系统功能音系学初探
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摘要
从阶和范畴语法理论框架(Halliday,1961)、系统语法(Halliday,1966)和功能语法(Halliday,1968)开始,系统功能语言学的理论不断完善和发展,词汇语法层和语义层的相关研究成果比较丰富,如Halliday (1970a,1985b/1994)、Matthiessen (1995)、Martin (1992)以及Martin和White (2008)的相关研究。相比之下,音系层则得到较少关注。Prakasam (1972,1976,1977,1992)、Mock(1985)、Tench (1990,1992a,1992b,1996)等学者率先从系统语言学角度描述了不同语言的语音系统,系统音系学(systemic phonology)就此产生。但在系统音系学研究中功能的维度一直受到忽视。
本文指出在系统音系学中应考虑功能维度,将系统功能音系学定义为一种非普遍性的描述方法,它通过级阶单位组成的结构和以功能为导向的系统网络来描述特定语言的音系系统,从而符合系统功能语言学作为一种普遍的适用语言学理论的研究初衷。
本文分为5章。在第一章“导论”简要介绍本文的研究背景、意义和论文结构以后,第二章“文献综述”回顾音系学研究,系统音系学的源起、发展和核心概念以及Halliday对汉语音系系统的系统研究。第三章“理论基础”在系统功能语言学的框架下阐明系统功能音系学的概念及其合理性,进而提出系统功能音系学的理论框架。第四章“构建汉语音系系统功能矩阵”首先将汉语音系级阶单位分为语篇一语调群—韵律短语—韵律词—音节；然后通过大量的例证按照级阶顺序说明汉语音系特征是重要的意义制造资源,同时阐明重音(词重音和句重音)、音段延长或缩短、音高升高或降低、字调、句调、平仄和谐和押韵等韵律现象在三大元功能中的体现。例如：儿化和词重音具有区别意义和词类的概念功能,同时反映人们的经验识解和语法单位的内在逻辑关系。句重音和音段延长可表征口语交际中的信息焦点。句重音同时与信息结构紧密联系。押韵、音节协调和平仄和谐有助于语篇的衔接与连贯,同时是重要的修辞手段。最后,提出建构了级阶一功能-精密阶的三维立体图和以系统为组织基础、以功能为动因的汉语音系系统功能矩阵。最后一章“结语”总结全文,并展望了本研究的未来发展方向。
Starting from the "scale-and-category" theory (Halliday,1961), systemic grammar (Halliday,1966), and functional grammar (Halliday,1968), systemic functional theories have gone through a proliferation of development and enrichment, especially in the studies on the strata of lexicogrammar and semantics, such as Halliday (1970b,1985b/1994), Matthiessen (1995), Martin (1992), and Martin and White (2008). The stratum of phonology comparatively receives less attention in the studies of systemic functional linguistics (SFL). Prakasam (1972,1976,1977,1992), Mock (1985), Tench (1990,1992a, 1992b,1996) and other functionalists make an initiative move to perform a systemic description of the sound systems of various languages, where systemic phonology came into being. However, the dimension of function has long been ignored in systemic phonological studies. Then it is suggestive that the study of the phonology stratum from the systemic functional perspective should involve both the dimensions of system and function.
Systemic functional phonology is proposed in the current study as a non-universal approach to describe the phonology of a language in terms of structures of hierarchically ranked units and systems displayed in functionally diversified networks to conform to the theoretical commitment of SFL as a general and appliable linguistics.
This thesis consists of five chapters. After a brief introductory chapter, previous pertinent studies are reviewed, firstly on phonology, then on systemic functional phonology, and finally on Halliday's sporadic study of the Chinese phonological system. In Chapter Three, the theoretical preliminaries of systemic functional phonology are presented, including the proposal, definition and theoretical justification of the discipline. In Chapter Four, Chinese prosodic features are investigated as an important source of meaning-making, according to the hierarchically ranked Chinese phonological units which are proposed as discourse-intonational group-prosodic phrase-prosodic word-syllable. In each rank exemplification on prosodic features, such as stress, segmental lengthening and shortening, pitch ascending and descending, tone, TONE, syllable and tone accordance, and rhyming, etc. are presented in detail for the elastration of the three meta-functions. For example, r-ization and stress (of words) are meaning and word class distinctive in ideational function, revealing our construing of experience and the logical relationship of the grammatical units. Sentence stress and segmental lengthening together can suggest the semantically emphasized information in speech, revealing the information focus of the conversation. Besides, sentence stress is closely related to information structure. Rhyming, syllabic accordance and tone accordance contribute to the cohesion and coherence of discourse, and help to achieve rhetorical effects. And finally, a three-dimensional rank-function-delicacy diagram, and a system-functional matrix of the phonological stratum in Chinese are concluded with the system as the foundation and the function as motive, which is a tentative empirical study of systemic functional phonology. This thesis is concluded by a brief summary of the findings, implications of the current research, and some prospects for future research.
本文指出在系统音系学中应考虑功能维度,将系统功能音系学定义为一种非普遍性的描述方法,它通过级阶单位组成的结构和以功能为导向的系统网络来描述特定语言的音系系统,从而符合系统功能语言学作为一种普遍的适用语言学理论的研究初衷。
本文分为5章。在第一章“导论”简要介绍本文的研究背景、意义和论文结构以后,第二章“文献综述”回顾音系学研究,系统音系学的源起、发展和核心概念以及Halliday对汉语音系系统的系统研究。第三章“理论基础”在系统功能语言学的框架下阐明系统功能音系学的概念及其合理性,进而提出系统功能音系学的理论框架。第四章“构建汉语音系系统功能矩阵”首先将汉语音系级阶单位分为语篇一语调群—韵律短语—韵律词—音节；然后通过大量的例证按照级阶顺序说明汉语音系特征是重要的意义制造资源,同时阐明重音(词重音和句重音)、音段延长或缩短、音高升高或降低、字调、句调、平仄和谐和押韵等韵律现象在三大元功能中的体现。例如：儿化和词重音具有区别意义和词类的概念功能,同时反映人们的经验识解和语法单位的内在逻辑关系。句重音和音段延长可表征口语交际中的信息焦点。句重音同时与信息结构紧密联系。押韵、音节协调和平仄和谐有助于语篇的衔接与连贯,同时是重要的修辞手段。最后,提出建构了级阶一功能-精密阶的三维立体图和以系统为组织基础、以功能为动因的汉语音系系统功能矩阵。最后一章“结语”总结全文,并展望了本研究的未来发展方向。
Starting from the "scale-and-category" theory (Halliday,1961), systemic grammar (Halliday,1966), and functional grammar (Halliday,1968), systemic functional theories have gone through a proliferation of development and enrichment, especially in the studies on the strata of lexicogrammar and semantics, such as Halliday (1970b,1985b/1994), Matthiessen (1995), Martin (1992), and Martin and White (2008). The stratum of phonology comparatively receives less attention in the studies of systemic functional linguistics (SFL). Prakasam (1972,1976,1977,1992), Mock (1985), Tench (1990,1992a, 1992b,1996) and other functionalists make an initiative move to perform a systemic description of the sound systems of various languages, where systemic phonology came into being. However, the dimension of function has long been ignored in systemic phonological studies. Then it is suggestive that the study of the phonology stratum from the systemic functional perspective should involve both the dimensions of system and function.
Systemic functional phonology is proposed in the current study as a non-universal approach to describe the phonology of a language in terms of structures of hierarchically ranked units and systems displayed in functionally diversified networks to conform to the theoretical commitment of SFL as a general and appliable linguistics.
This thesis consists of five chapters. After a brief introductory chapter, previous pertinent studies are reviewed, firstly on phonology, then on systemic functional phonology, and finally on Halliday's sporadic study of the Chinese phonological system. In Chapter Three, the theoretical preliminaries of systemic functional phonology are presented, including the proposal, definition and theoretical justification of the discipline. In Chapter Four, Chinese prosodic features are investigated as an important source of meaning-making, according to the hierarchically ranked Chinese phonological units which are proposed as discourse-intonational group-prosodic phrase-prosodic word-syllable. In each rank exemplification on prosodic features, such as stress, segmental lengthening and shortening, pitch ascending and descending, tone, TONE, syllable and tone accordance, and rhyming, etc. are presented in detail for the elastration of the three meta-functions. For example, r-ization and stress (of words) are meaning and word class distinctive in ideational function, revealing our construing of experience and the logical relationship of the grammatical units. Sentence stress and segmental lengthening together can suggest the semantically emphasized information in speech, revealing the information focus of the conversation. Besides, sentence stress is closely related to information structure. Rhyming, syllabic accordance and tone accordance contribute to the cohesion and coherence of discourse, and help to achieve rhetorical effects. And finally, a three-dimensional rank-function-delicacy diagram, and a system-functional matrix of the phonological stratum in Chinese are concluded with the system as the foundation and the function as motive, which is a tentative empirical study of systemic functional phonology. This thesis is concluded by a brief summary of the findings, implications of the current research, and some prospects for future research.
引文
1 The word "phoneme" was first used by A. Dufriche-Desgenettes in 1873. referring to a speech sound. and then Baudouin de Courtenay and Mikolaj Habdank Kruszewski coined the term "fonema" to refer to an abstract sound as the basic unit of psychophonetics.
2 For linguists who analyze phonological systems wholly in terms of the phonemes, phonemics is coextensive with phonology. Retrieved March 5.2011. from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/663261/phonemics.
3 Phonemes which are neutralized are called archiphonemes.(Trubetzkoy.1936/1969:243)
(?)"y-prosodie":yotization-prosodic. refers to the prosodic feature of being from of tongue raised to front, lips spread. For example:in the character "点" /tj i(?)214/,/tj/is the yotized /t/. (cf. Halliday,1992:315:Firth,1937/1957:80)
(?) "a-prosodic" refers to the prosodic feature of being tongue lowered. lips open. For example. in the character“他”/thA55./th/and/A/are both tongue lowered and lips open.
(?)"w-prosodic":labio-velariztion-prosodic. refers to the prosodic feature of being back of tongue raised to back. lips rounded. For example. in the character "杜"/tw u5(?)/,/tw/ is the labio-velarization of /t/. (cf. Halliday,1992:315:Firth. 1937/1957:80)
(?)Emerged character (heyinzi2合音字) refers to the character which is emerged from two separate morphemes with each one having one syllable due to the historical changes. resulting in a mono-syllabic character with two morphemes. For example. huar (花儿) is a emerged character from hua (花) and er (儿). (Wang,1999:279)
(?) Characters (字, or Hanzi) refers to a logogram used in written Chinese. which is monosyllabic.
Mora is a term used to describe the length of segments. (Carr.2008:103). The mora in prosodic morphology has a dual function. First. it represents the contrast between light and heavy syllables:a light syllable has one mora while a heavy syllable has two. Second. the mora counts as a phonological position and thus represents the contrast between long and short segments. Skeletal tier is a tier between the tier of syllables and segments and is composed of moras. A long vowel is connected with two moras in the skeletal tier and a short vowel is connected with one mora in the skeletal tier. (McCarthy & Prince,1986:74:Hayes,1989:254) (?) Examples 1 to 3 are adopted from Huang Borong and Liao Xudong (2002:127)
(?)The classification is based on Huang Borong & Liao Xudong (2002:128)
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2 For linguists who analyze phonological systems wholly in terms of the phonemes, phonemics is coextensive with phonology. Retrieved March 5.2011. from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/663261/phonemics.
3 Phonemes which are neutralized are called archiphonemes.(Trubetzkoy.1936/1969:243)
(?)"y-prosodie":yotization-prosodic. refers to the prosodic feature of being from of tongue raised to front, lips spread. For example:in the character "点" /tj i(?)214/,/tj/is the yotized /t/. (cf. Halliday,1992:315:Firth,1937/1957:80)
(?) "a-prosodic" refers to the prosodic feature of being tongue lowered. lips open. For example. in the character“他”/thA55./th/and/A/are both tongue lowered and lips open.
(?)"w-prosodic":labio-velariztion-prosodic. refers to the prosodic feature of being back of tongue raised to back. lips rounded. For example. in the character "杜"/tw u5(?)/,/tw/ is the labio-velarization of /t/. (cf. Halliday,1992:315:Firth. 1937/1957:80)
(?)Emerged character (heyinzi2合音字) refers to the character which is emerged from two separate morphemes with each one having one syllable due to the historical changes. resulting in a mono-syllabic character with two morphemes. For example. huar (花儿) is a emerged character from hua (花) and er (儿). (Wang,1999:279)
(?) Characters (字, or Hanzi) refers to a logogram used in written Chinese. which is monosyllabic.
Mora is a term used to describe the length of segments. (Carr.2008:103). The mora in prosodic morphology has a dual function. First. it represents the contrast between light and heavy syllables:a light syllable has one mora while a heavy syllable has two. Second. the mora counts as a phonological position and thus represents the contrast between long and short segments. Skeletal tier is a tier between the tier of syllables and segments and is composed of moras. A long vowel is connected with two moras in the skeletal tier and a short vowel is connected with one mora in the skeletal tier. (McCarthy & Prince,1986:74:Hayes,1989:254) (?) Examples 1 to 3 are adopted from Huang Borong and Liao Xudong (2002:127)
(?)The classification is based on Huang Borong & Liao Xudong (2002:128)
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