从争贡之役到设立巡抚:明嘉靖年间浙江海防改革
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摘要
以往学界对争贡之役的研究,主要关注其对中日朝贡贸易的影响,而对是役与明朝海防改革的关系缺乏探讨。争贡之役后,明朝有两种海防改革方案:一是由都御史督理浙江全省军务,二是由市舶太监兼职提督海道。最终选取了第二种方案。浙江巡抚之设有防范日本贡使作乱的目的。首任巡抚朱纨借由便宜处置权,主持对日交涉,中央礼部处理外交事务的权力部分下放至地方巡抚。
In the past,research on Ningbo Conflict(宁波事件)mainly focused on its influence on the SinoJapanese tribute trade,but no discussion on the relationship between the case and the Ming Dynasty's coastal defense reform.After the conflict of the tribute,there were two kinds of coastal defense reforms in the Ming Dynasty.One was to supervise the military affairs of Zhejiang Province by censors,and the other was to admit coastal defense controlled by the municipal eunuch.Finally,the second option was chosen.The setting of the governor of Zhejiang Province served for the purpose of preventing Japanese envoys' riot.The first governor,Zhu Wan(朱纨),presided over the negotiations with Japanese envoys through the right of free disposal,and the power of the central department Li Bu to handle foreign affairs was delegated to the local governor.
In the past,research on Ningbo Conflict(宁波事件)mainly focused on its influence on the SinoJapanese tribute trade,but no discussion on the relationship between the case and the Ming Dynasty's coastal defense reform.After the conflict of the tribute,there were two kinds of coastal defense reforms in the Ming Dynasty.One was to supervise the military affairs of Zhejiang Province by censors,and the other was to admit coastal defense controlled by the municipal eunuch.Finally,the second option was chosen.The setting of the governor of Zhejiang Province served for the purpose of preventing Japanese envoys' riot.The first governor,Zhu Wan(朱纨),presided over the negotiations with Japanese envoys through the right of free disposal,and the power of the central department Li Bu to handle foreign affairs was delegated to the local governor.
引文
[1] 明世宗实录[M].台北:“中央研究院”历史语言研究所影印本,1962.
[2] 严从简.殊域周咨录:卷2[M].北京:中华书局,1993.
[3] 王世贞.弇州史料前集:卷15:中官考[M]//四库禁毁书丛刊:史部第48册.北京:北京出版社,2000:671.
[4] 明孝宗实录:卷2[M]//成化二十三年九月壬寅.台北:“中央研究院”历史语言研究所影印本,1962:11.
[5] 明史[M].北京:中华书局,1974.
[6] 沈德符.万历野获编:卷6[M].北京:中华书局,1959:167.
[7] 策彦周良.初渡集[M]//大日本佛教全书:第166册.东京:佛书刊行会,1980.
[8] 谷应泰.明史纪事本末:卷55[M].北京:中华书局,1977:846.
[9] 夏燮.明通鉴:卷59[M].北京:中华书局,2013:2290-2291.
[10] 朱纨.甓余杂集[M]//四库存目丛书·集部:第78册.济南:齐鲁书社,1996.
[11] 明宪宗实录:卷67[M]//成化五年五月辛丑.台北:“中央研究院”历史语言研究所影印本,1962:1347.
[12] 南宫奏议:卷30:议处日本朝贡事宜[M]//续修四库全书:第476册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:499.
[13] 牧田諦亮.策彦入明記の研究(上册)[M].东京:法藏馆,1955:89.
(1)不少史籍有洪武、永乐朝已设置备倭都司和海道副使的说法,其实这些说法都产生于嘉靖以后,对照太祖太宗两朝实录,可知这些说法不实。参看宋烜.明代浙江巡海副使、备倭都司、备倭把总设置考[J].中国史研究,2016(4):147-160.
(2)《明史纪事本末》中杨九泽误作“陈九德”。
(1)相关研究参看[日]小叶田淳.日支通交貿易史の研究[M].东京:刀江书院,1941:129-158.程彩霞.明中叶“争贡之役”透视[J].江苏社会科学,1992(2):82-86.樊树志.“倭寇”新论——以“嘉靖大倭寇”为中心[J].复旦学报(社会科学版),2000(1):37-46.[日]桥本雄.中世日本の国際関係[M].东京:吉川弘文馆,2005:第5章.李金明.明朝对日本贸易政策的演变[J].福建论坛.2007(2):68-73.徐永杰.宁波争贡事件再探讨[J].历史教学(高校版),2008(22):64-69.童杰.从明日勘合贸易的历史进程看“宁波争贡事件”[J].宁波大学学报(人文科学版),2013(6):68-72.
[2] 严从简.殊域周咨录:卷2[M].北京:中华书局,1993.
[3] 王世贞.弇州史料前集:卷15:中官考[M]//四库禁毁书丛刊:史部第48册.北京:北京出版社,2000:671.
[4] 明孝宗实录:卷2[M]//成化二十三年九月壬寅.台北:“中央研究院”历史语言研究所影印本,1962:11.
[5] 明史[M].北京:中华书局,1974.
[6] 沈德符.万历野获编:卷6[M].北京:中华书局,1959:167.
[7] 策彦周良.初渡集[M]//大日本佛教全书:第166册.东京:佛书刊行会,1980.
[8] 谷应泰.明史纪事本末:卷55[M].北京:中华书局,1977:846.
[9] 夏燮.明通鉴:卷59[M].北京:中华书局,2013:2290-2291.
[10] 朱纨.甓余杂集[M]//四库存目丛书·集部:第78册.济南:齐鲁书社,1996.
[11] 明宪宗实录:卷67[M]//成化五年五月辛丑.台北:“中央研究院”历史语言研究所影印本,1962:1347.
[12] 南宫奏议:卷30:议处日本朝贡事宜[M]//续修四库全书:第476册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:499.
[13] 牧田諦亮.策彦入明記の研究(上册)[M].东京:法藏馆,1955:89.
(1)不少史籍有洪武、永乐朝已设置备倭都司和海道副使的说法,其实这些说法都产生于嘉靖以后,对照太祖太宗两朝实录,可知这些说法不实。参看宋烜.明代浙江巡海副使、备倭都司、备倭把总设置考[J].中国史研究,2016(4):147-160.
(2)《明史纪事本末》中杨九泽误作“陈九德”。
(1)相关研究参看[日]小叶田淳.日支通交貿易史の研究[M].东京:刀江书院,1941:129-158.程彩霞.明中叶“争贡之役”透视[J].江苏社会科学,1992(2):82-86.樊树志.“倭寇”新论——以“嘉靖大倭寇”为中心[J].复旦学报(社会科学版),2000(1):37-46.[日]桥本雄.中世日本の国際関係[M].东京:吉川弘文馆,2005:第5章.李金明.明朝对日本贸易政策的演变[J].福建论坛.2007(2):68-73.徐永杰.宁波争贡事件再探讨[J].历史教学(高校版),2008(22):64-69.童杰.从明日勘合贸易的历史进程看“宁波争贡事件”[J].宁波大学学报(人文科学版),2013(6):68-72.