Agentivity drives real-time pronoun resolution: Evidence from German er and der
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文摘
We investigate resolution of personal and demonstrative pronouns in German. Visual world eye tracking data reveal discrete resolution preferences. In unmarked antecedent clauses, agentivity is a better predictor than subjecthood. In marked clauses, conflicting prominence scales hamper resolution preferences. Contra the single-factor account and in favor of the multi-factor account.
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