qing period. Like Tongshi, "Pigeon English" was a product of the Sino-foreign trade and a by-product of Westerners' penetration into China in the Modern Times as well. Its birth, growth and death mirror to some extent the orbit of the vicissitudes of Chinese society of that age.The foreign trade in Canton and Shanghai in the Late Qing, Western schools in China run by missionaries from the 1830s to the Opium War period such as Bridgman School in Canton, the Morrison School in Macao and the Anglo-Chinese College in Hong Kong and Ningbo Girl School in Ningbo, the foreign languages schools in Beijing, Shanghai and Canton run by the Qing court in 1862 and afterwards, the first batch of modern government-run universities after the Sino-Japanese War like Beiyang University and Beijing University, and Chinese scholars' introduction and translation of Western science, literature and humanities as well as Chinese 's understanding of Western civilization were all resultant from China's continuously deepening recognition of the Western civilization. All these new phenomena were interrelated to the spread of English in the country. It can be said that the transmission of the English language promoted to
a great degree these new phenomena, which in turn promoted the rise and spread of English in the Late Qing China. The interaction between the two left such an indelible mark in history that we can conclude with confidence that in this course of history "Pigeon English" made its due contributions.This dissertation focuses on the effected history or Wirkungsgeschichte of "Chinese Pigeon English" (Hans-Gadamer) from the historical, linguistic, psychological, cultural and translation perspectives. While borrowing other scholars' research, the author presents his independent views: 1. The birth and rise of Chinese Pigeon English was the result of the mutual need for the communications between local Chinese and foreigners first in Canton in the Qing Dynasty. 2. The real reason why Westerners didn't learn the Chinese language in the Late Qing is no different from that Qing officials and literati didn't learn foreign languages. 3. Many queer pronunciations, articulations and usages in "Pigeon English" are also closely related to some non-standard English variations of that time. 4. The fact that most Tongshi, who used oral "Pigeon English" only, were ignorant of written English often than not caused Sino-foreign communication barriers, misunderstanding and even distortion. To conclude, English was used first by low-rung people in the Late Qing period, and "Pigeon English" was the most representative communication tool for both foreigners and local ordinary people. Under the "pride and prejudice" of Qing officials and literati had been a passion for Western languages and learning, and this passion derived from the masses of people and a few enlightened gentry. No matter what motivated this passion and no matter what filth existed in it, this passion more or less made Western languages and learning popular in the Late Qing. The history of Chinese Pigeon English has verified what F. Nietzsche once said: "Civilization was created by uncivilized people."
引文
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23.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷664卷,002460号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
24.清史档案《学部》本试卷《问外国人在街市有违警事如何》,案卷号78号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
25.清史档案《学部》本试卷《富强基于学应比较中两学派性情风尚之异同参互损益以定教育之宗旨论》,案卷号78号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
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21.(英) 马礼逊夫人编、顾长声译《马礼逊回忆录》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社2004年版。
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23.(西) 门多萨所著《中华大帝国史》,北京:中华书局1998年版。
24.(清) 唐廷枢著《英语集全》,广州:纬经堂同治元年(1862年)版。中国国家图书馆藏。
25.(清) 印光任、张汝霖原著、赵春晨点校《澳门记略校注》,澳门:澳门文化司署1992年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
26.(清) 谢清高口述、杨炳南笔录、安京校释《海录校释》,北京:商务印书馆2002年版。
27.(清) 《红毛通用番话》,省城壁经堂梓。广东省立中山图书馆藏。
28.(清) 曹骧编译《英字入门》,上海:上海文英书局1904年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
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31.(清) 夏燮撰《中西纪事》卷之十四、十六,当涂夏氏江上草堂光绪十年(1884年)版。中国国家图书馆藏。
32.(清) 郑观应著《盛世危言》,上海:上海古香阁重印,光绪乙未年夏月(1895年)。中国国家图书馆藏。
33.(清) 张德彝著《三述奇》,清同治十二年(1873年)。中国国家图书馆藏。
34.(清) 徐建寅等撰《欧洲杂录》,长沙:湖南人民出版社1980年版。
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36.(明) 叶权等撰《贤博编、粤剑编、原李耳载》中的《游岭南记》,北京:中华书局1987年版。
37.广东炎黄文化研究会编《岭峤春秋——岭南文化论集》,北京:中国大百科全书出版社1994年版。
38.冯克诚、田晓娜主编《中国通史.全编》,西宁:青海人民出版社1998年版。
39.李映发著《澳门春秋》,成都:四川大学出版社1999年版。
40.中国第一历史档案馆、澳门基金会和暨南大学古籍研究所合编《明清时期澳门问题档案文献汇编》,北京:人民出版社1992年版。
41.刘月莲著《澳门历史语言文化论稿》,澳门:澳门文化研究会丛刊出版,2003年版。
42.章文钦著《澳门历史文化》,北京:中华书局1999年版。
43.方豪著《中西交通史》,台北:中国文化大学出版社1983年版。
44.于语和、庾良辰主编《近代中西文化交流史》,太原:山西教育出版社1997年版。
45.吴建雍著《十八世纪的中国与世界.对外关系卷》,沈阳:辽海出版社1999年版。
46.马廉颇著《晚清帝国视野下的英国——以嘉庆道光两朝为中心》,北京:人民出版社2003年版。
47.刘正琰等编《汉语外来词词典》,上海:上海辞书出版社1984年版。
48.程浩编著《广州港史》,北京:海洋出版社1985年版。
49.吴义雄著《在宗教与世俗之间——基督教新教传教士在华南沿海的早期活动研究》,广 州:广东教育出版社2000年版。
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51.陈登原著《国史旧闻》,北京:中华书局2000年版。
52.黎难秋主编《中国口译史》,青岛:青岛出版社2002年版。
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54.中国第一历史档案馆编《鸦片战争档案史料》,天津:天津古籍出版社1992年版。
55.《上海对外经济贸易志》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社2001年版。
56.于醒民、唐继无编《从开锁到开发》,北京:学林出版社1991年版。
57.郑曦原编《帝国的回忆》,北京:三联书店2001年版。
58.李天纲编校《万国公报文选》,北京:三联书店2001年版。
59.冯尔康著《清人生活漫步》,北京:中国社会科学出版社1999年。
60.马长林主编《租界里的上海》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社2003年版。
61.张仲礼主编《近代上海城市研究》,上海:上海人民出版社1990年版,
62.张仲礼主编《东南沿海城市与中国近代化》,上海:上海人民出版社1996年版。
63.沈云龙主编《近百年来上海政治经济史(1842-1937)》,台北:文海出版社1974年版。
64.熊月之等选编《上海的外国人》,上海:上海古籍出版社2003年。
65.熊月之、张敏著《上海通史.晚清文化》,上海:上海人民出版社1999年。
66.上海市政协文史资料委员会等编《列强在中国的租界》,北京:中国文史出版社1992年版。
67.上海社科院历史研究所编《上海小刀会起义史料汇编》,上海:上海人民出版社1980年版。
68.刘禾著、宋伟杰等译《跨语际实践——文学,民族文化以及被译介的现代性(中国,1900-1937)》,北京:三联书店2002年版。
69.汪仲贤撰文《上海俗语图说》,上海:上海书店出版社1999年版。
70.商务印书馆编译所编《商务书馆华英字典》,上海:商务印书馆1913年重印版。中国国家图书馆藏。
71.王克菲编著《翻译文化史论》,上海:上海外语教育出版社1997年版。
72.《道咸同光四朝奏议选辑》,台北:台湾大通书局印行,1984年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
73.张海鹏主编《中葡关系史资料集》,成都:四川人民出版社1999年版。
74.赵春晨等主编《中西文化交流与岭南社会变迁》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2004年版。
75.朱亚非著《明清史论稿》,济南:山东友谊出版社1998年版。
76.中国第一历史档案馆编《清中前期西洋天主教在华活动档案史料》,北京:中华书局2003年版。
77.蔡鸿生主编《广州与海洋文明》,广州:中山大学出版社1997年版。
78.费赖之著、冯承均译《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,北京:中化书局1995年版。
79.中国与欧洲文化交流志》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版。
80.《梁启超全集》,北京:北京出版社1997年版。
81.冯天瑜著《[千岁丸]上海行——日本人一八六二年的中国观察》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年版。
82.郑振铎编《清朝文选》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2002年版。
83.葛士浚编《皇朝经世文续编》,台湾:文海出版社由有限公司印行,1972年。
84.钟叔河著《从东方到西方》,长沙:岳麓书社2002年版。
85.王立新著《美国传教士与晚清中国现代化》,天津:天津人民出版社1997年版。
86.《中国海关与中葡里斯本条约》,北京:中华书局1983年版。
87.牛创平等编著《近代中外条约选折》,北京:中国法制出版社1998年版。
88.舒新城编《近代中国教育史料》,北京:中华书局1933年版。
89.李华兴主编《国民教育史》,上海:上海教育出版社1997年版。
90.高名凯、刘正琰著《现代汉语外来词研究》,北京:文字改革出版社1958年版。
91.《民国丛书》第一编,52册;第二编,52、56册,上海:上海书店。
92.王建开著《五.四以来我国英美文学作品译介史 1919—1949》,上海:上海外语教育出版社2003年版。
93.《鲁迅全集》第八卷,北京:人民文学出版社1981年版。
94.《巴金专集》,南京:江苏人民出版社1981年版。
95.陈宗达、王宁著《训诂与训诂学》,太原:山西教育出版社1994年版。
96.朱学勤、王丽娜撰《中国与欧洲文化交流志》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版。
97.《中外旧约章汇编》,北京:三联书店1957年版。
98.《中两交通史讲义》,民国年间油印本。中国国家图书馆藏。
97.罗志田主编《20世纪的中国学术与社会——史学卷》,济南:山东人民出版社2001年版。
99.《陈独秀文章选编》,北京:三联书店1984年版。
100.梁实秋主编《远东英汉大辞典》,台北:远东图书公司印行。
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1.邱志红著《晚清英语在华传播研究》,北京:中国人民大学2003年硕士答辩论文。中国国家图书馆藏。
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4.吴义雄:《“广州英语”与十九世纪中叶以前的中西交往》,《近代史研究》2001年第3期。
5.清同治——光绪年间《申报》。中国国家图书馆藏。
6.司佳:《早期英汉字典所见之语言接触现象》,《复旦学报(社科版)》2000年第3期。
7.司佳:《从“通事”到“翻译官”》,《复旦学报(社科版)》2002年第3期。
8.陈永生、张苏萌:《晚清西医学文献翻译的特点及出版机构》,《中华医学杂志》1997年第2期。
9.熊月之:《上海租界与文化融合》,《学术月刊》2002年第5期。
10.周振鹤:《中国洋泾浜英语最早的词语集》,《广东社会科学》2003年第1期。
11.施光:《浅析洋泾浜英语的形成及其特征》,《南京医科大学学报(社科版)》2003年3月第1期。
12.祁文英:《语言混血儿——洋泾浜英语》,《兰州大学学报(社科版)》第二十八卷,2000年增刊。
13.邵雪萍、林本椿:《林则徐和他的翻译班子》,《上海科技翻译》2002年第4期。
14.张登德:《晚清国人译书与社会进步》,《山东师范大学学报(社科版)》2000年第3期。
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5.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷423卷,001184号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
6.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷423卷,001293号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
7.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷423卷,001371号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
8.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷423卷,001408号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
9.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷423卷,001453号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
10.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,000194号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
11.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,000789号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
12.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,000803号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
13.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001065号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
14.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001400号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
15.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001401号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
16.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001407号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
17.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001522号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
18.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷538卷,001884号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
19.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷537卷,002505号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
20.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷537卷,002772号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
21.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷664卷,00138号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
22.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷664卷,001639号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
23.中国第一历史档案馆缩微胶卷664卷,002460号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
24.清史档案《学部》本试卷《问外国人在街市有违警事如何》,案卷号78号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
25.清史档案《学部》本试卷《富强基于学应比较中两学派性情风尚之异同参互损益以定教育之宗旨论》,案卷号78号。中国第一历史档案馆藏。
26.《工部局华文处有关翻译工作的报告》,载卷号U1-14-0000664《上海档案》。上海档案馆藏。
27.卷号Y7-1-0000001《上海档案》。上海档案馆藏。
28.卷号U38-1-1400和U38-1-1402《上海档案》。上海档案馆藏。
29.武进姚公鹤编《上海闲话》上、下册,上海:上海商务印书馆1917年版。见卷号Y15-1-145和Y15-1-146《上海档案》。上海档案馆藏。
30.卷号U38-1-1400——1402,U1-4-0001890,U1-14-0000664,U1-2-710,U1-16-4243,Y-15-1-145,Q243-1446和Q252-1-136等《上海租界工部局档案》。上海档案馆藏。
1.(意)马西尼著、黄河清译《现代汉语词汇的形成——十九世纪汉语外来词研究》,上海:汉语大词典出版社1997年版。
2.(美)马士著、区宗华等译校《东印度公司对华贸易编年史》,广州:中山大学出版社1991年版。
3.(美)马士著《中华帝国对外关系史》,上海:上海书店出版社2000年版。
4.(美)亨特著、冯树铁等译校《广州“番鬼”录》,广州:广东人民出版社1993年版。
5.(美)亨特著、沈正帮等译校《旧中国杂记》,广州:广东人民出版社1992年版。
6.(美)卫斐列著、顾钧等译《卫三畏生平及书信》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社2004年版。
7.(美)费正清等、刘广京编《剑桥晚清史》上、下册,北京:中国社会科学出版社1993年版。
8.(美)何天爵著、鞠安方译《正真的中国佬》,北京:光明日报出版社1998年版。
9.(美) 丁韪良著、沈弘等译《花甲忆记——一位美国传教士眼中的晚清帝国》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社2004年版。
10.(美) 唐德刚著《晚清七十年》,长沙:岳麓书社1999年版。
11.(美) 明恩溥著、秦悦译《中国人的素质》,上海:学林出版社2001年版。
12.(美) 霍塞著《出卖上海滩——外人眼中的近代中国》,上海:上海书店出版社2000年版。
13.(美) 乔.斯潘塞著《改变中国》,北京:三联书店1990年版。
14.(美) 丁韪良著《西学考略》,北京:总理衙门印,同文馆聚珍版,光绪九年(1883年)。中国国家图书馆藏。
15.(美) 列文森著、郑大华等译《儒教中国及其现代命运》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2000年版。
16.(美) 林毓生著、穆善培译《中国意识的危机——“五四”时期激烈的反传统主义》,贵阳:贵州人民出版社1986年版。
17.(法) 费尔南多.莫塞著《英语简史》,北京:外语教学与研究出版社1990年版。
18.(法) 佩雷菲特著、王国卿等译《停滞的帝国——两个世界的撞击》,北京:三联书店1993年版。
19.(英) 郝德森著、卢德平译《社会语言学》,北京:华夏出版社1989年版。
20.(英) 格林堡著《鸦片战争前中英通商史》,北京:商务印书馆1961年版。
21.(英) 马礼逊夫人编、顾长声译《马礼逊回忆录》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社2004年版。
22.(英) 斯当东著、叶笃义译《英使谒见乾隆纪实》,北京:商务印书馆1963年版。
23.(西) 门多萨所著《中华大帝国史》,北京:中华书局1998年版。
24.(清) 唐廷枢著《英语集全》,广州:纬经堂同治元年(1862年)版。中国国家图书馆藏。
25.(清) 印光任、张汝霖原著、赵春晨点校《澳门记略校注》,澳门:澳门文化司署1992年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
26.(清) 谢清高口述、杨炳南笔录、安京校释《海录校释》,北京:商务印书馆2002年版。
27.(清) 《红毛通用番话》,省城壁经堂梓。广东省立中山图书馆藏。
28.(清) 曹骧编译《英字入门》,上海:上海文英书局1904年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
29.(清) 袁祖志著《谈赢录》卷四,北京:同文书局1891年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
30.(清) 曾记泽等著《使西日记(外一种)》,长沙:湖南人民出版社1981年版。
31.(清) 夏燮撰《中西纪事》卷之十四、十六,当涂夏氏江上草堂光绪十年(1884年)版。中国国家图书馆藏。
32.(清) 郑观应著《盛世危言》,上海:上海古香阁重印,光绪乙未年夏月(1895年)。中国国家图书馆藏。
33.(清) 张德彝著《三述奇》,清同治十二年(1873年)。中国国家图书馆藏。
34.(清) 徐建寅等撰《欧洲杂录》,长沙:湖南人民出版社1980年版。
35.(明) 火源洁等著《华夷泽语》,上海:上海商务印书馆印,民国年间。中国国家图书馆藏。
36.(明) 叶权等撰《贤博编、粤剑编、原李耳载》中的《游岭南记》,北京:中华书局1987年版。
37.广东炎黄文化研究会编《岭峤春秋——岭南文化论集》,北京:中国大百科全书出版社1994年版。
38.冯克诚、田晓娜主编《中国通史.全编》,西宁:青海人民出版社1998年版。
39.李映发著《澳门春秋》,成都:四川大学出版社1999年版。
40.中国第一历史档案馆、澳门基金会和暨南大学古籍研究所合编《明清时期澳门问题档案文献汇编》,北京:人民出版社1992年版。
41.刘月莲著《澳门历史语言文化论稿》,澳门:澳门文化研究会丛刊出版,2003年版。
42.章文钦著《澳门历史文化》,北京:中华书局1999年版。
43.方豪著《中西交通史》,台北:中国文化大学出版社1983年版。
44.于语和、庾良辰主编《近代中西文化交流史》,太原:山西教育出版社1997年版。
45.吴建雍著《十八世纪的中国与世界.对外关系卷》,沈阳:辽海出版社1999年版。
46.马廉颇著《晚清帝国视野下的英国——以嘉庆道光两朝为中心》,北京:人民出版社2003年版。
47.刘正琰等编《汉语外来词词典》,上海:上海辞书出版社1984年版。
48.程浩编著《广州港史》,北京:海洋出版社1985年版。
49.吴义雄著《在宗教与世俗之间——基督教新教传教士在华南沿海的早期活动研究》,广 州:广东教育出版社2000年版。
50.周振鹤著《随无涯之旅》,北京:三联书店1996年版。
51.陈登原著《国史旧闻》,北京:中华书局2000年版。
52.黎难秋主编《中国口译史》,青岛:青岛出版社2002年版。
53.中国第一历史档案馆、澳门基金会和暨南大学古籍研究所合编《明清时期澳门问题档案文献编》,北京:人民出版社1992年版。
54.中国第一历史档案馆编《鸦片战争档案史料》,天津:天津古籍出版社1992年版。
55.《上海对外经济贸易志》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社2001年版。
56.于醒民、唐继无编《从开锁到开发》,北京:学林出版社1991年版。
57.郑曦原编《帝国的回忆》,北京:三联书店2001年版。
58.李天纲编校《万国公报文选》,北京:三联书店2001年版。
59.冯尔康著《清人生活漫步》,北京:中国社会科学出版社1999年。
60.马长林主编《租界里的上海》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社2003年版。
61.张仲礼主编《近代上海城市研究》,上海:上海人民出版社1990年版,
62.张仲礼主编《东南沿海城市与中国近代化》,上海:上海人民出版社1996年版。
63.沈云龙主编《近百年来上海政治经济史(1842-1937)》,台北:文海出版社1974年版。
64.熊月之等选编《上海的外国人》,上海:上海古籍出版社2003年。
65.熊月之、张敏著《上海通史.晚清文化》,上海:上海人民出版社1999年。
66.上海市政协文史资料委员会等编《列强在中国的租界》,北京:中国文史出版社1992年版。
67.上海社科院历史研究所编《上海小刀会起义史料汇编》,上海:上海人民出版社1980年版。
68.刘禾著、宋伟杰等译《跨语际实践——文学,民族文化以及被译介的现代性(中国,1900-1937)》,北京:三联书店2002年版。
69.汪仲贤撰文《上海俗语图说》,上海:上海书店出版社1999年版。
70.商务印书馆编译所编《商务书馆华英字典》,上海:商务印书馆1913年重印版。中国国家图书馆藏。
71.王克菲编著《翻译文化史论》,上海:上海外语教育出版社1997年版。
72.《道咸同光四朝奏议选辑》,台北:台湾大通书局印行,1984年版。中国国家图书馆藏。
73.张海鹏主编《中葡关系史资料集》,成都:四川人民出版社1999年版。
74.赵春晨等主编《中西文化交流与岭南社会变迁》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2004年版。
75.朱亚非著《明清史论稿》,济南:山东友谊出版社1998年版。
76.中国第一历史档案馆编《清中前期西洋天主教在华活动档案史料》,北京:中华书局2003年版。
77.蔡鸿生主编《广州与海洋文明》,广州:中山大学出版社1997年版。
78.费赖之著、冯承均译《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,北京:中化书局1995年版。
79.中国与欧洲文化交流志》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版。
80.《梁启超全集》,北京:北京出版社1997年版。
81.冯天瑜著《[千岁丸]上海行——日本人一八六二年的中国观察》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年版。
82.郑振铎编《清朝文选》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2002年版。
83.葛士浚编《皇朝经世文续编》,台湾:文海出版社由有限公司印行,1972年。
84.钟叔河著《从东方到西方》,长沙:岳麓书社2002年版。
85.王立新著《美国传教士与晚清中国现代化》,天津:天津人民出版社1997年版。
86.《中国海关与中葡里斯本条约》,北京:中华书局1983年版。
87.牛创平等编著《近代中外条约选折》,北京:中国法制出版社1998年版。
88.舒新城编《近代中国教育史料》,北京:中华书局1933年版。
89.李华兴主编《国民教育史》,上海:上海教育出版社1997年版。
90.高名凯、刘正琰著《现代汉语外来词研究》,北京:文字改革出版社1958年版。
91.《民国丛书》第一编,52册;第二编,52、56册,上海:上海书店。
92.王建开著《五.四以来我国英美文学作品译介史 1919—1949》,上海:上海外语教育出版社2003年版。
93.《鲁迅全集》第八卷,北京:人民文学出版社1981年版。
94.《巴金专集》,南京:江苏人民出版社1981年版。
95.陈宗达、王宁著《训诂与训诂学》,太原:山西教育出版社1994年版。
96.朱学勤、王丽娜撰《中国与欧洲文化交流志》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版。
97.《中外旧约章汇编》,北京:三联书店1957年版。
98.《中两交通史讲义》,民国年间油印本。中国国家图书馆藏。
97.罗志田主编《20世纪的中国学术与社会——史学卷》,济南:山东人民出版社2001年版。
99.《陈独秀文章选编》,北京:三联书店1984年版。
100.梁实秋主编《远东英汉大辞典》,台北:远东图书公司印行。
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1.邱志红著《晚清英语在华传播研究》,北京:中国人民大学2003年硕士答辩论文。中国国家图书馆藏。
2.顾卫星著《晚清学校英语教学研究》,苏州:苏州大学2001年博士答辩论文。中国国家图书馆藏。
3.季压西、陈伟民:《近代中国的洋泾浜英语》,《解放军外国语学院学报》第二十五卷第1期。
4.吴义雄:《“广州英语”与十九世纪中叶以前的中西交往》,《近代史研究》2001年第3期。
5.清同治——光绪年间《申报》。中国国家图书馆藏。
6.司佳:《早期英汉字典所见之语言接触现象》,《复旦学报(社科版)》2000年第3期。
7.司佳:《从“通事”到“翻译官”》,《复旦学报(社科版)》2002年第3期。
8.陈永生、张苏萌:《晚清西医学文献翻译的特点及出版机构》,《中华医学杂志》1997年第2期。
9.熊月之:《上海租界与文化融合》,《学术月刊》2002年第5期。
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14.张登德:《晚清国人译书与社会进步》,《山东师范大学学报(社科版)》2000年第3期。
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