法律、管制与声誉约束
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摘要
本文在三分法的基础上,建立了一个分析中国转型期契约治理机制作用失衡的框架。不同的契约治理机制有特定的作用对象,而各自作用的后果又相互具有传导性。一般意义上的最优的契约治理机制是不存在的。就单一的某一种契约治理机制来看,都有不完美的地方,因此,一个经济中的契约治理机制的平衡和协调对契约利益的实现具有重要意义。并且,契约治理所嵌入的制度环境至关重要,它决定了中国转型期契约治理种种异于发达市场经济国家之处。
     西方学者通常对契约治理机制采用两分法,因为在发达的市场经济国家中,契约的治理主要基于法律,而以声誉机制为基础的私人治理作为其有效补充,政府行为被包括在法律的框架下;而中国在转型期,契约治理机制的作用处于失衡状态,表现在:政府拥有过多的权力,在不少情况下,政府过度管制常常挤出声誉机制或者使得声誉机制的作用扭曲,这样反过来又会使得政府认为需要加强对微观经济的管制;政府过度管制同时会导致法律体系的边缘化,而没有一个强有力的法律体系,政府权力得不到应有的约束,就会促使管制权力膨胀;最后,法律的边缘化使得法律无法支撑非人格化交易,从而声誉机制被局限于关系型交易,无法向非人格化交易扩展,人们对法律的规避与不信任无形中增大了法律实施的成本,也从负面影响法律体系质量的提高,增加法律改革的成本。
     本文认为,中国这样的转型经济面临的真正挑战来自于契约治理。从以局部声誉约束为基础的关系治理向以法律为基础的规则治理的转变注定是一个艰难的过程。相比于将视角局限于私人治理,法律体系或政府管制三者中的一者或两者而言,探索政府、法庭和经济人在独特的制度背景下进行良性互动的契约治理模式对中国的转型经济更具有现实意义。
This article comes up with a frame based on trichotomy to analyze the disbalance among contract governance mechanisms during China's economic transition. Contract governance mechanisms function differently with inevitable imperfections. Therefore, there is no perfect contract governance mechanism in general, which implies that the balance and coordination between different mechanisms are of great importance in realizing contract benefit.
     The institutional context that contract governance is embedded in is crucial for understanding the variations between advanced market economies and China's transitional economy. Western economists usually apply dichotomy to the research on contract governance, which is justified by the fact that in mature market economies, contract governance is dominated by legal system while private enforcement based on reputational constraint serves as an effective supplement and government regulation strictly complies with legal rules. Whereas, the story is quite different in China's economic transition. The government's over-regulation either crosses out reputational mechanism or distorts its function in contract enforcement, which in turn creates the illusion of more needs for micro-regulation from the government; Over-regulation also endangers law independence and impairs its ability to check government's power, which leads to more over-regulation; The marginalization of legal system disables the law to shore up impersonal exchanges, thus further confines reputation mechanism to relational networks without spreading to open markets. Agents' distrust on law increases legal enforcement costs by shunning legal rules.
     To sum up, the toughest challenge confronting China's economic transition comes from contract governance. There is a long way to go to transfer from a relation-based governance to a rule-based governance. Compared with the perspective focused on one or two factors of private governance, law system and government regulation, it's more meaningful to explore ways of positive interactions among government, courts and individual agents in China's unique institutional evolvement.
引文
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    26 同24。
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    31 考特和尤伦在《法和经济学》一书中指出,契约本身的某些不完备是合理的。考虑到实现分配风险和事后分配损失之间的交易成本的差异,那么为了最小化契约的交易成本,当分配风险的成本大于分配损失的成本乘以损失的概率,当事人就应当保留契约的不完备;相反,当分配风险的成本小于分配损失的成本乘以损失的概率,当事人就应通过继续谈判来消除契约的不完备性。
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    34 同上。
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    46 法经济学以贝克尔,斯蒂格勒,波斯纳为代表,新比较经济学以Shleifer,Djankov等人为代表
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    51 Polinsky & Shavell(2000)也有类似的论述。
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    55 同42。
    56 Knack和Keefer的一项实证研究表明,对政府行政权力的限制和司法独立性程度与民众之间信任程度高度正相关,对政府权利的限制每上升一个百分点,信任度上升1.5个百分点;司法独立程度每上升一个百分点,信任度上升8个百分点。(转引自张维迎《产权、政府与信誉》,北京三联书店,2001:13)
    1 《作为制度过程的经济》,这是他继1944年发表《大转变》以后的又一重要论著。
    2 这一思路,与新制度经济学的重要代表人物、经济史学家道格拉斯·诺斯提出的以国家、产权、意识形态为基石的理论之间,有着更浓的联系色彩。诺斯是对卡尔·波拉尼的工作给予重视的一位经济学家。他认为,对于历史上存在的多种多样的组织形式进行研究一直是历史学中的一个主题,但是大多数研究缺乏分析意义,而波拉尼的研究则是例外(诺思,1977)。他在评论波拉尼的《大转变》一书时指出,波拉尼在描述“无管制市场”的分裂效应,强调国家缔造非人格市场,说明降低交易费用的非市场配置方式时,虽然分析含糊不清,但其基本感觉为理论的重建提供了一个思路。当然,诺斯也指出,波拉尼并没有提供一个既能解释产权结构的创立,又能说明集团影响国家方式的国家理论,也没有提供一个意识形态理论(诺斯,1991:202-203)。
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    8 同上。
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    14 霍布斯丛林假说认为在没有国家制度时,每个人都是其他个人的敌人,他想尽办法偷抢人家的财产,也想尽办法不被别人偷抢,在这种没有国家制度的条件下,大量资源被用于从事偷抢和防止被偷抢的活动,因此生产活动不可能发达起来,而偷抢在结成人群的团体之间发生时,就是战争。
    15 诺斯就指出,意识形态是一种重要的制度安排。
    16 林毅夫认为,制度变迁的方式有两种,一种是诱致性制度变迁,指的是现行制度安排的变更或替代,或者是新制度安排的创造,它由个人或一群(个)人,在响应获利机会时自发倡导、组织和实行;一种是强制性制度变迁,由政府命令和法律引入和实行(林毅夫.关于制度变迁的经济学理论:诱致性变迁与强制性变迁[C]//陈昕.财产权利与制度变迁——产权学派与新制度学派译文集.上海:三联书店,2002.)而正式制度按形成途径的不同,可以分成两类:一类是适应非正式制度的要求出现,后经过制度制定者确认的正式制度,称之为“诱致性变迁型”的正式制度;另一类是人们有意识地设计并创造出来的行为规则,称之为“强制性变迁型”的正式制度。
    17 崔万田,周晔馨.正式制度与非正式制度的关系探析[J].教学与研究,2006,(8):42-48.
    18 Shuhe Li.. Relation-based versus Rule-based Governance: An Explanation of the East Asian Miracle and Asian Crisis[R]. Paper presented at the American Economic Association Annual Meeting in New York, 1999.
    19 Randall Peerenboom. China's Long March toward Rule of Law [M]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002: 6.
    20 关系型治理的基本机制是声誉机制,根据“无名氏定理”(folk theorem),长期博弈的情况下,经济中一定会产生多重均衡,所以协调问题变得非常重要,协调问题越重要,社会规范和政府(在挑选有效的均衡方面)所发挥的作用也就越大。但是随着经济的发展,市场分工深化,关系型合约就会向正式的合约过度,这时候多重均衡就不再是问题,经济交易中更容易出现唯一的均衡。
    21 如果说随着分工的扩展和市场向纵深发展,规则治理将取代关系治理,无疑是意味着契约治理所嵌入的制度是同向演进的,而目前并没有充分的证据和历史经验表明所有的制度会向一个方向演进,因为制度如果是同向演进的,不仅意味着正式制度的趋同,同时也意味着非正式制度(如社会规范、信仰与价值观等)也要变得标准化,这显然是不可能的
    22 Shaoming Li. The Governance Environment and International Business: Frictions between Rule-based and Relation-based Societies and the Strategic and Policy Implications [J]. Journal of National Development Studies, 2004, 4(1):83-120.
    23 川岛武宜.现代化与法[M].北京:中国政法大学出版社,1994:48.
    24 Shaoming Li, Seung Ho Park & Shuhe Li.. The Great Leap forward: The Transition from Relation-based to Rule-based Governance [J]. Organizational Dynamics, 2004,33(1): 63-78.
    25 Shaomin Li, L. Filer. Governance Environment and Mode of Investment [R]. Academy of International Business Annual Meeting, July 10-13, 2004.
    26 卢现祥,朱巧玲.论发展中国家的制度移植及其绩效问题[J].福建论坛·人文社会科学版,2004,(4):18-22.
    27 以正式制度安排为例,制度供给成本至少包括:规划设计、组织实施的费用;清除旧制度的费用;消除制度变革阻力的费用;制度变革及其变迁造成的损失;实施成本;随机成本等。
    28 托尔斯腾·贝克,罗斯·莱文.法律制度与金融发展[J].比较,2006,(22):105.
    29 同26。
    30 陈志昂.比较经济学的新发展[N].经济学消息报,2003-04-25.
    31 参见Djankov, McLeish, Nenova和Shleifer(2003); La Porta 等(1999)。
    32 Casey B. Mulligan, Andrei Shleifer. The Extent of the Market and the Supply of Regulation [J]. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2005,120(4): 1445-1473.
    33 Simeon Djankov, Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes and Andrei Shleifer. The Regulation of Entry, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2002, 117(1):1-37.
    34 S.詹科夫等.新比较经济学[J].比较,2002(10):20.
    1 甄志宏.制度、组织与经济绩效[J].吉林大学社会科学学报,2005,(6):80-85.
    2 罗拥华.制度的弱式评判与正式制度变迁[J].延安大学学报,2005,27(6):71-75.
    3 张小博、孙蕾.制度移植与改革困境:中国市场化改革路径与模式解析[J].现代经济探讨,2005,(6):13-16.
    4 同2
    5 梁漱溟.梁漱溟学术论著自选集[M].北京:北京师范大学出版社,1992.
    6 崔万田,周晔馨.正式制度与非正式制度的关系探析[J].教学与研究,2006,(8):42-48.
    7 费孝通.乡土中国[M].北京:三联书店,2004:26.
    8 关于西方学者的自我检讨,参见马塞勒等:文化与自我:东西方人的透视,浙江人民出版社,1988。
    9 金耀基.关系和网络的建构:一个社会学的诠释[c]∥金耀基.金耀基自选集.上海:上海教育出版社,2002.
    10 费孝通.乡土中国[M].北京:三联书店,2004:23.
    11 汪和建.自我行动的逻辑——理解“新传统主义”与中国单位组织的真实的社会建构[J].社会,2006,26(3):24-45.
    12 廖达琪,许家豪.总统扩权现象的探讨——一个中西“法治”思想比较的观点[J].国家政策论坛,2002,2(2):29-38.
    13 中文翻译“法治”很难准确掌握rule of law的意义,常与rule by law混淆,在英文中,两者有清楚的区分,有关两者的区分可以参见Hayek(1960):Barnett(1998);Peerenboom(2004);Unger(1976);Dworkin(1986)。
    14 廖达琪.“人治”传承的威权掌握——台湾宪政发展过程中领导精英角色的初探(1950-), http://political.foxpro.com.tw/teacher-detaill.htm, 2005-09-24.
    15 胡亮,罗昌瀚.“潜规则”演进的博弈论解释[J].当代财经,2005,(6):10-14.
    16 同6
    17 K.茨威格特,H.克茨.比较法总论[M].北京:法律出版社,2003:54.
    18 耿利航.法律移植与管制[D].北京:中国政法大学,2004.
    19 日本的法律移植是一个例外,总的来说,日本的法律移植是比较成功的。通常认为日本国民具有的非亲缘协作心理、功利主义的思维方式、危机意识以及文化天然的开放性是日本能成功移植西方近代法律的主要原因,这实际上也印证了正式制度与非正式制度融合的重要性。
    20 参见Tadelis(1999,2001)。
    21 这种隐性契约也可以看作非市场契约,其主要特征是以行政调拨为主,而市场契约是以市场价格为协调机制。
    22 张军.中央计划经济下的产权和制度变迁理论[C]∥盛洪.中国的过渡经济学,上海:上海三联书店、上海人民出版社,1994:209-229.
    23 J.Lin. Collectivization and China's Agricultural Crisis in 1959-1961[J]. The Journal of Political Economy, 1990, 98(6):1228-1252.
    24 张军.制度、组织与中国的经济改革[M].上海:上海财经大学出版社,2004:119.
    25 同上
    26 W.布鲁斯,K.拉斯基.从马克思到市场:社会主义对经济体制的求索[M].上海:上海三联书店、上海人民出版社,1998:63.
    27 郑成良.法律、契约与市场[J].吉林大学社会科学学报,1994,(4):27-32.
    28 梅因.古代法[M]..北京::商务印书馆,1996:45.
    29 曲秀君,王松涛.论从身份到契约的转变.http://www.dastu.com/2004/10-2/14199.html,2004-10-02.
    30 同27。
    31 张军.社会主义的政府与企业:从“退出”角度的分析[J].经济研究,1994,(9):72-80.
    32 Scott E. Masten. Contractual Choice[R]. Working paper prepared for the Encyclopedia of Law & Economics, 1998.
    33 Mary Shirley, Lixin Colin Xu. Empirical Effects of Performance Contracts: Evidence from China. The World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No.1919, 1998.
    34 李新春.转型时期的混合式契约制度与多重交易成本[J].学术研究,2000,(10):5-13.
    35 Victor P. Goldberg. Regulation and Administered Contracts[J]. The Bell Journal of Economics, 1976,7(2): 426-448.
    36 同18。
    37 卢福财,何炜.论中国传统关系网络对外部网络的影响[J].当代财经,2005,(2):71-74.
    38 张朝孝.基于交易代理的信誉缺失根源与对策探析[J].商业研究,2006,(17):78-81.
    1 自由化、私有化与稳定化是“华盛顿共识”的要素。“华盛顿共识”曾经是拉美、东欧和前苏联经济转轨国家在转型初期一致接受的政策模式。这种共识认为迅速的贸易与金融自由化以及经济私有化措施的有机结合,将克服不发达国家和转轨国家的经济停滞状态并将引发经济的持续增长,是一种典型的经济自由主义共识。该共识由于忽视了转型经济中制度的重要性以及对路径依赖等问题缺乏深刻认识而受到很多经济学家的批评。
    2 Shleifer将“专制”(dictatorship)定义为政府和官员损害私人当事人利益的风险,如谋杀、征税和破坏产权等。
    3 Andrei Shleifer. Understanding Regulation [J]. European Financial Management, 2005, 11: 439-451.
    4 严格讲,转型经济中,相对于立法机关而言,管制性行政主体的立法活动只能称为“准立法”或“委任立法”,在性质上仍然是行政行为。
    5 陈富良.利益集团博弈与管制均衡.http://www.xingzhengfa.com/Articlc_Show2.asp? ArticlelD=506&ArticlePage=5, 2006-05-21.
    6 Kevin M. Murphy, Andrei Shleifer, Robert W. Vishny. Why Is Rent-Seeking So Costly to Growth? [J]. The American Economic Review, 1993, 83: 409-414.
    7 Kathryn Hendley, Peter Murrell, Randi Ryterman. Law, Relationships and Private Enforcement: Transactional Strategies of Russian Enterprises[J]. Europe-Asia Studies, 2000, 52:627-656.
    8 田国强.中国乡镇企业的产权结构及其改革[J].经济研究,1995,(3):35-39.
    9 这种资源同样具有其他资源的竞争性和稀缺性的特征。
    10 本模型参考了沈创业、吕春晓的相关研究,参见沈创业、吕春晓:政府管制对企业信誉策略的影响分析[J].商业研究,2003,(23):77-80.
    11 张维迎.信息、信任与法律[M].北京:三联书店,2003:18.
    12 乔尔·赫尔曼,丹尼尔·考夫曼.解决转轨国家中的政府俘获问题[J].比较,2002,(5):46-52.
    13 参见Warren(2001).
    14 Yoram Barzel. ATheory of the State: Economic Rights, Legal Rights and the Scope of the State [R]. Mimeo, Department of Economics, University of Washington, 1998.
    15 参见杨小凯(1999)。
    16 参见诺斯(1995)。
    17 尽管从严格意义上讲原始契约很难被称为“契约”。
    18 Simon Johnson, Daniel Kanfmann, et al.. The Unofficial Economy in Transition [J].Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 2006,1997(2):159-239.
    19 王永钦,石磊.声誉租金、社会信任结构与家族制企业[J].学术月刊,2004,(9):31-37.
    20 蔡皋琦.协会、制衡与政府信誉[J].经济评论,2004,(1):110-113.
    21 余晖等.行业协会及其在中国的发展:理论与案例[M].北京:经济管理出版社,2002.
    22 王满仓,苏子微.政府与行业协会关系的错位与纠正[J].生产力研究,2005,(1):96-101.
    23 道格拉斯·诺斯.制度、制度变迁与经济绩效[M].上海三联书店,1994:75.
    24 Yoram Barzel. The State and the Diversity of Third Party Enforcement [R]. St.Louis: Washington University, 1998.
    25 同上。
    26 收费高达4天2400元。
    27 同23。
    28 这两个问题在某种意义上是一体的,因为没有产权的有效保护,就没有私人的自由签约权。
    29 苏力.道路通向城市:转轨中国的法治[M].北京:法律出版社,2004:31.
    30 苏力.法治及其本土资源[M].北京:中国政法大学出版社,1996:13.
    31 Debin Ma. Growth, Institutions and Knowledge, a Review and Reflection on the Historiography of 18-20th Century China, Australia Economic History Review, 2004, 44-3.
    32 Andrei Shleifer, Robert W. Vishny. The Grabbing Hand—Government Pathologies and Their Cures [M]. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998.
    33 Bernard Black, Reinier Kraakman, Anna Tarassova. Russian Privatization and Corporate Governance: What Went Wrong? [J]. Stanford Law Review, 2000, 52(6):1731-801.
    34 Karla Hoff, Joseph E. Stiglitz. After the Big Bang? Obstacles to the Emergence of the Rule of Law in Post-Communist Societies [J]. The American Economic Review, 2004, 94:755.
    35 参见Stephen Holmes(2002)。
    36 Karla Hoff, Joseph E. Stiglitz. The Creation of the Rule of Law and the Legitimacy of Property Rights: the Political and Economic Consequences of a Corrupt Privatization, NBER Working Paper 11772, 2005.
    37 托尔斯腾·贝克,罗斯·莱文.法律制度与金融发展[J].比较,2006,(22):107.
    38 参见Posner,Bailey和Rubin(1994)。
    39 参见LLSV(1999)。
    40 托尔斯腾·贝克,罗斯·莱文.法律制度与金融发展[J].比较,2006,(22):109.
    41 同36。
    42 萧功秦.中国转型期地方庇荫网形成的制度因素[J].文史哲,2005,(3):131-136.
    43 丁际刚,张建华.第三方利益的相关性与司法执行障碍[J].中国经济评论,2002,2(1):31-40.
    44 Federico Varese. The Russian Mafia: Private Protection in a New Market Economy[R]. Working Paper, 2001:53.
    45 Michael Trebilcock, Jing Leng. The Role of Formal Contract Law and Enforcement in Economic Development[R]. Working paper, April 10, 2006.
    46 Kenneth W. Dam. The Judiciary and Economic Development[R]. University of Chicago Law & Economics, Olin Working Paper No.287, 2006.
    47 同43。
    48 Dani Rodrik. In Search of Prosperity: Analytical Narratives on Economic Growth[M]. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2003: 22.
    49 Daniel Klerman. Legal Infrastructure, Judicial Independence, and Economic Development[R]. USC Legal Studies Research Paper No.CO6-1, 2006.
    50 孙早,刘靠柱.声誉约束、国家强制与企业的交易行为[J].经济社会体制比较,2005,(4):37-45.
    51 该表采用五级评分法,将有关问题中的五个选项按语义由强(如:完全同意)到弱(如:完全不同意)进行排序,并依次赋值5分、4分、3分、2分合1分,加权平均后算得企业对当地政府和工商机构行为和效能评价的得分。
    52 经验观察表明如此,当然还需要进一步的实证支持。
    1 “二元观”思维将政府与市场、国家与社会、外部规则与内部规则之间的关系作了理想化、绝对化的理解,这种非此即彼的思维方式由于缺乏“法律多元主义”的比较制度分析视野,在对待国家治理转型问题上很可能在“专制”和“无序”之间失去平衡,从而缺乏制度建设意义。
    2 国家治理常常被分为人治、法治和德治(礼治)或“神治”等几种模式,而现实中往往是这几种模式的混合形式。它们的不同比例构成不同的国家治理结构,正是其结构在某种程度上决定了秩序治理的效率和经济绩效。人治、法治和德治中的任何一种模式,都不可能一劳永逸是最优的,各种治理模式都有其发挥作用的历史条件:在不同的条件下,治理成本不尽相同。对于现代社会秩序治理来说,不在于选择某一种模式的治理形式,而在于选择这几种模式的最优结构,使其能够优化互补。在理论上,应该存在一个动态的最优治理结构。
    3 Jonathan R. Hay, Andrei Shleifer, Robert W.Vishny. Toward a Theory of Legal Reform [J]. European Economic Review, 1996, 40:559-567.
    4 Jonathan R. Hay. Law without Enforcement: The Case of Russia[R]. Harvard University, 1994.
    5 周沂林.从中国司法现实到英国普通法历史.http://www.dffy.com/faxuejieti/zh/200406/20040607161013.htm.2004-06-07.
    6 刘世定.嵌入性与关系合同[R].北京大学社会学人类学研究所工作论文,1999.
    7 Randall Peerenboom. Social Networks, Rule of Law and Economic Growth in China: The Elusive Pursuit of the Right Combination of Private and Public Ordering [J]. Global Economic Review, 2002, 31(2): 1-31.
    8 张建伟.国家转型与治理的法律多元主义分析——中、俄转轨秩序的比较法律经济学[J].法学研究,2005,5:96-109.
    9 S.詹科夫,E.格莱泽等.新比较经济学[J].比较,2003,10:9-36.
    10 桑本谦.私人之间的监控与惩罚[D].山东:山东大学,2005.
    11 陈志武.法院如何介入证券监管.http://www.caijing.com.cn/econout/other/2002-05-20/5363.shtml 2002-05-20, 2002-05-20.
    12 La Porta, Rafael, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, Andrei Shleifer and Robert Vishny. Law and Finance [J]. Journal of Political Economy, 1998, 106(6): 1113-1155.
    13 同10。
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