汉英对比韵律系学中的若干问题
摘要
本论文目的是根据韵律结构层次理论和英语韵律结构层次的界定探讨语言普遍的韵律结构层次在汉语中的可行性和适用性。依据Selkirk(1986)基于末端理论特殊讨论汉语韵律词和音系短语的界定,并分析音步和黏附组在汉语中的地位。
在不同的语言中韵律词可能小于、大于或等于形态句法词。在回答这一点时,我声称把Selkirk(1986)音系作用域的基于末端理论延伸到单词内,支持Cohn(1989)和Rice(1992)的观点。并提出汉语韵律词形成的参数,这些参数被词汇范畴的词汇vs.后词汇的左边界处理。从汉语特定的情况看汉语词内部的音系作用域也是可预测的。
为了得出汉语音系短语,我采纳Selkirk(1986)的参数词汇范畴最大投射的左边界。然而,在一些情况下,有可选择性的短语划分与基于末端的参数得出的短语不一致,我提出音系短语的重构——这取决于韵律成分的复杂性、话语速度和暂停。
音步在重音语言里反映重读音节和非重读音节交替出现的节奏关系,而对于汉语这样的声调语言来说,重音不是突出的特征,由于重音和音步是共存的,有重音才有音步,有音步一定表示该语言有重音。从这个角度看,音步在汉语韵律结构层次中是不突显的。
粘附组从诞生之日起就一直有争议,Hayes(1989b)认为粘附组这个层次是由于单音节的功能词不能独立存在,必须附属到名词、动词、形容词上才形成。粘附组被定义为一个实词加上同一句法成分内单音节的语法词。根据各个语言不同的情况,粘附组在语言普遍的韵律结构层次中不一定位于韵律词和音系短语之间,这样在语言普遍的韵律结构层次上粘附组的位置无法确定；另外,黏附词在汉语中附属到实词上构成后词汇层面的韵律词。所以粘附组在汉语韵律结构层次中也没有相应的地位。
本论文得出的主要结论有下列六点：
1)汉语韵律结构层次的分析对韵律结构层次理论(Selkirk 1978,1984; Nespor and Vogel 1986; Hayes 1989b)给出支持性的论据；
2)在本篇论文中提出的韵律词构成参数——汉语韵律词是根据词汇中心语的左边界界定的——解释了汉语中形态结构和音系结构的不对称。这是第一次从韵律音系学的角度对汉语韵律词进行界定；
3)本论文也支持了假说音系结构独立于句法结构,汉语音系短语是根据词汇中心语最大投射的左边界界定的。这也是第一次从韵律音系学的角度对汉语音系短语进行界定；
4)关于音步的地位分析结束了汉语学界长期以来关于音步“左中心”还是“右中心”的争论,因为汉语是声调语言,重音不是突出特征,音步在汉语中是不突显的；
5)黏附组在汉语中是不存在的,虚词只是附属在实词上在后词汇层面构成韵律词；
6)在语调短语中上声变调首先在韵律词内发生,然后循环应用到音系短语中,最后在语调短语层面同时应用,这是在总结前人研究成果基础上提出的新观点。
The dissertation aims to explore the feasibility and applicability of language-universal prosodic hierarchy in Chinese based on the theory of prosodic hierarchy and the definitions of English-specific prosodic hierarchy. In accordance with the end-based theory by Selkirk(1986), I exclusively try to define Chinese prosodic words and Chinese phonological phrases; meanwhile the status of the foot and that of the clitic group in Chinese are analyzed in some detail.
The prosodic word may be smaller, bigger or equal to the morpho-syntactic word. In answering that, I claim to extend Selkirk's end-based theory within the word, supporting Cohn (1989) and Rice(1992). I propose a parameter for the prosodic word formation in Chinese. The parameter is handled by the lexical vs. postlexical left edge of a lexical category. Seen from the Chinese-specific phenomena, Chinese word-internal phonological rules are also predictable.
In order to derive the phonological phrase in Chinese, I adopt Selkirk's parameter, the left edge of a maximal projection of a lexical category. However, in some cases, there is optional phrasing which does not match phrases derived by the end-based parameter. Therefore, I propose a phonological phrase restructuring depending on the prosodic constituent heaviness, speech rate and pause.
The foot reflects the rhythm in stress languages with stressed syllables alternating with unstressed syllables. To the tone languages like Chinese, stress is not a prominent feature. Since stress and the foot are co-existent, there will be the foot iff there is stress; that there is the foot implies that there exists stress in the language. In this case, the foot is not a prominent constituent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
There have been debates about the clitic group since its birth. In Hayes' view(1989), the monosyllabic functional words are in no position to stand on their own, and must cliticize to the nearest noun, verb or adjective. The clitic group was defined as a single content word together with all the contiguous grammatical words in the same syntactic constituent. The clitic group doesn't necessarily lie between the prosodic word and the phonological phrase based on the different phenomena in different languages. Therefore, firstly the clitic group has no fixed position in the language-universal prosodic hierarchy; in addition, the clitics in Chinese belong to the prosodic words together with the content words in the postlexical level. To sum up, the clitic group has no corresponding status in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
The contributions of the dissertation are as follows:
1) The analysis of the prosodic hierarchy in Chinese provides supporting evidence to the theory of prosodic hierarchy;
2) The parameter of prosodic word formation advanced in the dissertation--the Chinese prosodic word is defined as the left edge of a lexical head--explains the mismatches of morphological structure and phonological structure in Chinese. This is the first time for the Chinese prosodic word to be defined from the perspective of prosodic phonology;
3) The dissertation also supports the hypothesis that phonological structure is independent of syntactical structure, the Chinese phonological phrase is defined as the left edge of the maximal projection of a lexical head. This is also the first time for the Chinese phonological phrase to be defined from the perspective of prosodic phonology;
4) The analysis on the status of the foot in Chinese ends the long-standing debate on the left-headed or right-headed foot in Chinese. Since Chinese is a tone language, stress is not a prominent feature. Therefore the foot is not so prominent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
5) The clitic group is also not so prominent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy, and the function words only cliticize to the nearest content word to form a prosodic word in the postlexical level.
6) In the intonational phrase, the 3rd tone sandhi first applies to the level of prosodic words, then cyclically applies to the level of the phonological phrases, finally applies to the level of intonational phrases simultaneously. The claim is a fresh opinion based on the previous research.
在不同的语言中韵律词可能小于、大于或等于形态句法词。在回答这一点时,我声称把Selkirk(1986)音系作用域的基于末端理论延伸到单词内,支持Cohn(1989)和Rice(1992)的观点。并提出汉语韵律词形成的参数,这些参数被词汇范畴的词汇vs.后词汇的左边界处理。从汉语特定的情况看汉语词内部的音系作用域也是可预测的。
为了得出汉语音系短语,我采纳Selkirk(1986)的参数词汇范畴最大投射的左边界。然而,在一些情况下,有可选择性的短语划分与基于末端的参数得出的短语不一致,我提出音系短语的重构——这取决于韵律成分的复杂性、话语速度和暂停。
音步在重音语言里反映重读音节和非重读音节交替出现的节奏关系,而对于汉语这样的声调语言来说,重音不是突出的特征,由于重音和音步是共存的,有重音才有音步,有音步一定表示该语言有重音。从这个角度看,音步在汉语韵律结构层次中是不突显的。
粘附组从诞生之日起就一直有争议,Hayes(1989b)认为粘附组这个层次是由于单音节的功能词不能独立存在,必须附属到名词、动词、形容词上才形成。粘附组被定义为一个实词加上同一句法成分内单音节的语法词。根据各个语言不同的情况,粘附组在语言普遍的韵律结构层次中不一定位于韵律词和音系短语之间,这样在语言普遍的韵律结构层次上粘附组的位置无法确定；另外,黏附词在汉语中附属到实词上构成后词汇层面的韵律词。所以粘附组在汉语韵律结构层次中也没有相应的地位。
本论文得出的主要结论有下列六点：
1)汉语韵律结构层次的分析对韵律结构层次理论(Selkirk 1978,1984; Nespor and Vogel 1986; Hayes 1989b)给出支持性的论据；
2)在本篇论文中提出的韵律词构成参数——汉语韵律词是根据词汇中心语的左边界界定的——解释了汉语中形态结构和音系结构的不对称。这是第一次从韵律音系学的角度对汉语韵律词进行界定；
3)本论文也支持了假说音系结构独立于句法结构,汉语音系短语是根据词汇中心语最大投射的左边界界定的。这也是第一次从韵律音系学的角度对汉语音系短语进行界定；
4)关于音步的地位分析结束了汉语学界长期以来关于音步“左中心”还是“右中心”的争论,因为汉语是声调语言,重音不是突出特征,音步在汉语中是不突显的；
5)黏附组在汉语中是不存在的,虚词只是附属在实词上在后词汇层面构成韵律词；
6)在语调短语中上声变调首先在韵律词内发生,然后循环应用到音系短语中,最后在语调短语层面同时应用,这是在总结前人研究成果基础上提出的新观点。
The dissertation aims to explore the feasibility and applicability of language-universal prosodic hierarchy in Chinese based on the theory of prosodic hierarchy and the definitions of English-specific prosodic hierarchy. In accordance with the end-based theory by Selkirk(1986), I exclusively try to define Chinese prosodic words and Chinese phonological phrases; meanwhile the status of the foot and that of the clitic group in Chinese are analyzed in some detail.
The prosodic word may be smaller, bigger or equal to the morpho-syntactic word. In answering that, I claim to extend Selkirk's end-based theory within the word, supporting Cohn (1989) and Rice(1992). I propose a parameter for the prosodic word formation in Chinese. The parameter is handled by the lexical vs. postlexical left edge of a lexical category. Seen from the Chinese-specific phenomena, Chinese word-internal phonological rules are also predictable.
In order to derive the phonological phrase in Chinese, I adopt Selkirk's parameter, the left edge of a maximal projection of a lexical category. However, in some cases, there is optional phrasing which does not match phrases derived by the end-based parameter. Therefore, I propose a phonological phrase restructuring depending on the prosodic constituent heaviness, speech rate and pause.
The foot reflects the rhythm in stress languages with stressed syllables alternating with unstressed syllables. To the tone languages like Chinese, stress is not a prominent feature. Since stress and the foot are co-existent, there will be the foot iff there is stress; that there is the foot implies that there exists stress in the language. In this case, the foot is not a prominent constituent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
There have been debates about the clitic group since its birth. In Hayes' view(1989), the monosyllabic functional words are in no position to stand on their own, and must cliticize to the nearest noun, verb or adjective. The clitic group was defined as a single content word together with all the contiguous grammatical words in the same syntactic constituent. The clitic group doesn't necessarily lie between the prosodic word and the phonological phrase based on the different phenomena in different languages. Therefore, firstly the clitic group has no fixed position in the language-universal prosodic hierarchy; in addition, the clitics in Chinese belong to the prosodic words together with the content words in the postlexical level. To sum up, the clitic group has no corresponding status in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
The contributions of the dissertation are as follows:
1) The analysis of the prosodic hierarchy in Chinese provides supporting evidence to the theory of prosodic hierarchy;
2) The parameter of prosodic word formation advanced in the dissertation--the Chinese prosodic word is defined as the left edge of a lexical head--explains the mismatches of morphological structure and phonological structure in Chinese. This is the first time for the Chinese prosodic word to be defined from the perspective of prosodic phonology;
3) The dissertation also supports the hypothesis that phonological structure is independent of syntactical structure, the Chinese phonological phrase is defined as the left edge of the maximal projection of a lexical head. This is also the first time for the Chinese phonological phrase to be defined from the perspective of prosodic phonology;
4) The analysis on the status of the foot in Chinese ends the long-standing debate on the left-headed or right-headed foot in Chinese. Since Chinese is a tone language, stress is not a prominent feature. Therefore the foot is not so prominent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy.
5) The clitic group is also not so prominent in Chinese prosodic hierarchy, and the function words only cliticize to the nearest content word to form a prosodic word in the postlexical level.
6) In the intonational phrase, the 3rd tone sandhi first applies to the level of prosodic words, then cyclically applies to the level of the phonological phrases, finally applies to the level of intonational phrases simultaneously. The claim is a fresh opinion based on the previous research.
引文
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