《尚书·西伯戡黎》“我生不有命在天”辨正
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摘要
我们准确理解"我生不有命在天",必须将其置于《西伯戡黎》的语境中,其中"天曷不降威?大命不挚,今王其如台"的语义考证是前提。"天曷不降威"是祖伊转述民之言;"大命不挚,今王其如台"是祖伊之言。"我生不有命在天"表现出纣对天命的极端自信,这是传统经史的主流理解,但一直未有确切的文献学依据。在"我生不有命在天"一语中,"不"并非否定副词,而是无实义的发声词,此语语义实为"我生有命在天",是商纣针对祖伊"大命不挚"一语而发。《西伯戡黎》文本中商纣一味迷信"命""天"的形象,是周人在天命观的影响下塑造的,是西周早期以其特有的观念反思商亡教训的结果。
If we wanted to understand " My Destiny in Heaven" accurately,we must place it in texts of XI BO KAN LI. " Why didn't Heaven bring down his majesty? Destiny was far away from us. what should we do?" was the premise of research. " Why didn't Heaven bring down his majesty" was Zuyi's reporting the words of the people. " Destiny was far away from us. what should we do?" was the words of Zuyi. " My Destiny in Heaven" showed King Zhou of Shang' s extreme confidence in destiny. This was the mainstream understanding of traditional classics,but there had been no definite documentary basis. The sentence of " My Destiny in Heaven" was aimed at " Destiny was far away from us". The image of King Zhou of Shang blindly believing in "Destiny" and " Heaven" in the text of XI BO KAN LI was shaped by Zhou people under the influence of the concept of destiny. It was the product of the early Western Zhou Dynasty's Rethinking the lessons of the downfall of the Shang Dynasty.
If we wanted to understand " My Destiny in Heaven" accurately,we must place it in texts of XI BO KAN LI. " Why didn't Heaven bring down his majesty? Destiny was far away from us. what should we do?" was the premise of research. " Why didn't Heaven bring down his majesty" was Zuyi's reporting the words of the people. " Destiny was far away from us. what should we do?" was the words of Zuyi. " My Destiny in Heaven" showed King Zhou of Shang' s extreme confidence in destiny. This was the mainstream understanding of traditional classics,but there had been no definite documentary basis. The sentence of " My Destiny in Heaven" was aimed at " Destiny was far away from us". The image of King Zhou of Shang blindly believing in "Destiny" and " Heaven" in the text of XI BO KAN LI was shaped by Zhou people under the influence of the concept of destiny. It was the product of the early Western Zhou Dynasty's Rethinking the lessons of the downfall of the Shang Dynasty.
引文
[1]马其昶.韩昌黎文集校注[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1986.
[2]范祖禹.唐鉴[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[3]魏裔介.兼济堂文集[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[4]王保国.《西伯戡黎》新解[J].殷都学刊,2003,(4):25.
[5]王刚.《尚书·西伯戡黎》“我生不有命在天”新诠[J].殷都学刊,2011,(4):8.
[6]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,2013.
[7]易宁.论《史记》释《尚书·西伯戡黎》[J].史学史研究,2001,(2):5-13.
[8]孔安国,孔颖达.尚书正义[M]∥阮元校刻.十三经注疏(附校勘记).北京:中华书局,1980.
[9]陈经.陈氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[10]蔡沉.书集传[M].北京:中华书局,2018.
[11]史浩.尚书讲义[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[12]夏僎.夏氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[13]朱祖义.尚书句解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[14]金履祥.资治通鉴前编[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[15]钱时.融堂书解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[16]陈第.尚书疏衍[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[17]曾运乾.尚书正读[M].北京:中华书局,1964.
[18]周秉钧.尚书易解[M].上海:华东师范大学出版社,2010.
[19]王引之.经义述闻[M].清道光刻本.
[20]王鸣盛.尚书后案[M].清乾隆四十五年礼堂刻本.
[21]段玉裁.古文尚书撰异[M].清乾隆道光间段氏刻经韵楼丛书本.
[22]劭京起.“其如台”解[J].辽宁师大学报:社会科学版,1984,(2):82-83.
[23]于省吾.双剑誃尚书新证·双剑誃诗经新证·双剑誃易经新证[M].北京:中华书局,2009.
[24]顾颉刚,刘起釪.尚书校释译论[M].北京:中华书局,2005.
[25]黄怀信.尚书正义[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2007.
[26]胡铨.澹庵文集[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[27]吕祖谦.增修东莱书说[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[28]吴澄.书纂言[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[29]黄伦.尚书精义[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[30]孙星衍.尚书今古文注疏[M].北京:中华书局,1986.
[31]胡士行.胡氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[32]吕祖谦.左氏博议[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[33]张英.书经衷论[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[34]黄汝成.日知录集释[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2006.
[35]郑玄,孔颖达.礼记正义[M]∥阮元校刻.十三经注疏(附校勘记).北京:中华书局,1980.
[36]杨伯峻,何乐士.古汉语语法及其发展(修订本)[M].北京:语文出版社,2001.
[37]王国维.观堂集林(附别集)[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[38]晁福林.论殷代神权[J].中国社会科学,1990,(1):99.
[39]白立超,赵虹波.商末周初宗教与治理思想变迁新论[J].西北大学学报:哲学社会科学版,2016,(5):23-28.
(1)此句中对“既”的解释也是有一些争议的。俞樾、杨树达均认为此处当作推度之辞,是“将”的意思,今从之。
(1)翟灏在《尔雅补郭》中也提到“不,《诗》《书》及古金石文多通丕。丕,大也”(翟灏:《尔雅补郭》卷下,清咫进斋丛书本)。但是王引之认为“不”皆发声也,字或作丕。笔者认为王说为优。
[2]范祖禹.唐鉴[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[3]魏裔介.兼济堂文集[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[4]王保国.《西伯戡黎》新解[J].殷都学刊,2003,(4):25.
[5]王刚.《尚书·西伯戡黎》“我生不有命在天”新诠[J].殷都学刊,2011,(4):8.
[6]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,2013.
[7]易宁.论《史记》释《尚书·西伯戡黎》[J].史学史研究,2001,(2):5-13.
[8]孔安国,孔颖达.尚书正义[M]∥阮元校刻.十三经注疏(附校勘记).北京:中华书局,1980.
[9]陈经.陈氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[10]蔡沉.书集传[M].北京:中华书局,2018.
[11]史浩.尚书讲义[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[12]夏僎.夏氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[13]朱祖义.尚书句解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[14]金履祥.资治通鉴前编[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[15]钱时.融堂书解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[16]陈第.尚书疏衍[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[17]曾运乾.尚书正读[M].北京:中华书局,1964.
[18]周秉钧.尚书易解[M].上海:华东师范大学出版社,2010.
[19]王引之.经义述闻[M].清道光刻本.
[20]王鸣盛.尚书后案[M].清乾隆四十五年礼堂刻本.
[21]段玉裁.古文尚书撰异[M].清乾隆道光间段氏刻经韵楼丛书本.
[22]劭京起.“其如台”解[J].辽宁师大学报:社会科学版,1984,(2):82-83.
[23]于省吾.双剑誃尚书新证·双剑誃诗经新证·双剑誃易经新证[M].北京:中华书局,2009.
[24]顾颉刚,刘起釪.尚书校释译论[M].北京:中华书局,2005.
[25]黄怀信.尚书正义[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2007.
[26]胡铨.澹庵文集[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[27]吕祖谦.增修东莱书说[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[28]吴澄.书纂言[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[29]黄伦.尚书精义[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[30]孙星衍.尚书今古文注疏[M].北京:中华书局,1986.
[31]胡士行.胡氏尚书详解[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[32]吕祖谦.左氏博议[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[33]张英.书经衷论[M].文渊阁四库全书.
[34]黄汝成.日知录集释[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2006.
[35]郑玄,孔颖达.礼记正义[M]∥阮元校刻.十三经注疏(附校勘记).北京:中华书局,1980.
[36]杨伯峻,何乐士.古汉语语法及其发展(修订本)[M].北京:语文出版社,2001.
[37]王国维.观堂集林(附别集)[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[38]晁福林.论殷代神权[J].中国社会科学,1990,(1):99.
[39]白立超,赵虹波.商末周初宗教与治理思想变迁新论[J].西北大学学报:哲学社会科学版,2016,(5):23-28.
(1)此句中对“既”的解释也是有一些争议的。俞樾、杨树达均认为此处当作推度之辞,是“将”的意思,今从之。
(1)翟灏在《尔雅补郭》中也提到“不,《诗》《书》及古金石文多通丕。丕,大也”(翟灏:《尔雅补郭》卷下,清咫进斋丛书本)。但是王引之认为“不”皆发声也,字或作丕。笔者认为王说为优。